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NiBEEM COMMERCIAL;
AKD LETEKAMY IJWEIilLTOENCElft.
LIBERTY.. ..THE CONSTITUTION.. ..UNION.
AGMICU1LTTIJMA3L
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BY THOMAS WATSON.
At three dollars per annum payable; in Advance.
' SPEECH OF MR. WEBSTER,
' ' UPON THE TARIFF,
JJflicered in the liouse of Representatives of the
. United States, April, 1821.
j CONCLUDED.
Qn the general question, sir, allow me to ask if the
doctrine ol prohibition, as a general doctrine, be not
preposterous ? Suppose all nations to act upon it;
they would be prosperous, then according to the ar
gument, precisely in the proportion m which they
- abolished intercourse with one another. The less of j
mutual commerce the better, - upon this hypothesis.
Protection and.encouragetxiient may be, and are,
doubtless, sometimes, wise arid beneficial, if kept with
in proper limi ts'; btit5 when carried to an extravagant
height, or the' point of prohibition, the absurd charac-jj-r
of the system manilcsta itself. Mr. Speaker has
referred to the late Emperor Napoleon, as having at
tempted to naturalize the manufacture of cotton in
r"ranp.e. He did hot cite a more extravagant part of
the. projects of that ruler, that is,; lis attempt to natu
ralise the growth of that plant itself in France ; where
vo have understood that considerable districts in
the .Smith 'of France, and in Italy, of rich and pro
ductive lands-, were at onhtircie withdrawn from profi
lalile usen, and devoted to raising, at great expense,
: liuieLbad cotton Nor have we been referred to the
utternptH, uuiier.the same systeni, to make sugar and i
coitee irom common , culinary yegeiaoies; auempis
which served, to till the print shops of Europe, and to
-hw'.v us how easy is the transition from what some
t;fiiik sublime,1 to that which all admit to be ridiculous.
The lolly of soijrie of these projects has not been sur-
pnjwed, nor hardly equalled, unless it be by the philo-
mher in one of the satires of Sivift, who so long la-
. . . i -i i
Loreu to extract sunoeams irom cneuniDers,
The poverty' and unhappinestj of, Spain have been
ttribured to the want of protection to her own indus-
ti v. 11 ov tins it oe meanr. mat me poverty -oi
v ?Sp;irn is owing to bad government and bad laws, the
feWrk is, in a great measure, just. But these very
hiwri are bad because they are restrictive, partial, 'ami
. prohibitory.- If ".prohibition ".were protection, Spain
' vould seem to have had enough of it. Nothing can
' exceed the barbarous rigidity of iher colonial system,
:-jfr the tolly of her early commercial regulations.
''Unenlightened and bigotted legislation, the multitude
of holydayn, miserable roads, monopolies on the part
sf government, restrictive laws, that ought long since
to have been abrogated, are generally, and I believe
truly, reckoned the principal causes of, the' bad state
of the productive industry of Spain Any partial
, improvement in ier condition, or increase of her pros
. perity, h is been, in all 'cases, the result of relaxation,
u:id ihe abolition of what was intended for favor and
r protection.- j -
In short, sir, the-, general sense of this age sets,
"with -a .strong current, in favor of freedom of com-
inercial intercourse and unrestrained individual ac
V fioiu Men yield up their noUoiis of monopoly and
' restriction, as they yield up other prejudices, slowly
and reluctantly ; bnt they cannot withstand the gen
eral tide of opinion. ; '
: -Let me now ask, sir, what relief this bill proposes
Wo some' of those great and essential interests of the
country, the condition of which has been referred to
u-j. proc.f of national distress, and which condition,
r"':dthuugh I do .not think it makes out a case of dis-
' tress, yet does indicate depression.
r And first, sir, -as to our Foreign Trade. Mr.
- Speaker lias stated tlat there lias been a considerable
tailing oil' iii'the tonnage employed -in- that trade.
