North Carolina Newspapers

I . I I I . "" - III .. .. . I ., I . .. .. I HI I . .;. L . - ; - f :i ' l . ; ' 1 r. - i,- AND -1 flfe AGKICULTIIJRAIL AMB MTEMAfe INTEILILIOEMCEIIR, LIBERTY. ...THE CONSTITUTION. . i .UNION. r . . ' i i i v 1 t . " . ". 1 . . 4 i 5 v PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY BY THOMAS WATSONi At three dollars per annum-payable in advance. BY AUTHORITY. LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PASSED AT THE SECOND SESSION OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS. N ACT to ascertain and mark iXhp line be tween the State of Alabama and the Territo ry of Florida, and the Northern boundary of the State of Illinois, and for other pur- - po.ses. - 'i - Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of Ame rica in Congress assembled, That the Presi dent of the United Statebe, and he is hereby, -5iith6rized to cause to be run and marked the boundary line between the State of Alabama and the Territory ot Florida, on the thirty -nrst dcoreeof north latitude; arid it shall be the duty of: the- Surveyor General bf.FIprida.to connect! the public surveys on both sides with the line so run and marked. Sec. :2. And be it further enacted, That, patents shall be issued for such tracts of land ns were sold and paiO for at the land office at Tallahassetin the Territory of Florida, as are found to be situate withih the limits of the dis trict of lands subject to sale at Sparta, in Ala bama, agreeably to the terms of the act, orga nising that district; and the said entries and sales shall be as valid, in. every respect, as if they had been made in the land district of Ala bama. , . . j ; Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States' is hereby autho rised to cause the Surveyor General of the United States for' the States of Illinois and Mis souri, and the Territory of Arkansas, to act as a Commissioner on the part of the United Slates whenever he shall be duly informed that the Government of the State of Illinois shall have appointed a Commissioner on its part, the two, to form a board, to ascertain survey and mark the northern line of the State of Illmois, as defined in the act of Congress, entitled " An act to enable the' people of the Illinois Terri tory to form a Constitution and State Govern ment, &c. " passed .it he eighteenth of April, one thousand eight hundred and eighteen ; and, in case of vacancy in said office of Com missioner, or of his being unable to aet from any, cause, the President is authorized to fill Mich vacancy by the appointment of some other qualified person, wheneverit may be necessary, until the object of the commission sjiall be attained. i Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the said Board, of Commissioners shall have power to employ the necessary surveyors and laborers, alid shall meet at such time and place as may he agreed upon by the President of the United States and the Government of the State of Illinois, and proceed to ascertain, survey and mark the said Northern line of the State of Illinois; and report their proceedings to Jhe President of the United States, and the Gover nor of the State of Illinois. ' -: Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the . rresidenCmay allow to the saidsCommissjoner of the United States, such compensation for Ins services as shall seem to him reasonable: 'Provided, it does not exceed the allowance - by nhe State of Illinois to the Commissioner Mi its part; and the said allowance, together Svith one half of the necessary expenses of said board,, and the surveyors I and laborers, and the allowance to be made: to the Surveyor General of the State of Alabama and the Ter ritory of Florida, arid the necessary expenses incurred by them in running and marking said line between said State and Territory, shall be paid from trie Treasury of the United States, out of any money not otherwise appropriated ; And, to enable the President to carry this act into effect, there is hereby appropriated the Him of two thousand dollars. . -u ANDREW STEVENSON, - -2: : Speaker of the House of Representatives ioHN C. CALHOUN. - . President of the Senate. Approved, March 2, 1831. " ANDREW JACKSON. AN ACT, to regulate the foreign and coasting . ... trade on the Northern, Northeastern, and Northwestern frontiers of the. United 8tates, and for other purposes., Be it enacted by the Senate and House of KepresentaHves oj the United States of Ame rica in Congress, assembled. That from and after the first day of April next, no custom house fees shall be levied or collected on any ran, ..hat, boat, or vessel oi the United States, entering otherwise than by sea, at any . port of tne United States on the rivers and lakes on our Northern, Northeastern, and Northwestern irontier-s. ' Sec. V. And be it, furthet enacted. That, from and after the first day of Aprii next, the same and no higher tonnage duties and custom house charges of any kind shall be, levied and collected by any, British colonial raft. flat. baot. or vessel, entering