.1: . . .- - f- -i rt " , 1 'ri:;M"':r i 1 mm AND fEWBEBM' COMMEMCIAIL, AGMICUILTUMAiL AMD 1LITEMARY IMTEIL LIBERTY.;. .THE CONSTITUTION.. ..UNION. ' ; i I BY THOMAS WATSON. At three dollars per annum payable in advance. SPEECH OF MR. WEBSTER, UPON THE TARIFF, ; Delivered in the House of Representative of the . United States, April, 1824. 1. 1 f Mr. Chairman I will avail myself of the present occasion to make some remarks oil certain principles y and opinions which have been recently advanced, and on those considerations which, in my judgment, ought to govern us in deciding upon the several arid respective parts of this very important and complex measure. I can truly say that this is a painful duty. I deeply regret. the necessity, which is like to be im posed upon mei, 6f giving a. general affirmative or ne gative vote on the whole of the bill. I canno but think this mode of proceeding liable to great objec tions. , It exposes both those who support, and those who bppope, the measure, tp very unjust and injurious ' rnfeappreherisions. There' may be good reasons for Mayouring some of the provisions' of the bill, and equally strong reasons for opposing others ; u.nd t$ese provisions do not stand to each other in the relation " of principle and incident. If that were the case, ' those who are in favor of the principle might forego their opinions upon incidental and . subordinate provi sions. But the bilrproposcs enactments entirely dis 1 tinct, and different from one another, in character and tendency. S6me of its clauses are intended merely for revenue ; and, of those which regard the ; protec tion of home manufactures, one part standaipon very different grounds from those of other" parts. So that rTrobaoly every gentleman who may ultimately sup . .. port the bill will vole for jnuch which his judgment does not approve ; and those who oppose it will op pose something which they would very gladly support Being entrusted with the interests of a district highly commercial, and deeply interested in trianu " factures also, I wish to 6tate my opinions on the pre sent measure: not as on a whole, for it has no entire mud homogeneous character, but an on a collection of diffc'rerit enactments, some of which meet my appro bation, and some of which do not. . And allow me, sir, in the first place, tostatemy re gret, if indeed I ought not to express a warmer, sen timent, at the iranies, or designations, which Mr. Speaker has seen fit to adopt, for the purpose of des cribing the advocates and pppbsers of the present bill. It is a; question, lie says, between the friends of an " American policy," and those of a " foreign poli cy." This, sir, is an assumption which I take the iilWty most directly to deny. Mr. Speaker certainly mtended nothing invidious or derogatory to any part 0? the House by this mode of denominating friends aiid'enemies. But there is power in names, and this manner of distinguishing those who favor and those who oppose particular measures, may lead to infe T"Srences1to which no member ofjthe House can sub ;;:nit. It may imply that there is more exclusive and peculiar 'regard to American interests in one class of opinions than in another. Suck ah implication is to ks resisted and repelled. Every member has a right zeal asTuriy other member. I claim this in my own ,as,; and, while I shall not, for any purpose of de- i mv dntv by others be hot against the will of those who adopt ihem, made to produce a -false impression. Indeed, sir, it is a little astonishing, if it seemed convenient to Mr. Speaker, Jbr the purposes lof distinction, to make use of terms ".American policy " and " foreign ni;,r u't.A oVmiitvi xnft'hjitf nnnlinrl thpm in n JAJUVJT , UiUl 1U w t f-- ... which he Tina in fact used them. If names are thought necessaryj it would be well enough, one would think, that the r.ovrvo ahA ht ?n Knmp iTip.Ti?ure. descnntive of the Dituuiu -... ... j 1 - i MrJ Sneaker3enominate3 the Dolicv which he recommends " a new policy in this coun- lfs of the nresent measure as a tie w era in our legislation; since he professes to in- ' vite us to depart from our accustomed course, to in- struct oursel ves by the wisdom of others, and to adopt the policy of the most distinguished foreign States, little .nrinuQ to know with whatDronrietv of enrh thia imitntinn of othpr nations is denominated an " American policy," while,.on the contrary, a pre- nhlihed Hvstera. aa it now tuallv exists, and always has existed, is called a " lb- rroigii policy." This favorite American policy is what Americ: lerica has 'never tried, and this odious foreign what as we are told, foreign States have policy is never pursued. Sir that is the truest American po- 1 icy which shall most usefully 1 employ American ca- pital. and.American tarxr ana oestsusiuiii uie wiioie poDuiition i With me it is a fundamental axiom, it ls'interwoven with all my opinions, tnat tne great in- terests of; the