Thisis true, lamentably true. Ill my opinion, it is
one of those occurrences which ought to arrest our im
mediate, our deep, our most earnest attention. What
does this bill propose for its relief ? Sir, it proposes
nothing but new burdens.. It proposes? to diminish its
employment, and it proposes, attthe same time, to
augment its expense, by subjecting it to heavier tax
ation. Sir, there is no interest, in regard to which a
tcronger case for protection can be made out, than
, lie navigating: interest. Whether we look at its
i present condition, which is admitted to be depressed;
, the number of persorfs connected with, it, and depen
dent upon it lb - their daily bread.; or its importance
to the country in a political point of view, it has claims
upon our attention which cannot be exceeded. But
: what ('o we propose to do for it '? ; I repeat, sirsim-
' 'ply to burden and tax it. By a statement which I
' have already submitted to the Committee, it appears
that ahe: shipping interest pays, annually, more
than-halt: a million ot dollars lnjOuties on articles,
used in. the construction of ships. We propose to
add nearly," or quite, ftlly per cent to tins amount, at
the very aiiiount that we bring forth the languishing
t-tate oi this interest, as a proof of national distress.
Let it be remembered that our -shipping: employed in
foreign commerce, has, at this moment, not the sha
dow of government protection. It goes abroad upon
the wide sea to make its Own way, and earn its own
bread, in a professed competition with the whole
world.. Its resources are its own frugality, its own
enterprise. It hdpes to succeed, if it shall succeed at
all, not' by extraordinary aid of government, but by
patience,-vigilance, and toil. This right arm of the
nation's, safety strehgthens its own; muscle by its own
efforts, and by unwearied exertionUn its own defence
becomes strong lor the defence of the country.
No one acquainted with this interest, can deny that
itj situation, at. this moment, is extremely critical.
We 'Have left it hitherto to maintain itself or perish;
to swim if it can, andi to sink if it cannot. But at
this moment of its apparent struggle, can we, as
men, can'Tve, as patrio'ts, add another stone to the
weight that threatens to carry it down? Sir, there
'-i a limit to human power, and to human effort. I
know the commercial marine of this country can do
almost every thing, and bear almost every tiling.
Yet some-thingri are impossible to be done; and some
hardens way be impossible to be borne; and as it was
the dast ounce that broke the back of the camel, so
the' last -tax." 'although it were even a small one. ma v
, be decisive as to the, power of our marine, to sustain j
me connict in wmcn it is now engaged, with all the
commercial nations on the globe; ; .
. Again, Mr. Chanrman, the failures and the bank
ruptcies which have taken place in our large cities,
have been mentioned as proving the little success at
tending commerce, and its general decline. But this
Ml has no balm for those vvotinds, It is very remark
able, iluit, when losses and disasters of certain manu
tacturers, those of iron, for instance, are mentioned,
'jt is done for Jhe purpose of invoking aid for the dis
'essed, Not so witlittlie losses and disasters of com
nierte ; these last arefnarrated, and not unfrequently
': The first man I saw was of a meagre aspect,
' with sooty hands and face. His hair and beard long,
ragged and singed- in several places. His clothes,
jirt, and skin, were all of the same color. He had
jeen eight years pon a project for extracting sun
beams out of cucumbers, which were to be nut into
Phials hermetically sealed, and let out to warm: the
.fr, in raw and inclement summers. He told me, he
- hu not doubt, in eighty years more, he should be able
supply the Governor's gardens with sunshine at a
reasonable rate; but he complained-that his stock
T-'as low, and entreated me to give him somethinj
i'u 6 w ttrwiy, especiuiy aa una
"Joeen a dear season for cucumbers."
much . exaggerated, to Drove the ruinous nature' of
the employment, and to show that it ought to be
abandoned, and the capital engaged in it turned to
other object. !