otherwise than by sea, at any port of the United States on the rivers and lakes on our Northern, Northeastern, and Northweastern frontiers, than may be levied and collected ion anv rait, flat, boat or vpssnl entering otherwise than by sea at any of the ports ot the British possessions on our Nor thern. Northeastern, and Northwestern fron iers : antl that, from and after the first day of April next, no higher discriminating duty shal be levied or collected on merchandise impor ted into the United States into ports aforesaid and otherwise than bv sea, than may be levied and collected oil merchandise when imported in like manner otherwise than by sea, into the untisn possessions on our Northern,- North i eastern, and Northwestern frontiers from the ' United States. I Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That from ana, alter the passage of this act, any boat United States, orthern, North- navigating the waters on our eastern, and Northwestern frontiers, otherwise than by sea, shall be enrolled) and licensed in such form as may be prescribed by the Se cretary of the Treasury ; which enrolment and license shall authorize any such boat, sloop, or other vessel to be employed either in the coasting or foreign trade ; and no certificate of registry shall be required for vessels so em ployed on said frontiers : Provided, that such boat, sloop, or vessel, shall be, in every other respect liable to the rules, regulations, ?and penalties, now in force relating to registered vessels on our Northern, Northeastern, and Northwestern frontiers. ... Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That, t in lieu of the fees, emoluments, salaries, and com missions, now allowed by law-to any collector or surveyor of any district onl our Northern, Northeastern, and Northwestern lakes and rivers, each collector or surveyor as aforesaid, shall receive, annually, in full compensation for these services, an amount equal to the entire compensation received by such officer during the past year. Approved, March 2, 1831. . AN ACT declaratory of the law concerning contempts; of court Beit enacted by the Senate and House of Repre sentatives of the United States of America in Con gress asse7nbled, That the powr of the sev eral courts of the United States to issue attach ments and inflict summary punishments for contempts of court, shall not be construed to extend to anv cases except the misbehavior of any person or persons in the presence of the said courts, or so near thereto as to obstruct the administrition of justice, the misbehavior of any of the officers of the said courts; in their official transactions, and the disobedience or resistance by any officer of the said courts, party, juror witness or other person or persons, to any law ful writ, process, order, rule, decree, or com mand of the said courts. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That if any person or persons shall, corruptly, or by threats or force, endeavor to influence, intimi date, or impede any juror, witness, or officer, in any court of the United States, in the discharge of his duty, or shall, corruptly, or by threats or brce, obstruct or impede, or endeavor to ob-1 struct or impede, the due administration of jus tice therein,! every person, or persons, so of fending, shallbe liable to prosecution therefore, by indictment, and shall, on conviction there- ore, be punished, by fine not exceeding five hundred dollars, or by imprisonment, not ex ceeding three months, or both, according to the nature and agforravation of the oliencc. Approved, March, 2,1831. . AN ACT to repeal the act to establish the dis trict of Blakely. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of Ame- i i 7 mi . .1 nca in uonsrress assemotea, mat tne act entitled "An act to establish the district of Blakely," approved the seventeenth day of April eighteen hundred and twenty-two, be, and the same is hereby, repealed. Approved, March 2, 1831. FromHhe Richmond Enquirer. Letter to , containing- some General reflections on the present state of Parties. My Dear Sir It is with great pleasure, but no little diffidence, that I enter on the task in which you have engaged me. To one, much reflecting as I have been, on the subject of this correspondence, the present state of parties in this country, it cannot but prove a mingled benefit and delight to hold Communion with a mind like yours, fired with the love of truth and filled with the treasures of "loner study, w often conference, long experience, and contin ual observation." I am afraid, however that in this barter of opinions, the benefit will be alto-. gether upon one side ; but I shall at least be even with you in the quantity, however defi cient in the quality of the commodities which I have to offer. As our minds are ripe and ready for the essence and burthen of this dis cussion, let us plunge at once, in medias res. Every man at all conversant with political affairs in this country, who reads with the eye of a Statesman the aspects of the