country are united and inseparable; hot Qrfrirnitnrp rhmmrfP nnd manufactures, will WTiptlon,.or convenient arruiigeuicui, xz lki his which a huiuuci ui ciiia lAJjcwici, wo nmy mim. u.l .i jj.tr- nuupuiw ui uiuwuuu, iu iwuc ptipci muLicy-j an a nray" imply any disrespect to other men's opinions, bable estimate of consumption. The average of ele- proof of great existing difficulties. I regard it rather nvich less any imputations of other-men's motives, ven years, from 1790 to 1800, inclusive, wilfbe found a a very productive cause of those difficulties; and if is mv dutv to take care that the use of such terms to be two millions and a half pounds. From 1801 to the committee will not fail to observe, that there is. prosper together or languish together; ana mat all curtailment 01 pront; ana in some pans oi me coun- uuu pan uuac jreupio wuu uavc urea iu uap oj-o-legislation'is dangerous which proposes to benefit one try, it must be admitted, there is a great degree of tem, and tried it to their cost, that the bill receives of these without looking to consequences which may pecuniary embarrassment, arising from the difficulty the most earnest support? And I cannot forbear to V1U b 1 ivy V V-4 VV V w- - - J lull on the others. Po,;n fmm c5, T im KminH tn snvthnt Mr. Speaker beffan liis able and impressive speech at the ' rj . , J:i uumt yJi liiuuii v., x ii itu.n ow"- r ir.. t ha muuinf atnto rtnrt rriyiriirtnn nf rnc rminmi nunniiiru i ;tin rai liiiior - I . r ,i . . l.i I T i tunate, or rather although I am so happy, as to differ trom him very widely in regard to that condition. 1 dissent entirely from the justice of that picture of dis- tr rK;,iWv.o ilwwn I hnvp nnt rppii th real- ity, and 1 know not where it exists. Within my ob- nervation there ia no cause for so gloomy and terrify- mf o r.arr.r,ntinn In rurarttn thf TOonr U.nrr anrl IX ICUllAtllUAUUU. i vvj. b.. AiM Sstntno wiVi tYra nnditinn nf; wnin.n T am. nf cwitw. mrot nvivmtoi th nrocpnf nnnMrs tn mA n nrind of very general prosperity. ' Not indeed, a time for great protits and sudden acquisition; not a day of extraordinary activity and successful speculation. There is, no dubt,! a considerable depression of prices, and, in some degree, a stagnation of busirieis. But the r.ne Presented hv 'Mr SS aeprtssiuit, mui w u.tti-e oi universal, pervauinf, . x i: . i . ' v..-. c c i -t intense aistrciss, uuiiteu to no class, and to no place, we are repicrsoni uuk! very verge ana onnKoi national ruin. So far from acquiescincr in these oDini- ons, I believe there has been no period in which the ge- ncral prosperity was oetter secured, or rested on a more solid foundation. As applicable to the Eastern Statesl I put this remark to their Representatives, and ask took place in Europe, i ! our products, our navigation, ana our xarjor. vyenad them if it is, not true. When hak there been a time We are to consider,! too, that ourj own war created no right to expect that that state ot things would con in rt-hioh ho means of livinri have been more aCiresai. I nom tia-mn A nnA Vr o rrnment exneriditure of tinue alwavs. With the return ol peace, loreign na- ble and more abundant? when has labor been re- warded, I do not say with a larger, but with a more certain success? Profits, indeed, are low; in some pursuits of Ufe. which it is not proposed to benefit, but to Burden, by this bill, very low. But still I am un- acquainted with any proofs of extraordinary distress, hat, indeed, are me general lnaicu-uuiia ui utc owxlc of the country? There is no famine nor pestilence m the land, nor war, nor desolation. There is no writhing under the burden of taxation. The means ui suDsistence are abundant ; ana at tne very mumcui when the miserable condition of the country is as- Berted, it is admitted that the wages of labor are high, iii comparison with those oi anv omer country, a country, thien, enjoying a profound peace, a perfect .v.mA . .1 1 1 a. -ivu noeny, with the means ot suDsistence cneap ana junaant, with the reward oi latwr sure, and its wa ges higher than any where else, cannot be presented in gloom, melancholy, and distress, but by the efforts of extraordinary powers of tragedy. Even ift in judging of this question, we were to regard only those proofs to which we have been re- ferred, we shall probably come to a conclusion some- what different from that which has been drawn. Our exports, for example, although certainly less than in some years, were not, last year, so much below an, average, formed upon the exports of a series of years, and putting those exports at a fixed value, as might be supposed. The exports of agricultural products, of animals, of the products of the forest; of the sea, together with gunpowder, spirits, and sundry unenu- merated articles, amounted, in the several years, to the following sums, viz : -i ' r In 1790 - !-!".