It has been often said, sir, that our manufactures
have to contend, not only against the natural advan
tages of those who produce similar articles in foreign
countries, but al&o against the action of foreign go
vernments, who Ira ve great political interests in aid
ing their own manufactures to suppress ours. ; But
have not these, governments as great an interest to
cripple our marine, by preventing the growth of our
commerce and navigation T What is it that makes
us the object of the highest respect, or the mos sus
Dicibus iealousv, to foreign States ? What is it that
most enables ud to take high relative rank among the
nations ? I need riot bay that this results, more than
froin any thing else, Ifroni that quantity of military
power which we can cause to be water borne, and of
that extent oi commerce, wmcn we are aDie to main
tain throughout the world.
Mr. Chairmain, I am conscious ot having detained
the Committee much: too long with these observa
tions. My apology for now proceeding to some re
marks upon the particular clauses of the bill, is, that,
! representing a district, at once commercial and highly
manufacturing, and being called upon to vote upon
a bill, containing provisions so numerous, and so va
rious, I am naturally desirous to state as well what I
approve,.as what I would reject.
The first section proposes an augmented duty upon
woollen manufactures; This, if it were unqualified,
would no doubt be desirable to those who are engaged
in that business. ' I have myself presented a petition
from the woollen manufacturers of Massachusetts,
praying an augmented cut valorem duty upon im
ported woollen cloths; and I am. prepared to accede
to that proposition, to a reasonable extent. But then
this bill proposes, also, a very high duty upon impor
ted wool ; and, as far as I can learn, a majority of the
manufacturers are at least extremely doubtful whe
ther, taking these two provisions together, the state
of the law is not better for them now, than it would
be if tins bill should pass. It is said,' this tax on raw
wool will benefit t(ie agriculturist ; but I know it to
be the opinion of some of the best informed of that
class, that it will do them more hurt than
sood.
They fear it will check the manufacturer, and conse
quently check his, demand for thefr article. The ar
gument is, that i certain quantity of coarse wool,
cheaper than we can possibly furnish, is necessary
to enable the manutacturer to carry - on the general
business, and that, if this cannot be had, the conse
quence will be, not a greater, but a less, manufacture
of our own wool. I am aware that very intelligent
persons differ upon this point ; but, if we may safely
infer from that difference of opinion,: that the propo
sed benefit is at least doubtful; it would be prudent per
haps to abstain from the experiment. Certain it is,
that the same courseof reasoning has occurred, as I
have before stated, on the same subject, when a re
newed application was made to the English Parlia
ment to repeal the duty on imported wool, I believe
scarcely two months ago, those who support she ap
plication, pressmgly urgently the necessity of an un
restricted use of the cheap, imported raw material,
with a-view to supplv Vith coarse cloths, the markets
of warm climates, such as those of Egypt and Tur
key, and especially a vast new created demand in
the South American States.
As to the manufactures of cotton, it is agreed, I be
lieve, that they are generally successful. It is under
stood that the present existing duty operates pretty
much as a prohibition over those descriptions of fabrics
to which it applies. The proposed alteration would
probably enable the American manufacturer to com
mence competition with higher priced fabrics; and
so would, perhaps, an augmentation less than is here
proposed. I consider the cotton manufactures not
only to have reached, but to have passed, the point
of competition. I regard their success as certain,
and their growth as rapid as the moetimpatient could
well expect. If, however, a provision of the nature
of that recommended here, were thought necessary
to commence new.operations in the same line of man
ufacture, I should cheerfully agree to it, if it we're not
afthe cost of sacrificing other great interests of the
country. I need hardly say, that whatever promotes
the cotton & woollen manufactures, promotes the most
important interest of any constituents.! Tfiey have a
great stake in the success of those establishments, and
as far as those manufactures are concerned, would
be as much benefitted by the provisions of this bill, as
any part of the community. It is obvious too, I
should think, that, for some considerable time, manu
factures of this sort; to whatever magnitude they
may rise, will be principally established in those
parts of the country where populaion is most dense,
capital most abundant; and where the most success
ful beginnings have been already made.