times, cannot hesitate to pronounce, that the elements of dis cord and danger are in fearful agitation, and that an exigency is rapidly approaching, in which it will be essential to the safety of us all, that every patriot, abandoning all objects of mi nor imnort. and relinquishinsr all motives of selfish conduct, should give himself up heart, soul, mind and body, for this season of strife and 'peril, to the great cause of the country and the Constitution. In this alarming and agita ted state of affairs, what line of conduct and policy does it behove us, as honest men and enlightened patriots, to pursue, for the preser vation of our best-interests and most sacred principles ? Shall we join the Opposition, or adhere to the Administration I What, what is to be, done ? The question is in every man's mouth.- the answer, in nobody's. Let us en deavour to find for ourselves a satisfactory re ply, by penetrating into the causes of the com motions which at present agitate the country: Felix dtti votuit rcrum cognoscere causas. We must not be content to play with the bubbles- that float upon the surface; but we must -strive to go down to the depths and sources of thess outer waters, to detect the true principle inai taints and troubles them. r Although the Federal Constitution is yet in its youth, it cannot be pretended that it is also in iae vigor and purity and beauty oi mat .peri od of life. The prdsrress even of this new Gov eminent,, has exhibited marks and traces of the natural arid inevitable tendency of all human things to corruption and decay; It is a morti fying arid melancholy truth, of which a false pride might prompt, I butHrue patriotism will not permit, the suppression. A principal proof sloop, lor other vessel, of the; of this bad tendency in our institutions is tabe found in the fact, that the Presidential Election is the only question that can create j political divisions, or awaken the interest and attention t)f the people. From the foundation of the Government, this evil has been growing in magnitude ; and has now risen to such a pitch that at stated periods, it sweeps over the coun try with irresistible fury, like a pestilent peri odical hurricane, demolishing, the boundaries arid land-marks of party, and stiring into dread ful agitation all tie worst elements of human nature. Parties are indispensable to the pre servation of free institutions ; for to suppress all diversity of opinion,' and collision of argu ment among men, would be but to put an end to tlje; great march and progress of the world towafjds perfection. Whenever the sentiment shall become general that that which is, is best the world will be forever at a stand. The salutary agitations of party' spring out of the diversity of men's opinions, as to the frame of Government and the method of its adminis tration, which are best calculated to promote the public happiness. In these cases, the gene ral welfare is the object of them all, and the difference only arises as to the best means of accomplishing it. I take the definition of a political pariy, as contra-distinguished from a mere faction, to be this : A number : of men, who agree among themselves, both in the end to be pursued, and the means to be employed, in reference to political subjects the former being the public good, the latter the particular principles and measures which they advocate. But a faction is a number of men associated together on bad principles, and for bad purpo ses, who, while they Claim in general to be the peculiar and exclusive patriots, are aiming only at the gratification of their own bad pas sions, and the advancement of their own pri vate interests. All legitimate political parties, therefore, have at least one principle of agree ment the pursuit of the same end,, the public good whilst there may be found in one coun try, at one time, a thousand factions without any one principle of action common to any one of them. -1 find, however, that my reflec tions on this head are running into length, and will only add in this place, that party is the cradle of truth, "whilst faction is tlie grave of liberty. I Two parties have existed in all ages and countries, one, in the main striving to increase, the other to diminish the powers of Govern ment. The (first class has, in the general, been composed of men of a sanguine temperament, who look at the world and its affairs in the best aspect, and in whom, the hope of good is a feeling prevailing over the fear of evil; whilst, in the ranks of the other party, on the side of the power of the Government are to be found, for the most part, the men of a colder temper, of a jealous and melancholy disposition, and who have no strong feeling of the dignity of human nature, and no exalted estimate ofman's capacity for self-government and self-improvement. Some men, from their mental consti tution, are more inclined to consider the re straints of Government as evils to be tolerated only on account of the ultimate benefits they produce, whilst others are disposed to