-"- $27,716,152 1804 - - j - - 33,842,316 1807 - "j- i - - 38,465,854 Coming up, now, to our own times and taking the exports of the years 1821, 1822, 1823, of the same articlea and products, at the same prices, they stand thus: ; 1 In 1821 - i-' j - - $45,643,175 iK&z 1 - : - - - o,a,u 1823 - ."!-! - - 55,863,491 Mr. Speaker , has tiiken the very extraordinary silver in these Eastern States of Europe. It has year of 1803, and, adding to the exportation of that been stated, that the amount of the precious metals year, what he thinks ought to have been a juBt aug- transmitted to Austria and Russia in that year, was mentation, in proportion to the increase of our popu- at least twenty millions sterling. Other large sums lation, he swells the result to a magnitude, which, were sent to Prussia and to Denmark. The effect of when compared with our: actual exports, would exhi- this sudden drain of specie, felt first at Paris, was bit a grdat deficiency j But is there any justice in communicated to Amsterdam and Hamburg, and all this mode of calculation ? . In the first place, as be- other commercial places in the north of Europe, fore observed, the year 1803 was a year of extraor- The paper system of England had certainly com dinary' exportation. By reference to the account", municated an artificial value to property. It had that of the article of flour, for example, there was an encouraged speculation, and excited over-trading. export that year of 1300,000 barrels; but the very When the shock therefore came, and this violent pres next year it fell to 800,000, and the next year to sure for money acted at the same moment on the 700,000. In the next fjlaee, there never was an v rea- continent and in England, inflated and unnatural son to expect that the increase of our exports of agri- prices could be kept up no longer. A reduction took cultural products, would keep pace with the increase of place, which lias been estimated to have been at least our population. That would be against all experience, equal to a fall of 30, if not 40 per cent. The de It is, indeed, most desirable, that there .should be an pression was universal ; and the change was felt in augmented demand for the products of .agriculture; the United States severely, though hot equally so in but, nevertheless, the official returns of our exports do every part of them. There are those, I am aware, not show that absolute want of all foreign market, who maintain that the events to which I have al- vyhich has been so strongly stated. Iud6d did not cause the great fall of prices; but that But there are other;means by which to judge of the that fall was natural and inevitable, from the previ general condition of the people. The quantity of the ously existing state of things, the abundance of corn means of subsistence consumed ; or, to make use of the modities, and the want of demand. But that would phraseology better suited to the condition of our own only prove that the effect was produced in another people, the quantity of the comforts of life enjoyed, is way, rather than by another cause; If these ereat one of those means. It so happens, indeed, that it is not so easy in . this country, as elsewhere to ascertain facts of this sort, with accuracy. Where most of the articles ol subsistence, and most ot the comiortsot lite tnese new calls tor money, prices could not be kept are taied, there is, of course, great facility in a seer- longer at their unnatural height.! taming, "sfrom official statements, the amount of con- About the time of these foreign events, our own sumption. But, in this country, most fortunately, the bank system underwent a change; and all these government neither knows, nor is concerned to know, causes, in my view of the subject, concurred to pro the annual consumption ; and estimates can only be duce the great shock which took place in our com-, formed, in another mode,, and in reference only to a mercial cities, and through many parts of the coun few articles. Ot these articles, tea is one. It3 use is not quite a luxurv, and yet is something above the augmented in times of prosperity. By deducting the annual export from the annual import, and taking 1812, inclusive, three millions seven hundred thou- saiid; and the average ol the last three years, to wit: 1821, 1822, and 1823, five millions and a half. Hav- ing made a just allowance for the increase of our numbers, we shall still find, I think, from these state- menfcs. that. t.hp.r no'difltre which, has limited our j . . . means of subsistence and eniovment. In forming an opinion of the -degree of general prosperity, we may regard, likewise, the progress of internal lmnrovementsr the investment ol caoital m i . . . i i I roads, bridsres, and canals. All these prove a ba- lance of income over expenditure ; they are evidence that there is a surplus of profits, which the present generation is usefully vesting for the benefit of the next. It cannot be denied Ahat, in this particular, the progress of the