North Carolina Newspapers

- CAROLINA SENTINEL AND NEWBERN COMMERCIAL, AGRICULTURAL AND LITERARY INTELLIGENCER. NORTH -it: i' - I ! 1 . l.f1 m m M I MR. MADISON'S SPEECH .... . ..... In the House of -Ilepesentativcso I i States, february 2d, 1791- j , TJIE BANK BILL UNDER CONSIDERATION. Mr. Madison Jbegan with fa general review of the advantaged and disadvantages of Banks. TheJormcr , he statefto consistin, first-the aids they ardto : merchants, who can thereby push .thwBfljMBg operations farther with the same capital; 2d, the ads ;. to merchants in paying punctua ly the customs', 3d, m aids to th.e Government irr complying punctuaUy with ta Anmmonfa whp.n deficiencies or aeiays iiappen in therevenue;4th, in diminishing usurv ; 5th, inra xrirf, K of the cold and silver kept m the vaults, Anrpnrnted bv notes ; 6th, in facilitating occa sional remittances from different places where notes Wmen to circulate. The effect of the proposed Bank in! raisins the value of stock, he thought had been greatly, overrated. . It would, no doubt, raise that of the stock subscribed in the Bank: but could have little effect on the stock in general, as the? interest on it would remain the same, and the quantity taken ; out of the market would be replaced by Bank stock. iThe principal disadvnCages consisted in, first banishing the precious jnetals, by substituting ano- 1 was inpvitnKlp ft wa ailmittfi1 hv the most'enliffht thp mpriiiim tn wr nrm thir nttiCfi. 1 Ills t-ncow cried patrons of Banks, particularly by Smith, on the jWeaitn ot Nations. 1 he common aiiswei w jeetion, was, that the money banished was only an exchange for something equally valluable that would be iraported.in return. :. He admitted the weight of thfe observation, in general, but doubted wnetner, m the present habits of this country, the refirn would not be in articles of no permanent use to it. Zd, fix- tvosins the public and individuals to all the evils 01 a Win nn ihr. femlr whTch would bte particularly calami- ylous in so rreat a country,as this, and might happen rmm vbnmK. oancpo as false rumors. Dad mu.uu.frt;- mpnt nf thp. institution; an unfavorable balance ot trade? from short crops, &c. V- It'was proper to be considered, also, that the most imoortant of the advantages would be better obtained by several Banks properly distributed, than by a sin gle one." Tiie aids to commerces could only be afford ed at or verv near the seat of the Bank. The same .was true of aids to merchants in the payment of cus toms. Anticirations of the government would also be most convenient at the. different places where the interest of the debt was to be 1 paid. The case in America was different from that of England. The interest there was -all due at one place, and the ge nius of , the monarchy favored the concentration o: wealth and influence at the metropolis, f 1 He thought the plan liable to other objections did not make so frood a bargain for the public, as was t tin to : its intp.resrtR. The charter to the Bank of England had been granted for eleven years only, and was paid for by a loan to the Uoveriimem, on terms better than could be elsewhere got. Every re newal of the charter had in lite manner, been purchased; in some instances at a very high .5Lf 1 Tli nma o A Kooti fin np liv thfi Banks , uitvc. i luc aaiu iiuu j of Genoa, Naples, and other like Banks of cir culation. The plan was unequal to the public creditors it gave an undue preference to the holders of a particular denomination of the public debt, and to those-al arid within reach of the seat of Government. If the subscrip tions, should be rapid, the distant holders of paper-would be excluded altogether. ( , In ?naking these remarks on the merits of the bill, he had reserved to himself, he f aid, the right to deny the authority of Congress to pass it. 7e had entertained this opinion from the date of the Constitution. His impressioi might f perhaps, be the stronger, because ii "wkll recollected, .that "a power to grai E charters of incorporation had been 'proposed i?i general convention, and rejected. ' Is'thc nower of establishing an incorporated .Barajfc'amotig the powers vested by ti Consti I tution in the legislature of ihe United States? This is the question to be examined. After ome general remarks on the limitations of all political powei, he took notice of the peculiar manner in vhich the Federal Government is limited. It is not a general grant out of which particular powers are excepted. It is a grant of particular powers only, leaving the general mass in other hands. , oo it had been under stood by its friends and its foes, and so it was to be interpreted. . -As preliminaries to aright interpretation, he1 laid dovn the following rules : An interpretation that destroys the very characteristic of the Government, canriotbo just. - ' Where a meaning is clear, the consequences, . Trlifvfr. Vpv Thau Vif. n"r tn li nrlmittfl '- - TVhere doubtful, it is fairly triable by its con sequences.. j In controverted cases, the meaning of the , parties to the instrument, if to be collected by - j reasonable evidence,: is a proper guide. ; Contemporary and concurrent expositions are a f - j reasonable evidence of the meaning ol the parties In admitting or rejecting a constructive au l thority not only the degree of its incideiitality to an, express authority is to be regarded, but ' the degree of rts importance also since, - on this will depend the probability or improba bility of its being left to construction- Reviewing the Constitution with an eve to these positions, it was not possible to discover r in it the power to incorporate a Bank. The onlyf classes under which such a power could be pretended, are either ?' 