But if these be thought to be advantages, they are
greatly counterbalanced by other advantages enjoyed
by other portions of the country. I cannot but regard
the situation of the west, as highly favorable to hu
man happiness. It offers, in the abundance of its
new and fertile lands, such assurances of permanent
property and respectability to the industrious, it ena
bles them1 to lay such sure foundations for a competent
provision for their families, it makes such a nation of
freeholders,, mat it need not envy tne nappiest ana
most prosperous ol the manufacturing communities,
We may talk as we will of well fed and well clothed
day laborers or journeymen ; they are not, alter ail,
to be compared, either for happiness, or respectability,
with hini who sleeps under his own roof and culti
vates his own fee simple inheritance
With resoect to the proposed duty on Glass, I would
observed that, upon the best means of judging which
I possess; 1 am ot opinion, mat tne inairman oi tne
Uommittee is risrnt, in stating, uiai mere is, m eneci,
a bountv upon the exportation of the British article.
I think it entirely Draper, tnereiore, to raise our own
. . . . .i :. . ,
duty by such an amount as -shall be equivalent to
that honrttv.
And here, Mr.. Chairman, before proceeding, to
those Darts of the bill to which I most strenuously ob
ject, I will be so presumptuous as to take up a chal-
pikw- whir.h Mr. Kneaker nas mrown uuwu. tic
has asked us, in a tone Of interrogatory lnaicaiive oi
thft fpelintr of antieinated triumph, to mention any
country in which manufactures have flourished, with-
nnf th n w n nmh h fnrv I3.WS. HB 11UH UClUilllUtJU
it it. h not no ic.v. nrotection. ave, ana proiuonioii,
that have carried other States to fhe height of heir
prosperity, anrd whether any one has succeeded with
sinrh tnmii nriH in Art lpmslation as OUTS. Sir, I am
readv to answer this innuirv.
There is a country, not undistinguished among the
nations, in which the projgress of manufactures has
been far more rapid than in any other, and yet unaid
ed by prohibitions or unnatural restrictions. That
country, the happiest which the sun ever shines on, is
our own.
The woollen manufactures of England have existed
from j the early ages of monarchy. Provisions, de-
siguea to aia and loster them, are ni the biacK letter
ed statutes of the Edwards and the Henrys.' Oare,
on the contrary, are but of yesterday ? and vet, with
no more than the protection of existing laws, they
are already at the point of close and promising com
petition. Sir, nothing is more unphilosophicaT than
to refer us on these subjects to the policy adopted by
other nations in a very idiflerent state; of society, or to
infer that what was judged expedient by them, in
their early history, must also be expedient for us, in
this early part oour own. This would be reckoning
our age chronologically, and estimating our advance
by our number or years ; when, in truth, we should
regard only the state of society, the knowledge, the
skill, the capital, the enterprise, which belong to our
times. We have been transferred from the stock of
Euiope, in a comparatively enlightened age and our
civilization and improvement date back aa early as
her own. Her original history ja also our original
history; and if, aince the moment of separation, she
has gone ahead of us in some respects, it may be
said, without violating truth, that we have kept up
in others, and in others again, are ahead ourselves.
We are to legislate then with regard to the present
actual state of society; and our own experience
shows us that commencing manufactures at the pre
sent highly enlightened and emulous moment, we
need not imitate the clumsy helpsi with which, in
less auspicious times, governments have sought to
enable the ingenuity and industry of their people to
hobble along. i
The English cotton manufactures began about the
commencement of the last reign. Ours can hardly
be said to have commenced, with any earnestness,
until the application of the power loom, in 1816, hot
more than eight years ago. Now, sir, I. hardly need
again speak of its progress, its present extent, or its
assurance of future enlargement.; In some sorts of
fabrics we are already exporters, and the products of
our manufactories are, at this moment, in the South
American markets. We see, then, what can be
done without prohibition, or extraordinary protection,
because we see what has been done; and I venture
to predict that, in a few years,-it will be thought
wonderlul that these branches of manufactures, at
least, should have been thoiight to require additional
aid from government.