country is steady and rapid. We may look, too, to the expenses of education. Are our Colleges deserted ? Do fathers find them- selves les3 able than usual to educate their children? It Avill bo found, I imagine, that the amount paid for and that the schoolaand colleges were never more full man at me present momenr. I may add that the en- dowmeht of public charities, the contributions to ob- jects of general benevolence, whether; foreign or do- mestic, tne mumncence ol maivitiuais towards wnat- ever promises to benefit the community, are all so many piuwiw ui nauuiiatpiuojiitj. nu,uuftiijr, uiwo is no defalcation of revenue, no pressure of taxation. x ne general resmi, uiereiore, 01 a iair eiaramauon of the present condition of things, seems to me to be, that there is a considerable depression of prices, and I . i oi paying aeDta wnicn j were contracxeu wnen prices were lm?h. - With these auahhcations. the creneral state ot the country may be said to be prosperous; I -1.1 . tr i i ? i .l.. 1 -1 P nni tnwfl arp. not Biimr.ipnt to mvc m tne wnn e. ia.ee i r I vt nU... nn.r nnrmnmnna r svanawl riicrrauu i ui auaau any o juwuauw vt Kticu uiouwxj. Supposing the evil, then, to be a depression ol pn- ces, ana a partial pecuniary pressure, tne next in- quiry is into the causes of that evil ; and it appears to me that there are several and. m this respect. 1 think, too much has been imputed, by Mr. Speaker, to the single cause of the diminution of exports. Con- noftori na we nTP WlTTl .ill me CUmiUerCKll IlrlLlOHH Ol I . -w J t i the xvnrc- and having observed crreat chansres to take nleA plaewhere. we should consider whether the cau- ses of those changes have not reached us, and whe mer we are not suttenng oy tne operauou oi mem, in common with others. Undoubtedly, there has been a great fall in the price of all commodities throughout the commercial world, in consequence of the restora- When me Allies entered I . . a ' n .l fnrrt- r,rA F rance in lOi. prices ruse uai.uixiauuixgijf iooi, mm I ... 1 - i. i ! i f : t very hih. Uoloniai proauce, ion mauiirec, m uic ports ot this country, as weu as cukwucic, puug nn nnddenlv fmm the- lowest to the highest extreme, A new and yast demand was created for the com- modities of trade. ' These were tne natural conse- quences of the ?reat pohtical changes which then ft 25.000.000 or ft30.000.000, a year, had the usual effect of enhancing prices. We are obliged to add, that the paper issues of our banks carried the same effect still further. ! A depreciated currency existed in a great part of i the country ; depreciated to such an extent as that, atone time, exchange between the i cenire and the north, was as high as zu per cent. The Bank of the United States was institued to cor- rect this evil; but, for causes which it is not necessary now to enumerate, it' did not for some years, bring oacK me currency of me country to a souna state. This depreciation of; the circulating currency, was so much, ot course, added to the ! nominal prices ot commoaiues. ana tnese prices uiua unnaturally rum, I i . . 1 J 1 1 1 J . I Li 1 n n seemed, to those who looked only at the aprjearance, j to indicate great prosperity, tfot sucn prospeniy is - 1 nior specious than real. It wouia have peen newer, probably, as the shock would have been less, if prices had fallen sooner. At length, however, they fell; and, as there is little doubt that certain events in Europe had an influence in determining the time at which this fall should take place, I will advert shortly to some of the principal of those events, In May, 1819,1 the British House of Commons de- cided by an unanimous vote, that the resumption of casn payments by the Bank of England, should not be deferred beyond the ensuing February. The re- striction had been continued from time to time, and from year to year. Parliament always professing to look to the restoration of a specie currency, whenever it should be found practicable. Haying been, in July, 1818, continued to July, 1819, it was understood that, in the interim, the important question of the time at which cash payments should be resumed, should be finally settled. In the latter part of the year '18, the circulation of the Bank had been greatly reduced, and a severe scarcity of money was felt in the Lon- don market. Such was the state of things in Eng- land. On the continent, other important events took place. The French Indemnity Loan had been nego- tiafed in the summer of 1818, and the proportion of it ueiuuiriug xo Austria, ttussia, ana rrussia, naa oeen Jd. This created an annual demand for gold and and sudden calls for money did not reduce prices, but prices fell, as of themselves, to their natural state, still the result is the same; for we perceive that after try.; 1 ne year loiy was a yearot numerous ladures, and very considerable distress, and would have fur- man exist at present, ior t of our condition which has been