1st, The power to lay and collect taxes, to pay" the debts and provide for the common de fence and general welfare ; or, ' I ' i l2d The power to borrow money on the ere dit of the United States ; or, f 3d, the power to pass all laws necessary and . proper to carry into execution those powers. The bill did not come within the first power. It laid no tax to pay the debts or provide for the general welfare. It laid no tax whatever. It was altogether foreign to the subiect. No argument could be drawn from the terms common defence and sreneral welfare. The PTer as to these general purposes, was limi ted to acts laying taxes for them; arid the gen " Purposes therhselves were limited and ex- plamedby the particular enumerattenisubjoined. rsd these terms in any pense that in Quezon, would Ti powjr-would : powers-would ersS1?? ofPalcuIir served to the StateVmnrntu are copied from.tlfe articufo? 'colfe ' ? i Ha;d it ever beefi rprctdnded'tSit ?va tlof ' ' be understood otherwise than asST.t0 Cd? It had. been said tht exPMn- meant cases m which a general powWr miihtL exercised by Congress, without interferina . with the pQwers of the States; and that the i .-V.," 6rai -Welti -ort. j There were, he said, several answers to this novel doctrine. - Ajiiin. jvaa 111 mm j. '1st.' The proposed Bank would Interfere so fcrf indirectly .to defeat a State Bank at the same place, . I 2d. ft would directly interfere with the right? TT J of the States id prohibit, as well as to establish Banks, and the circulation of Bank notes. He mentioned; a law of Virginia actually prbhibi- irig the circulation of notes payable to bearer. 3d. Interference with the power of the States was no constitutional criterion of the power of Congress. If the power was j not given, Con gress could not exercise it ; if given, they migm exercise it, although it should mteriere w the laws or even the constitution of the ies. 4th. If Congress could incorporate a Bank, merely because the act would leave the Mates n Ranks alSO, aiiy umti v,va- miirht be made by Uongress. laey wouldincorporate companies of manufacturers nr rJmrtnniKs for cutting canals or even reli gious societies, leaving similar incorporations bv the States, hkc um " , rntrrp mizht even establish religious teach ers in every parish, and pay them out of the Treasury of the United States, leaving . Other teachers unmolested in their functions. These inadmissible consequences condemned the com tro verted principle. The" case of the Bank es tablished by the former Congress, had been cited as a precedent. This tods known, he said, to have been the child of necessity. It never could be justified by the regular powers of the articles of confederation. Congress betrayed a consciousness of this, in recommending to the States to incorporate the Bank also. They did not attempt to protect the Bank notes by penalties against counterfeiters. These were reserved wholly to the authority of the States. The second clause to be examined, is that which empowers Congress to borrow money. Is this a bill to borrow money f It does not borrow a shilling ! Is there any fair construc tion by which the bill can be deemed an exercise of the power to borrow money? The obvious meaning of the power to borrow mo ney is that of accepting it from, and stipula ting payment to those who are able and willing to Tend. To say that the power to borrow, involves a power of creating: the abiliy, where there may be Hhe willt ? lend, is not only es tablishing a dangerous principle, as will be immediately shewn, but is as forced a construc tion as to say,ahat it involves the power, of compelling the will, where there may be the ability to lend. ': i; The third clause is that which gives the pow-, er to pass all laws necessary and proper to ex ecute the specified powers. Whatever meaning this clause may have, none can be admitted, that would give an un limited discretion to Congress. Its meaning must, according to the natural and obvious force of the terms, and the context, be limited to means necessary to the end and incident to the return of the specified powers. The clause is in fact, merely declaratory of what would have resulted by unavoidable im plication as the appropriate, and, as it were, technical means of executing those powers. In this sense it had been