deem every infringement of natural liberty, a positive good. The interpretation of the Federal Con- stitution, has been the great foundation ot the political controversies and party distinctions of this country. The Federalists have con tended for a loose and latitudiribus construc tion, so as 'to augment the powers of, Govern ment; whilst the Kepublicans advocated a lit eral interpretation, to narrow the sphere of Federal action. It seems to me that the old federlists are to be recognized, at this day, in the friends of the American system, and the oia itepuoiicans in the friends pf State Rights. Virginia has been always the proud and distinguished leader of this latter party. Her illustrious- statesmen detected very early the fatal tendency of the Federal Government, to transcend the limits of its authority, and to assume the residuary powr ers of the states and of the people ; and the monument of her undying glory is to be found in the bold and consistent measures she has adopted, to arrest the progress of this evil. It has always seemed to me, that this single and obvious consideration should at once de termine, in favor of the residuary claimants, every question of reasonable doubt, in regard to the powers of the Federal Government : if the power has not been delegated, and ought to be, it is an easy thing, to bestow it, and it will instantly be done ; but if the power has been delegated, and ought not to have been, it will be found a hard task to wrest it Irom the grasp of that mighty Government. Nulla ves tigia retrorsum, &lc- Let us bear these things perpetually in mind, in discussing the measures to be pursued in the present juncture. As these principles have heretofore determined, they still will direct our course. With per sonal predilections and antipathies, in the ca pacity of patriots and statesmen, we have no earthly concern. It is not for us to deduce , principles from their contemplated bearing and efficiency in pulling down, or putting up an administration; but it is our bounden and in dispensable duty to oppose or support any man or set of men, no matter who they be, or whence they; come, as, all the circumstances of the cases considered, may be dictated by a re gard to the great cause of the Constitution, and the country. It never can be too deeply la mented, that the too prevalent method of rea soning with the politicians of the day is di rectly the reverse of this. The cause of some favorite leader is espoused, and all or any doc trines seized upon and advocated, that may contribute to hi elevation. The Presidential election, is the first and the last, the alpha and omega, the beginning and the end of the poli tics of this day. Instead of being agitated by political parties, our country is torn into pieces bv presidential factions. It becomes us, if possible, to bear up against the mighty current of the times. It is the love of Craterus, not that of Hephestion, that should animate the bosom of a patriot. We love our country and its institutions, and we love no man, but (for the reason, and) in the degree, that he contri butes to the prosperity of the one, and the perpetuity of the other. With a clear and strong sense of this pre valent vice of the times, let us come more cosfY to tne matter in hand ; and in order the better to determine our future course in regard to the administration, let us take a brief view of the reasonings which led us originally to its support. On the election of the younger Adams, Vir ginia stood in an attitude of perfect neutrality. one nau not coniriDUtea to bring him into power, nor naa she supported in that contest, his most formidable opponent. 1X1 we therefore, prepared to judge of his were, measures hihi ao iiiuvii lineal tiaiiiy as is ttlLalllclDie 111 such affairs. We were not permitted long to occupy this neutral position. The infatuation and folly of that man, (the second Adams,) surpassed all human understanding; It is neeedless, however, at this time, to enlarge on this head. Suffice it to say, that so soon as we perceived him to stretch forth his arm to bring within his constitutional sphere, the whole range of contested powers which the Federalists had claimed and the Republicans disputed aburbc condito ;lwe threw our weight into the scale of opposition and overthrew that most dangerous politician. It was not enough, however, to oppose him ; it wis indispensible to go one step further, and give our support to the only riian in the nation who could by pos sibility , prove a successful opponent Thus were we led, in the beginning, to the support of the present Chief Magistrate. The extrava gant and alarming assumptions of constitu tional power for the Federal Government, was with the State Rights' party, the main question on which the opposition to the second Adams hinged. We recognized in him the true lineal descendant, and genuine political-disciple of his father. We sa w; or thought we saw, that they were actuated by a common spirit ; that they contemplated the accomplishment of the same