presented. Mr. Speaker has alluded to the strong inclination which exists, or has' existed in va- at this moment, much the' loudest complaint of dis- tress precisely where there has been the greatest at- tempt to relieve it by systems of paper credit And, on the other hand, content, prosperity, and happiness, are most observable in those parts of the country, where there has been the least endeavour to ad rai- I4" 1 f I. 1 T 1 1 nister relief by law." In truth, nothing is so banetul. so utterly ruinous to all true industry, as interfering with the legal value of money, or attempting to raise artmciai stanuards to supply its place, fcuen reme- j . . ii .1 -V i dies suit well the spirit of extravagant speculation, but they sap the very foundation of all honest acqui- sition. By weakening the security of property, they take away all motives for exertion. Their effect i3 to transfer property. Whenever a debt is allowed to be r paid by any thing less valuable than the legal currency in respect to which it was contracted, the difference, between the value of the paper given in payment and the legal currency, is precisely so much property taken from one man and given to another,- of protecting industry, let us remember that the first measure for that end, is to secure it in his earnings, to assure it that it shall recei ve its own. Before we invent new modes of raising prices, let us take care mat existing prices are not renuereu wuouy uudvdu- able, by making them capable of being paid m de- ivwaa uw iuiu, deemable paper as the most prominent and deplora- uic wubc w wiwievcr picssauic tn.m cawio m country; and further, I would put the question to the members of this committee, whether it is not from I , m . a , 1 . 1 i asK, lurtucr, wucuicr uiiHupuui uvea nut piuuccui ratner irom a general leennsr 01 uneasiness unuer tne present condition oi tmngs, man irom me ciear per I A ! I U . U . - U U itnnll Ann i ueuiiuii ui a.uv ucucui wiiiuii ure mcaouic luscn van i - T n , I mnrpr I la 1 1 nnr nil PYTlPrT Vk Tlnll IH HI1VHMIM (rf. t .r 1 1 i . .v ..v .. w.... " o tred m a sort ot vague hope, that change may pro- uure reuei t xveui ceruumy precis uaiucst, wunu prices have been longest kept up by artificial means. liieynna me snocK ngntest, wnotaite it soonest; ana I fully believe that, if those parts of the country which now suffer most, had not augmented the force of the I U1UW UV ucreim" it, fctupy nruvuu iiJ v lfc in o. minu lf 1 " ' .V "WIT better condition than they are. We may assure our selves, once tor aJJ, sir, mat mere can be no such thing fas payment of debts by legislation.! We may abolish ueuis uweeu j wemdy uan. ji.vj,, u, ..a. ; and violent laws. But wedeceive both ourselves and our constituents, it we flatter, either ourselves or them, with the hope that there is any relief against whatever pressure exists, but in economy and indus- I t TKn JanMKiinn nt rnja and the Hmcmatinn nt . un" r- - r : I 1 U k In tnith thP nociKsnrv rnanlt nf uuauicsajuavcuccu u j i iutuuBuuiuw. ' " " - r -j and no government can altogether relieve the people from their effect. We had enjoyed a day of extraor- umary prpsperuy, wo y. world was at war, and had found a geat demand for tions would struggle for themselves, and enter into competition with us in me great ODiects ot pursuit, Now, sir, what is i the remedy for existing evils? what is the course of policy suited to our actual con- dition? Certainly iU is inot our wisdom to adopt any system that may be offered to ua wimoutexarmnation, aan m uie - uimu r "-' cy uur condition may improvejtlt is better that we should " Beartnosen we nave, Than fly to others that we know not of." v e arc mwc ; xa a. mutaa aua au aptitude in whatever measures jnay be recommended to reneye me eviis tnai amici us ; ana Detore we aaopi 1 aiip itnf IT 4r lswxl h.l 1 4m W4K 1 r A t a, nysvcm uwi utuiccs u mcuie ktoj aiicitiuwj ing interest of the community, and see how it may probably De ai- tectcd by our propjosjjd legislatwn. And, in the first place, what is the condition of our ( commerce? Here we must clearly perceive, that it 19 not enjoying that rich harvest which fell to its for- J f . i 1 . 1 . . A ' , i I tune during the continuance of the European wars, Dront i?-y, e?resse1' al- umit?a smau dDre o11 11" in 601116 easre fro i(f . uu- i ne shiDnino' interest alo. has suftered tr - o V r, ' 7 I ment, it is that the naviii r u tt.,: i cs i; fshnnU ka oKia -""'siw" w me uuuuu uwws r" wcii. if luiuui iuiv. iij i j low rate of freight, and when we consider, also, that 'ltAhto the councils of this country, expring.eenulnenti , SfSrffiSS? the- whole world; and, in like these, in regard to the existing State of these Eng- m (viuL ' i yet able to maintain lish laws. I have never said, indeed, that prohibito?V: OW tonain the employmentof foreign trade! How, laws did not exist in England ; we aU know they do"; VhLi v fw? and 5lavigators accomplish but the question is, does she owe her prosperity jxnd this? How is it that they are able to meet, and in some happiness to these laws ? 