explained by the friends of the Constitution, and ratified by the State Conventions. ' The essential characteristic of the Govern ment, as composed of limited and enumerated powers, would be destroyed, if, instead of di rect and incidental means, j any means could be used, which in the language of the preamble of the bill, " might be conceived to beCondu cive to the successful conducting of the finan ces; or, might be conceived to tend to give fa cility to the obtaining of loans." . He urged an attention to the diffuses and ductile terms which had been found requisite to cover thefduced by implication as a means of executing stretch of power contained in the bill. He compared them with the terms necessary arid proper, used in the Constitution, and asked whether it wa3 possible to view the two des criptions as synonymous, or the one as a fair and safe commentary on the other? If, proceeded he, Congress, by virtue of the power to borrow, can create the means oi lend ing, and in pursuance of these means can in corporate a Bank, they may dojany thing what ever, creative of like means. The East India Company: has been. a lender to the British Government, as well as the Bank, and the South Sea Company is a greater cred itor than either Congress, then, may incor porate similar companies in the United States ; and that, too, not under the idea of regulating trade, but under that of borrowing money. Private capitals are the chief resources for loans to the "British Government. Whatever, then, may be conceived to favor the accumu lation of capitals, may be done by.Congress. They may incorporate manufacturers. They may give monopolies-in every branch of do mestic industry. If again, 'Congres by virtue of the power to borrow money, can create the ability -to. Zen a, they may by virtue ofthe power to levy money, create the ability to pay it. The ability to pay taxes depends on the general wealth of the society; and this on the general prosperity of agriculture, manulacturres, and commerce. Congress then, nqtay give bounties, and make regulationr on all ol these objects. The States have, it is allowed on all hands, a concurrent right to lay and collect taxes. This power is secured to them, not by its being ex pressly reserved, but by its not being ceded by the Constitution. The reasons for the bill cannot be admitted, because they would inval idate that right. Why may it not be conceived by Congress, that an uniform and exclusive imposition of taxes would not, less than the proposed Bank, "be conducive to the successful conducting of the national finances, and tend to give facility to the obtaining of revenue for the use ofthe Government?" The doctrine of implication is always a ten der one. The danger; of it has been felt iri other Governments. The delicacy was felt in the adoption of our own ; the danger may aiso De leu, ii we ao not Keep ciose to our chartered authorities. t Mark the reasoning on which the validity of the bill depends. To borrow money is made the end, and the accumulation of capitals im vlied as the means. The accumulation of capitals is then the end, and a Bank implied as the means. The Bank is then the end, and the charter oft incorporation, a monopoly, capital "1 L A 1 1 i . 1 " punisnments, occ. impiiea as me means. If implications, thu$ remote, and thus multi plied, can be linked together, a chain may be lornied that will i-aK ptptv nhiert ofleoisla- nnm-evf ry obJect within the whole compass of biif11118 of interpretation required by the CsmSo&b e rule furnished by the w v Congress have power "to regulate the value of money; yet it is expressly aaoea, not leiti to be- implied, that counterfeits may be pun ished. They have the power " to declare war;" to pro which armies are more incident, than incorpa- ted Banks to borrowing; yet is expressly added, the power ' to raise and support armies and to this, again, the express power " to make rules and regulations for, the government; ot armies." A like remark is applicable to ihe powers as to a navy. i ' The regulation and calling outofthemihtia, are more appurtenant to war than the proposed uank to borrowing; yet the lormer is noi feu to construction. ! It is not pretended that every insertion or omissioninthe Constitution is theeffect of sys tematic attention. This is not the character of any human work, particularly the work of a The examples cited, witn nthr tht mirrht he added, sufficient! v incul- it cate, nevertheless, a rule of interpretation very different from that on which the bill rests, They condemn the exercise "of any power, which particularly a great and important power t a ii,ri,rlrl in an exuress Dower. - t 1 A iv w r . It cannot t be denied that the power proposed ised is an important power. --lz:, .,;n,Kr 0v B nir in Mil Hrillll'.IHI 1)1 . 