objects, and that they deserved equally the reprobation of every lover of his country and of the free and moderate spirit of her in stitutions. . The powerful ally.and prime mi nister of this visionary statesman, was known or believed to hold the opinions and maintain the principles of his master; and his succes sion to the Presidency was foreseen to depend on the firm establishment in power of the ad ministration which he had contributed so large ly to bring into office, and of which he was himself a principal and leading member. The motive, by which we were then actuated, was not simply to put down the dangerous politi cian who filled the first office in the nation, but it was to cut off forever, a long line and succession of Presidents, of which Adams was the first, and Clay was to have been the second in the series, who had avowed principles (and actually endeavoured to bring them into prac tice,) which we deemed of fatal tendency to the existence of the constitution arid the wel fare of the country. The nominal head and leader of this party has been effectually, and it is hoped and be lieved irretrievably, overthrown. The seal of destiny is upon him, and he will go down to posterity as a statesman, discarded bf a nation whose government he procured against their J will, ana as a politician unable to maintain himself, with all the power and patronage of the Government in his hands. As regards him, therefore, our object was fully accomplished, and the danger is completely over. But there is yet another and a greater , far in tlie field, who still maintains himself against the world,and marches steadily on, with firm step and fixed vision, to the accomplishment of his grand de sign. He has experienced a " stumpy road" however, so far on his progress towards By zantium. Having made one King, whom the people had unmade ; it was his design, in the. next place, to be King himself. And it is this part of the scheme, still on foot, still pursued with the most obstinate and invincible perseve rance, which it behoves us now to counteract and defeat. We are urged to this course by every consideration which made it expedient and proper to pull down the administration of the second Adams. It is most manifest, without any multiplication of words or arguments to prove it, that the election of Clay would be but another restoration of the same Federal dy nasty that has been twice overthrown and ex pelled from the? public councils; as incompe tent and unfit agents to administer the govern ment of a free people and a limited Constitu tion. To prevent this calamity," should be the principal and prime object of every man, who considers the prosperity and well-being of the States as the great end and aim of all our poli tics, and the Federal Union as the means and instrument whereby these great benefits are to be wrought who deems that a strict and lite ral construction of the Federal compact is in dispensable to restrain the General Govern ment within the sphere of its legitimate action; wno aeems that a latitudmary and loose inter pretation tends inevitably to the total subver sion of the whole scheme of our double sys tem, in which the State authorities, though of mmicu icrrnunai jurisdiction, are tne original and primary establishments, and the Federal only subordinate and auxiliary. It is our most sacred duty to do every thing in our power to arrest, at all events to inter rupt, whenever we can, the tendency and drift of the administration of our federal affairs which threatens to disturb and destroy the utility and beauty of the. whole structure. If all logical deduction be not empty and fallacious, if all moral obligation be not vain and nugatory, we, the honest advocates of these doctrines, who believeHhat the perpetua tion of good irovernmem in mis . country de pends mainly upon their general inculcation and practical operation, can do nothing which can contribute td strengthen that man, or to weaken the party that oppose him ; How stands the, at tne present junc ture ? Wrho are the caates that gtand forh for the Presidency? It is attthis moment, a plain matter of fact, about -which viere cannot be two opinions, that Andrew Jackson &MHen ry Clay are alone before the nation in that aw, tude. One or the other of thesfe two must be elected. The assumption of this fact is the foundation of all my reasoning on this head ; and it surely does not admit of dispute. The reasons which determine our preference of Jacpon over. Adams, apply with augmented force when the choice is to be made between Jackson and Clay. Adams was the nominal, but Clay the real and efficient head of the Ad ministration which they composed. In the profligate and pernicious doctrines of theAme rican System, Adamsrwas but his pupil and his disciple'; and his election to the Presidency, which God of his infinite goodness and mercy avert! would prove undoubtedly the restora tion of the same party, and the identical prin ciples which so lately fell before the indignant reprobation of the