Mr. Chairman: The best apology for laws of pn
hibition and laws of monopoly, will be found in that
state of society, not only unenlightened but sluggish,
in which they are most generally established. Pri
vate industry, in those days required strong provica
tives, which governments were seeking to adminis
ter by these means Something wa3 wanted to actuate
and stimulate men, and the prospects cf such profits
as would in our time excite unbounded competition,
would hardly move the sloth of former ages. In some
instances, no doubt, these laws , produced an effect
which, in that period, would not .have taken ; place
without them. But our age is wholly of a different
character, and its legislation takes another turn.
Society is full of excitement; competition comes in
place of monopoly and intelligence and industry
ask only for fair play and an open field. Profits, in
deed, in snch a state of things, will be small, but
they will be extensively diffused ; prices will be low,
and the great body of the people prosperous and hap
py. It is worthy of remar k, that, from the opperations
of these causes, commercial wealth, while it is increa
sed beyond calculation in its general aggregate, is,
at the same time, broken and diminished in its sub
divisions. Commercial prosperity should be judged
of therefore rather from the extent bf trade, than from
the magnitude of its apparent profits. It has been
remarked, that Spain, certainly one of the poorest
nations, made very great profits on the amount of
L I 1 .ll.t .1 I J-.. .
uer iraae ; dui witn nttie other Denent than the en
riching of a few individuals and companies. Profits
to the English merchants engaged in the Levant and
1 urkey trade, were formerly very great, and there
were richer merchants in England, i some centuries
ago, considering the comparative value ol monev.
- tJ m J 7
than at the present highly Commercial period. When
the diminution of profit arises from the extent of c om
petition, it indicates rather a salutary than an inju
rious change. )
The true course then, sir, for us to pursue, is, in my
opinion, to. consider what our situation is; what our
means are, and how they can be best applied. What
ever amount of population have ,we, in comparison
with our extent of sou, what amount pt capital, and
labor at what price 1 As to skill, knowledge, and en
terprise, we may safely take it for granted, that, in
these particulars, we are on an equality with others.
Keeping these considerations m view, allow me to
examins two or three of those provisions of the bill to
which I feel the stsongeat objections, j
To begin With the article of iron. Our.whole
annual consumption of this article is supposed
by the Chairman of the Committee, to be 48,-
000 or 50,000 tons. Let us suppose the I latter.
The amount of our own manufacture lie esti
mates, I think, at 17,000 tons. ! The present
duty on "the imported article, is $ 15 per ton,
and as this duty causes of course an equivalent
augmentation of the home manufacture, the
whole increase of price is equal to 75U,yuu
annually. This sum we pay on a raw mate
rial, and on an absolute necessary of life.
The Bill proposes to raise the duty from $lo
to 822 50 per ton, which would be equal to
$1,125,000 on the whole annual consumption.
So that, suppose the point of prohibition which
is aimed at by some gentlemen to be attained,
the consumers of the article would pay , this
last mentioned sum every year o the produ
cers of it, over and above the price at which
they could supply themselves with the same
article .from other sources. There would be
no mitigation of this burden, except from the
prospect, whatever that might jbe, that iron
would fail in value, by domestic; competition,
after the importation should be prohibited,
It will be easy, I think, to show, that it cannot
fall; and supposing for the present that it shall
not, the result will be, that we shall pay annual
ly a sum of $ 1,125,000, constantly augmented,
too, by increased consumption of the article,
to support a business that cannot support itself.