1 venture to say, that such measure overcome, universal competition ? Not,sir,'by is not the opinion of the public men now fn England, protection, and bounties, but by extreme economy by and the continuance of the laws, even without any unshaken perseverance, by that manly and reilute alteration, would not be evidence thatthir opinipn w . spirit which relies on itself to protect itself. These different from what I have represented it ; because the causes alone enable American ships still to keep their laws having existed long, and great interest having element, and show the flag of their, country in dis- been built up on the faith of them, they cannot how tant seaa The rates of insurance may teach ua how be repealed, without greatand overwhelming incon thoroughly our ships are built, and how skilfully and yenience. Because a thing has been wrongly done, salely they are navigated. Risks are taken, as I it does not therefore follow that it can now be undone, learn, from the United States to Liverpool, at 1 per and this h the reason, as I understand it, upon which cent; and from the United States to Canton and exclusion, prohibition." and monopoly, are suffered ta back, as low as 3 per cent. But when we look to the remain in anv u Rnn-lich avRtpmi and tne articles entereing into the composition ot a ship, measures, on all subjects of this kind, with great cau with the exception of wood, are deader here than in tion. , sWe may not be able, but at the hazzard of other countries, we cannot but be utterly surprised, muci injury tcTindividuals hereafter to retrace our that the shipping interest has been able to sustain it- steps. And yet, whatever is extravagant, or,unrca self at all. I need not say that the navigation of sonable, is not likely to endure. There may come a the country is essential to its honor, and it defence, moment of strong reaction ; "and if no moderation be Yet,-instead of proposing benefit for it in this hour of shown in laying on duties, there maybe little scruple its depression, we propose by this measure to lay upon in taking them off. It may here be observed, that it new and heavy burthens. In the discussion, the there is a broad and marked distinction between en other day, of that provision of the bill which proposes tire prohibition and reasonable encouragement) It is to tax tallow for the benefit of the oil merchants and one thing by duties or taxes on foreign articles, to whalemen, we had the pleasure of hearing eloquent awaken a home competition in the production of the eulogiums upon that portion of our shipping employ- same articles ; it is another thing to remove all corn ed in the whale fishery, and strong statements of its petition by a total exclusion of the foreign article ; importance to the public interest. But the same bill and it is quite another thing still, by total prohibition, proposes a severe tax upon that interest, for the bene- to raise at home manufactures tiot suited to the fit pf the iron manufacturer and the hemp grower, climate, the nature of the country, or the state! of the So that the tallow-chandlers and soap boilers are sa- population. These are substantial distinctions, and ennced to the oil merchant, in order that these again although it may not be easy in every case, to deter--may contribute to the manufacturers,, of iron and the mine which of them applies to a given article, yet, growers of hemp If such be the state of our commerce and naviga tion, what is the condition of our home manufactures ? How are they amidst the general depression? Do they need further protection ? and if any, how much? un ail tnese points, we have had much general siaiement, Dut little precise inlormation. In the verv elaborate speech ol Mr. Speaker, we are not supplied with satisfactory grounds of judging in these various particulars. Who can tell from any thing yet before the committee, whether the proposed duty be too high or too low, on any one article? Gentlemen tell us, that they are in favor of domestic industry; so ami. They would give it protection : so would I. But then all domestic industry is not confined to ma- nuiUctures. The employments of agriculture, com- merec, and navigation, are all branches of the same domestic industry; they all furnish employment for American capital, and American labor. And when the question is, whether new duties shall be laid, for the purpose of giving further encouragement to par- ticutar manufactures, every reasonable man must ask himself, both, whether the proposed new encourage- ment be necessarv. and. whether it can he triven 1 without lnmstice to other branches of induat.rv. .! a. i .jU .. 