American people. And the expulsion of that party from the management of our affairs has-actually realized the beneficial consequences which we the State Rights party of Virginia anticipated from the change. We had no reason to ex pect and did not expect, when we supported the election of Gen. Jackson, that he would fling himself into our arms, and yield himself up to our guidance. But we did hope, and in that hope we have riot been disappointed, that the election of Gen. Jackson would break into pieces the unnatural coalition Which had brought Adams into power, and on the continuance .of which, depended Mr. C's. only hopes of the succssion ; that in the constitutional struggle which we have long been, and it is to be feared shall long be waging,, against the loose and latitudihary constructionists, we should not have to encounter the whole force and weight of the Executive Department;-that Gen. Jackson, if he did not cheer and animate us by his avowed support and open countenance, would at least stand by, the mediator of the quarrelj and t moderator of the extravagance and fury of o opponents, We expected to accomplish least two principal benefits, to say nothing minor considerations, the one direct and imme-, diate, a reformation in the administration of the Government itself, the other somewhat indi rect and more remote, to gain an advantage oyer the powerful party with whom we have been so long contending on great questions of State policy and constitutional interpreta tion. These things, iu some degree, by tjie blessing of Providence have, actually come to pass ; and it is for us, for the people of Virginia, now to determine, whether they are prepared so far as in them lies, 'to fling away these pal pable and real benefits, by the abandonment of the Administration, and rush into fresh agina tions and perilous adventures, with the hojxe of obtaining an Administration in perfect har mony with our views, which it is vain to hope, because it is impossible to achieve. , 'We halve at this moment, in my estimation, ah Adminis tration as nearly upon our principles, as it is possible to procure, with the csupport of a ma jority of the people of the U. estates, in the present state of public opinion. It is most ; manifest, ( that the administration has made some advances and approximation towards us, perhaps, as great as was deemed practicable, considering the powerful tendency -which they must have experienced in the contrary direc- tion, out of that regard which it was indispen sible to pay to the. opposite and conflicting opinions of a great portion 6f the party .-Suppose for a moment, we could elect to-morrow, a Virginia President, determined to put inprac tice our State Right doctrines. His first veto upon a bill to protect manufactures, would put an end to his Administration. He could hot possibly get on. This thing then, is not to be expected, is hardly to he desired. It should not be our Quixotic aim to get the President in upon our principles, but one under whom our principles, may be pushed forward and propagated through the country. We must work upon the public opinion, and get a majority: of the nation on our side, or it never can be possible, it would hardly be desi rable, to get a President of our way of thinking. If, however, in the present state of parties, we should accomplish the miracle of bringing to the throne a man after our own hearts, we should hut elevate him o-day, 'be; pulled down tomorrow, in shame and sorrdw to him. and. utter ruin to ourselves. There would come upon us too inevitably, after such a com vulsion, a tremendous re-action, the mischiefof which it is not within the power of the human mind to estimate. All that we can hope to achieve, all that we should aim at, is to keep out the worst administration, and to keep r in the least bad. Perfect good, in this regard, as we understand it, is not now attainable Great good, however, ive may do, and may yet enjoy the tranquility and peace of the country, the preservation of the Union, of these states the national existence of this mighty confe deracy wherein the last and best hopes of mankind are garnered up. wherein the liber ties of the human race are deposited for safe keeping To perpetuate these things has been; and should, and will be, our aim ; and the means we have hitherto employed are still within our reach. We must operate on the public mind, in the condition in which we find it, and with the instruments which God and nature have put4n our power. Can we hope, at this time, by a forcible expulsion of the men in place, to compass hot merely a change, but a reforma tion of the Federal Administration? That is the question! which every wise and good man must answer in the, affirmative, before he can embark in the perilous and hopeless enterpme ofbringing to the Presidency at the next elec tion, the greatagitator of the South. We can- , not hoPegto accomplish this purpose, and we. have no assurance that good would come pf t, if accomplished. Yours truly. '-! 1., f .1 s. r.