It is of no consequence to the argument, that
this sum is expended at home; so it would be,
if we taxed the people to support any other
useless and expensive establishment, to buna
another Capitol for example, or incur an unne
cessary expense of any sort. The question
still is, are the money, time, and labor, well
laid out in these cases? The present price of
iron at Stockholm, I am assured by importers,
is $53 per ton on board, $48 in the yard be
fore loading, and probably not far from 040 at
the mines. Freight insurance, kc may oe
fairly estimated at $15, to which; add our pre
sent duty of $12 more, and these two last sums,
together with the cost on board at Stockholm,
give 83 as the cost ol weaesj iron m our
market. In fact, it is said to have been sold
last year at $81 50 to $82 per ton. We per-
eeive, by this statement, mat tne cost ol the
iron is doubled in reaching us from the mine
in which it is produced. In other words, our
present dnty with the expense of transporta
tion, gives an advantage to the American, over
the foreign manufacturer, of one hundred per
cent. Why then cannot the iron! be manufac
tured at home ? Our ore is said to be as good,
and some of it better. It is under our feet, and
the chairman of the committee tells u?, that it
might be wrought by persons who otherwise!
win not De empioyeu. trny men is n not
wrought? , Nothing could be more sure of con
stant sale. It is not an article of changeable
fashion, but of absolute, permanent necessity,
and such, therefore, as ! would 'always meet a
steady demand. Sir, I think it would be well
for the chairman of the committee to revise
his premises, for I am persuaded that there is
an ingredient properly i belonging to the cal
culation which he has misstfitprl nr nmittpd.
Swedes iron in England pays a duty, I think,
of about $27 per ton ; yet it is imported in con-1
siucrauie quauuues, notwithstanding the vast
capital, the excellent coal, and more important
than all perhaps, the highly improved state of
inland navigation in England.
Sir, the true explanation of this, appears to
me to lie in the different prices of labor; and
here I apprehend is the grand migtake in the
argument of the chairman of the committee
He says it would cost the nation, as a nation,
nothing, to make our ore into iron. Now, I
think it would cost us precisely that which we
can worst afford ; that is, great labor. Although
bar iron is very properly considered a ra'w ma
terial in respect to its various future uses; yet,
as bar iron, the principal ingredient in its cost
is labor. Of manual labor, no nation has more
than a certain quantity, nor can it be increased
at will. As to some operations, indeed, its
place may be supplied by machinery ; but
there are other powers which machinery cannot
perform for it, and which it must perform for
itself. A most important duestion for every
nation,-as well as for every individual to propose
to itself, is, how it can best apply that quantity
of labor which it is able to perform? Labor
is the great producer of wealth : it moves all
other causes. If it call machinery to its aid, it
is still employed not only in using the machine
ry, but in making it. Now, with iespect to
the quantity of labor, as we all know, different
nations are differently circumstanced. Some
need, more than ' anything, work for hands,
others require hands for work ; and if we our
selves are not absolutely in the latter class, we
are still, most fortunately, very near it. I can
not find that we have those idle hands, of
which the chairman of the committee speaks.
The price of labor is a conclusive and unan
swerable refutation of that idea: it is known to
be higher with us than in any other civilized
state, and this is the greatest of all proofs of
general happiness. Labor iA this country is
independent and proud. It has not to ask the
patronage of capital, but capital solicits the aid
of labor. This is the general truth, in regard
to the condition of our whole population, al
though in the large cities there are, doubtless,
many exceptions. The mere capacity to labor
in common agricultural employments, gives to
Our young men the assurance of independence.
We have been asked, sir, by the chairman of
the committee, in a tone of some pathos, wheth
er we will allow to the serfs of Russia and Swe
den the benefit of making iron for us ? Let
me inform the gentleman, sir, that those same l
serfs do not earn more than seven cents a day.'j
mm mm inev woriv in mese mines, lor that
compensation, because they are serfs. And
let me ask the gentleman, furmer whether we
have any labor in this country that cannot be
,i i'.i ii i- ,i f .i
better employed than m a business which does
not. yield the laborer more than seven cents a
day1. This, it appears to me, Js the true ques
tion for our consideration. There is no reason
for saying that we will work iron because we
have mountains that contain the ore. We
might for the same reason dig among our rocks
for the scattered grains of gold and silver which
might be found there. The true inquiry is
can we produce the article in a useful state
at the same cost, or nearly the same cost, or at
any reasonable approximation towards the
same cost, at which we can import it.