1 Ttl r 1 1. IIICYIUUSIV llVtt I ICIW. XI tlHilCI 3 nwuui rain vii u ii.. I 1H nnt otherwise he claimed, T -f,a ;n,nnwar,t rir Tiirhtsanriuttri- I ' r . r' . r ' ' . . -,..1 ilar nt. least equivalent, to the naturalization of an alien, by bv him. -Would Congress have had the power wnicn certain new civil caaraciersare acuuncu & -l.i to naturalize, if it had not been expressly given In the power to make by-laws, the bill dele gated a sort of legislative power, which is, unquestionably, an act of a high and important nature. He took notice of the only restraint on the by-laws, that they were not to be contra ry to the law and constitution of the Bank; and asked what law was intended ? Ifthelawof the United States, the scantiness of their code would give a power never before given to a corporation and obnoxious to the States, whose laws would then be superseded, not only by the laws of Congress, . but by the by-laws jof a rnrnoration. within -their own iurisdiction. - f 7 r f If the law intended was the law ofthe State, then the States might make laws that would destroy an institution of the United States. : The' bill gives a power to purchase and hold lands. Congress themselves could not purchase lands within a State, "without the consent of its Legislature." How. could they delegate a power to others, which they did not possess themselves? It takes from our successors, who have equal rights with ourselves, and, with the aid of experience, will be more capable Of deciding on the subject, an opportunity of exercising that right for an immoderate term. It takes from. our constituents the opportuni ty of deliberating on the untried measure, al- though their hanus are also to be tied by it for the same term. It involves a monopoly, which affects the equal rights of every citizen. It leads to a penal regulation, perhaps capi tal punishments, one of the most solemn acts of sovereign authority. r ; From this view ofthe power of incorporation exercised in the bill, it could never be deemed an 'accessory or'a subaltern power to be de- J A another power ; it was, in its nature, a distinct, an independent and substantive prerogative, which, not being enumerated in the Constitu tion, could never have been meant to be inclu ded in it ; and, not being included, could never be rightfully exercised. ' He here adverted to a distinction, which he said had not been sufficiently kept in view, be tween a power necessary and proper for the government or Union, and a power necessary and proper for executing the enumerated pow ers. In the latter case, the powers included in each of the enumerateVi powers, were not ex pressed, but to he drawn from the nature of each. In the former, the powers composing the government were expressly enumerated. This constituted the peculiar nature ofthe gov ernment. No power, therefore, not enumera ted, could be inferred from the general nature of government. Had the power of making treaties, for example, been omitted, however necessary it might have been, the defect could only have been lamented, or supplied by an a mendment ofthe Constitution. But the proposed Bank could not even be called necessary to the government; at most it could be but convenient. Its uses to the j gov ernment could be supplied by keeping the taxes a little in advance: by loans from individuals by the other Banks, over which the government would have equal command, nay, greater! as it may grant or refuse to these the privilege, made a -free and irrevocable gift to the proposed Bank,ofusing their notes in the Federal revenue. He proceeded next to the contemporary ex positions given to the Constitution. The defence against the charge founded on the want of a Bill of Rights, presupposed, he said, that the powers not given were retained, and that those given were not to be extended br remote implications. On any other suppo sition, the power of Congress to abridge the lreedom ofthe press or the rights of consci ence, &c, could not have been disproved. , The explanations in the State Conventions, all turned on the same fundamental principles, and on the principle that the terms necessary and proper gave no additional powers to I those enumerated. Here he read sundry passages irom tne debates oi tne rennsylvania, Virginia, and North Carolina Conventions, shewing the grounds on which the Constitution had j been vindicated by its principal advocates, against a dangerous latitude of its powers, charged on it by its opponents. He did not undertake to vouch for the accuracy or authenticity of the publications which he quoted; he thought it Probable that the sentiments delivered might, in many instances, have been mistaken, pr im perfectly noted; but the complexion of the whole, with what he himself and many others must recollect, fully justified the use he had made of them. The explanatory amendments proposed by cougresa tnemselyes, at least, would be good autnonty witn tnem ; all these renunciations of power proceeded on a rule of construction, excluding the latitude now contended for. Theoe explanations were themore to be respec- ted, as xney ia uu um; ZZf- rnfrrpss. hut ratinea dv neanv mree-iuuim? of the states. and ltn : me J ummi a& ; j -w . , y -ix ir UOnitSell. . .. . , W ith all this e viuencc u. the Constitution was undersiooa, ana aaopieu, willit not be said, if the bill should pass, that its adoption was brought about by one set of arguments, and that it is now ouiuimaicicu 1r thP influence Ol anoiner sci.