1 1 f 1 1 It is. desirable to know, also, somewhat more dis tinctly, how the proposed means will produce the in tended effect. One grejat object proposed, for exam ple, is, the increase of the home market for the con sumption ot agricultural products. This certainly is much to be desired ; but What OrOVisions Of the Hill are expected wholly or principally to produce this, is not stated. I would not suggest that some increase of the home market may not follow, from the adoption of this Bill, but all its provisions have not an equal wv.icnv y lu puautc mi!? cucui. x iiusc uituiuiaciures which employ most labor, create of course, most de- mand for articles of consumption; and those create least, in the production of which capital and skill en- ter as the chief ingredients of cast. I cannot, air. take c J 7 7 this Bill merely because a committee has recom- mended it. I cannot espouse a side, and fiffht under a flag. I would repel the idea,, that wc must take this law, or pass no law on the subject. What should hinder ua from exereisirig our own judgments upon these provisions, singly and severally ? Who has the Iower to piace us, or wny snouia we place ourselves, jection to protecting duties, which, while they admit in a condition where we cannot give to every mea- ted of the introductions of commodities from nhrnnd sure, that is distinct and separate in' itself, a separate ana uiHimci coasiueration t ir, i presume no mem- placed them so much on a level, as to allow a com ber of the committee will withhold his assent from petition between thei:.." "No axiom" he added, uc uuuiia ngni, umu omers win yieia tneir as- " was more true than this: that it was by growing sent to what they think wrong. There are many what the territory of a country could grow moil things in this bill, : cceptable probably to the general cheaply, and by receiving from other countries what sense of the House.. Why should not these provi- it could not produce except at too great an expense , sions be passed into a law, and others left to be deci- that the greatest degree of happiness was' to be corn did upon their own merits ; as a majority of the House municated to the greatest extent of population." In ' shall see fit? To some of these provisiops, I &m my- assenting to the motion, the first Ministcrf of the self decidedly favorable; to others I liave great objec- Crown expressed his own opinion of the great advan tions; and I eliould have been very glad of anoppor- tage resulting from unrestricted freedom of trade, tunity of giving my own vote distinctly on proi,- Of the soundness of that general principle," he ob tions, which are, in their nature, essentially distinct served, "I can entertain no doubt. I can entertain from one another. ; no doubt of what would have been the great advati- But, sir, before expressing my own opinion upon tages to the civilized world, if the system of unre the.several provisions of this Bill, I will advert for a stricted trade had been acted upon by every nation, moment to some olher general topics. We have from the earliest period of its commercial intercourse heard much of the policy of England, and her exam- with its neighbours. r If to those advantages there pie has been repeatedly urged upon us, as proving, xould have been any exceptions, I am persuaded that not .only the expediency of encouragement and pro- they Would have been but few; and I am klso per tection but of exclusion and direct prohibition also, suaded that the cases, to which they would have re I took occasion the other day to remark, that more ferred, would not have been, in themselves, connec hberal notions were growing prevalent on this sub- ted with me trade and commerce of England, But ject; that me policy of restraints and prohibitions was getting out of reoute, as the trueT nature of com- that a reference to the principle ot unrestricted trade merce became better understood; and that, anions can be of no use, because such a reference may cor public men, those most distinguished, were most d ret erroneous reasoningbut in which it is impossible UUCU 111 exclusion presentation. not be two nmninne O m nil r thrwjo Trh V o A rmam aA. meir reproDation oi me broad principle ol lor us, or any cuumm. VimCu and prohibition. Upon the truth of this re- States of America, toact unreservedly on that.prin- as mnttpr nf feet T mnnnco thor imiU I The commercial regulations oi the kuronerm the progress of pohtical sentiment in other countries, deritly be departed irom. , Having supposed a pro and were acquainted with its present state. In this position to be made to England, by a foreign state, respect, nowever, it would seem, that I was greatly mistaken. We have heard it airaln and aarain de clared, that the English government still adheres, with immovable firmness, to its old doctrines of pro hibition ; that although journalists, theorists, and sci entific writers advance other doctrines, yet the prac tical men, the legislators, the government ol me country, are too wise to follow them- " has even been most sagaciously hinted that the promulgation of