ihe true reason, sir, why it is nofour policy
to compel our citizens to manufacture our own
iron, is, that they are far better employed. It
is an unproductive business, and they are not
poor enough to be obliged to follow it. If we
had more of poverty, more of misery, and some
thing of servitude if we had an ignorant, idle,
starving population, we might set up for iron
makers against the world.
I proceed, sir, to the article of hemp. , Of this
we imported last year, in round numbere, 6,000
tons, paying a duty of $30 a ton, or $180,000
on the whole amount ; and this article, it is to be
remembered, is consumed almost entirely in
the uses of navigation. The whole burden may
be said to fall on one interest. It is said we can
produce this article if We will raise the duties.
But why is it not produced now; or why, at
least, have we not seen some specimens? for
the present is a very high duty, when expenses
of importation are added. Hemp was purchas
ed at St. Petersburg, last year at $101 67 per
ton : Charges Attending shipmen, fcc, $14 25.
Freight may be- stated at $30 per ton, and our
existing duty m 930 more. These three last
sums, being the charges of transportation,
amount to a protection of near 75 Der cent, in
favor of the home manufacturer, if there were
any such.
I stated, some days ago, and I wish to renew
the statement, what was the amount, of the
preposed augmentation of the duties on iron
and hemp, in the coat of a vessel. Take the
case of a common ship, of 300 tons, not cop
pered, nor copper fastened. It would stand
thus, by the present duties ;
14 Tons of iron, for hull rigging, -
and anchors, at $15 per ton
10 Tons of hemp, at $30
40 Bolts Russia duck, at $2 -20
Bolts Ravens duck, at $1 25
On articles of ship chandlery, cabin
furniture, hardware &c- "
- $217 50
- 30O00
- 80 00
- 25 00
40 00
$662 50
$107 30
148 0Q
25 00
k The bill proposes to add:
$7 40 per ton on iron, which will be
514 90 per ton on hemp, equal to
And on duck, by the amendment
of the bill, say 25 per cent
$280 30
Cut, to the duties on iron and hemp, should
be added those paid on coppert whenever that
" "cie is used. By the statement which I fur
nished the other day; it appeared that the du
ties received by government, on articles used
in the tconstruction of a vessel of 359 tons,
with copper fastenings, amounted to $1026.
With the augmentation of this bill, they would
be equal to $1400.
The condition, sir, of the shipping interest
is not that of those who are insisting on high
profits, or struggling for monopoly ; Tsut it is
the condition of men content with the smallest
earnings, and anxious for their breads The
freight of cotton has formerly been three pence,
sterling, from Charleston to Liverpool, in time
of peace. It is now I know not what, or how
many fractions of a penny ; I think, however,
it is stated at five-eights. The producers, tben,
of this great staple, are able, by means of this
navigation, to sehd it, for a cent a pound, from
their own doors to the best market in the world.
, Sir, I will detain you no longer. There are
some parts of this bill which I highly approve ;
there are others in which I should arnuipsce ;
but those to which I have noTv stated my ob- '
jeeuunb appear to me so destitute of allgustice
so burdensome and so" dangerous to that inter
est which has steadily enriched, gallantly de
fended, and proudly distinguished us, that no
thing can prevail upon me to give it my support.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
KnHE subscriber intending to remove from
U the State, will sell at Public Auction.
at Beaufort, Carteret county, on the 29th day
of August nxt, (being the sitting of the Supe
rior Court,) -his present residence, a few hun
dred yards to the eastward of the Town, con
taining 40 acres of partly hammock land, with
a growth of hickory, holly, live-oak, &c. ; on
which is a comfortable Dwelling House of two
stories height, with eight finished rooms, (ex
elusive of the garret) and the usual out houses.