liberal opimons on these subjects, is intended only for a delusion upon other nations to caiole them into the folly of hberal ideas, while England retains to herself all the benefits of the admirable old system of Th;hiin We have heard Irom Mr. Speaker a warm commendation of the complex mechanism tf this system. The unusii empire, it is saia, ib, ui the first place, to be protected against the rest of the world ; then jthe British isles against the colonies; next, the idea resoectivelv acrainst each other Rnrrln nt her self, as the heart of the empire, being protected most of alL and against all. c Truly, sir, it appears to xne, that Mr, Speaker's Imagination has seen system, and order, and beauty, intht t,;.i, u ,Moro,i aa th result of IS UlUUli lUUni JUItUV wuoiuwvu ignorance, partiality, or violence This part ef English legation haV resnlteff. tartly from considering Ireland as a conquered conntrr, partly mnirinin nriinn pvon "with Scot and Ply from the narrow views oi colonial reerulation. whir.K in i :r i nAc a " nuu uiuuiuriuou (nHtuu?, wuiucuue uie nturopean sstatea. i And Sir T imnrpina1! iiAtkln. u j !i . ' .1. r T7.i a , , V r . o mcu ui xaiiiujiu niure.singuiariy, man to nna ticntiGiucn kji iuu iwuuuauuu. ail a mnpn wmirnt. m for the same reasou; it will be wise in ua to take our the distinctions themselves exist, and in most caser, will be sufficiently clear to indicate the true course of policy ; and, unless I have greatly mistaken the prevailing sentiment in the councils of England, it grows every day more and more favorable lo the diminution of restrictions, and to the wisdom of leav inrr mnh ( An rt c?v Pprv thinT (Tp tVmt iwnnlrt not be true) to the enterprise and the discretion cf individuals. I should certainly not. have taken up the time of the Committee to state at any length the opinions of other, governments, or of the public men, of other countries, upon a subject like this; but an pc- casional remark made by tne the otherday, having been so directly controverted, especially by Mr. Speaker, in his observations of yesterday, I must take occasion to refer to some proofs of what I have stated. - - ;. . What, then, is the state of English opinion? Every body knows that, after the termination of the late waiy there came a time of great pressure in England. Sinc her example has been quoted, let it be asked in what mode her government sought relief. Did it aim to maintain artificial and unnatural 'prices! Did it maintain' swollen and extra vaornnt nnnpp rirrnlq. . . . . y . ..... tion i Did it carry lurtner tne laws ol prohibition and exclusion ! : Did it draw closer the cords of colo nial restraint ? No, sir, but precisely the reverse. Instead of relying on legislative contrivances and artificial devices it trusted to, the enterprise and in dustryiOf the people, which it seduloHshrjpught to Lt nnt .v imnnsincr restrnlnt hnt Kv rpmnnn it wherever its removable was practicable. In MaA, 1820, the attention of the government having been much turned to the state of foreign trade; a distin- guished member of the House of Peers brought for- ward a parliamentary motion upon mat subiectrlbl lowed by an ample discussion, and a fall statement of his own opinions. In the course of his remarks, he ob- served, " That there ought to be no prohibitory duties, n Rnch for thnt it was 'evident. tht wliom m". , ' V- UiUlIU' facture could not be carried on, or a production raised hnt under the. nrotection of a nmhihitnrv Htv manufacture, or that produce, could not be brouo-ht to market but at a loss. In his opinion, the name of strict prohibition might, therefore, in commerce, be got rid of altogether ; but he did not see the same ob- similar to those which we ourselves ' manufactured. we are now in a situation in wmcn, i wm not say 1 mnrl i have long been established, and cannot end- ior irre uWUI;, aim an unresuic- ted exchange of agricultural products, and of manu- iactuers, he proceeds to observe: "It would be im possible to accede to such a proposition. We 4 have nsen to our present greatness under a different system. Some suppose that we have riBen in consequence of that system; others, of whom I am one, believe that we have risen in spite oj that system. But. which ever of these hypotheses be true, certain it is that we have risen under a different system than that of free and unrestricted trade, i It is utterly imppossible, with our debt and taxation, even if they were but half their existing amount, that we can suddenly adopt the system of free trade." Lord EUenborough, in the same debate, said, "That he attributed the general distress then existing in Europe, to the regu lations that had taken place since the destruction ol the French power. Most of the states on the contH tinent had surrounded themselves as withj walk ot bras to inhibit intercourse witn ouier siates. inters Lord Lanstown. t Lord Livrpipt ; - I" ;J- u : J , ; i .. .. ' ... ! i