The situation is considered one oftheT most de-;
sirable and pleasant in the county ; it is imme
diately open to,-arid about two miles distant
from the ocean, and.-4s not surpassed in point
of health by any residence on the southern
seaboard. Among other advantages, it afford
a very superior Spring of water.
ALSO, WILL EE SOLD, j
Seven vacant lots of ground in the -town,1 lo
cated in high and airy situations ; two tracts of
land of a superior quality, situated on North
River, one containing 80 acres and the other a
bout 150 acres through which, it is thought,
the expected Canal or Rail Road will pass; and
at, the same time he will sell about 20 of the lots
of ground atLENoxviLLE. This place was laid
offin Town Lots by the late James M'Kinlay,
Esq, and the subscriber. It is situated at tho ,
western entrance of North River ; the lots arc
at right angles, of 110 by 200 feet square, and
the streets 90 feet wide, affording at each corner
three water views. It is unquestionably the
most desirable situation of any within the limits
of the State, on the seaboard, for a township; .
the harbour having at all times, at least 12 feet
water to thej3ean, which is 5 or 6 miles dis
tant. "Vessels may load with perfect safety at
all seasons of the year, within 20 or 30 feet of
the shore, and be at sea, with any wind from
N. W. Eastwardly to South, in one hour. The
scite is high and healthy the water plentiful
and good, and the storm tides never overflow
the premises. Strong efforts will doubtless be
made during the ensuing Congress to effect
measures to open a Canal between the waters
of Adams' Creek and North River, or to con
struct a Rail Road from Adams' Creek to Len-
oxviue. a survey nas Deen enecteu, anu a re
port in favour of a canal, made to Congress by
Capt. Bache, of the U. S. Engineers. Either
project has warm and influential friends, not
only mCiaven and Carteret, but also in remote
places. It is the most eligible situation to con
nect the Northern and Southern link of com
munication which is deemed indispensable in ar
military point of view. Lenoxville is now a
good stand for retail stores, and the most desi
rable point within the State for Steam Mills.
Those concerned in Steam Boats and co'mmer-
ciaL business, as well as those who desire pleas
ant summer residences, or eligible stands for
mechanical operations, are invited to examine
the premises and secure lots while they may be
had at prices greatly below their value.
He will also sell, at Newbern, Ton the 3d ol
Septembef, the House and Ground on the Old
County Wharf, formerly owned by Capt. John
Merrit, suitable for a family and Retail Store,
and a good stand for a Boarding-house.
A credit of 6, 12, 18 and 24 months will be
given for all sums over $400, by paying one
fourth in advance and giving notes with appTo-
ved security, with interest from the date for the
balance ; and a credit of 6 and 42 months for
sums over $50 and w,dff,?"So0y
cash HENRY M. COOKE.
Beaufort, 15th July 1831-rtds
STATEOF"NORTH CAROLINA )
Pitt County. $
Superior Court of Law ; March TermyA. D. 1831.
George W. Randolph, . . '
vs. . V Original Attachment.
Absolom Saunders. V
IT appearing to the Court, that the Defeant ;is
not an inhabitant of this State, It is therefore
ordered, that publication be made in the North
Carolina Sentinbl, for six weeks, that said Defen
dant appear at the Superior Court of Law to be held
for Pitt County, at the Court-Houae in Greenville,
on the first Monday of September next, and replevy
or plead to issue, or judgment final will be entered up
against him. .
Attest, R.S. BLOUNT, Clerk.
NOTICE.
ALL persona'indebted to the firm of JACKSON &
HIGGINS are requested to make immediate
payment, as they are determined to close their busi
ness nn nr
before the first of September next.
The Store andDweUinswousenowoccn-
. .mw ' - :
isn to purcnase au. c-"'1"
Newbern dth MfJi 1831. i
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