-auu o .-t, ,iriii liavo thp keener stiner, be- icuiuaui n" v -, . 1 , - n -l -m fi nil A la -niian it is ftonlicabie to so many iuu'uu" concerned in both the adoption and the admin istration. Inline, if the pqwer were in the nitiatitntinn. the immediate exercise oi n cau- the exercise ot UUi uc cnavn utii , ii v " "7 involves the guilt of usurpation, and estao- lishes a precedent of interpretation le vexing all the barriers which limit the powers f levellin general government, ana pro uiuo State governments. If the point be dououui 1 J 1 l.nn r thfi I - - . l 1 x onlv. respect lor ourselves, wno ougm I th nnnearanr.e of vrecivitancv and ambition , Respect for our successors, who ought not light- rr- r . . , r r j. - . i ly to be deprived of the opportunity oi exer- cising the rights of legislation ; respect lor our constituents, wno nave naa no opportunity u . . i i i j .a n ' ' maKinff Known uieir seuumcms, onu, uv l 1 a I : i Z 4 n r, ,A .it r OTP o . r themselves to be bound down to the measure lor so loner a period; all these considerations re quire that the irrevocable decision should at - " v.. -- It appeared, on the whole, he concluded, that r . 1 i '. . l. . i Ml J tne power excerciseo Dy me Din was cuuucum- ed oy tne silence oi ine onsuiuuon ; was uuu- demned by the rule ointerpretation arising out of the Constitution ; was condemned by its ten dency to destroy the main character ofthe Con stitution ; was condemned by the expositions of the friends of the Constitution, while depen- ding before the public ; was condemned by the apparent intention of the parties which ratified the Constitution; was condemned by the ex planatory amendments proposed bv Congress themselves to, the Constitution; and he hoped it would receive its final condemnation by the vote of this house. LETTER FROM GEN. BLAIR. Red Oak Camp, June 15, 1831. ; Samuel H.Dickson, J. H. Read, E. P.Stark Committee. Gentlemen : I thank you for the polite invitation to dine with you and your fellow citizens ofthe ' Union and State Rights Party' in Charleston, on the ap proaching4th of July, and regret that the delicate and precarious health of my. family, the hazard of so long a ride through the low country at that time of year, and a variety of other circumstances, will prevent my attendance. However, if my presenee were of an import ance, my absence will be compensated, no doubt , by a brief disclosure of my political views. - You oblingly express a belief ' that a communityol sentiment in relation io the great political Vmestions feein of jevoted attachment to our country, unite us closely together." Of this you can judge more correctly when I present you a synopsis of my opi nions, in relation to the topics which now agitate the public mind. I view a "Protecting Tariff" as not only uncon stitutional, but highly injurious to our best interests. Indeed, I am willing to regard it in as bad a light as the most violent "Nullifier" can place it; yet it is not a whit worse than the " National System of Internal Improvement." If it is poseible for me to dislike one branch of the American System more than theothr, I bear a greater hatred to" "Internal Improvement" than 1 do to the " Tariff " but I regard the two as one. indeed, a distinaruished indivirlnaTnf nnr Stptp who claimed to be "the Father of Internal Improve ment, not many years ago, coupled it with the Ta riff, and advocated both with the, utmost zeal,- as the ance between the " Tariff" and " Internal Improve ment," would be superfluous. They are as insepa rably connected as " the Siamese luteins." I am. therefore, surprised that while some of our ablest ora tors are pouring out such vollies of invective upon " the Tariff they have not one word to say about "Internal Improvement" while they darken our vision by the flight of theirarrows against the former, they throw not a single shaft at the latter. They would move heaven and earth, rnd hazard the in tegrity of the Union to euppresa the "Tariff" wnue tney seem to regard " Internal Improvement, as a harmless thing !! ! Every one must draw his own inference ; but it seems to me if I was" not deeply committed in favor ofthe one. I could not con- nne my ranery exclusively to the other branch of n -i ' me " American System." To this system, 1 take it for orranted. xve are nil opposed, and that our most anxious enauirv is. how and when shall we resist it ? Is " Nullification" the proper remedy? It seems to me a nnlit that whilst bouth Carolina remains a member ofthe r eaerai lamily, she must refer every controversy be tween herself and the General Government to the adjudication ofthe SuDreme Federal Cnrt wtr. she objects to the intervention of that tribunal, pro- ""r1," x-tuerd.1 compact decides, the question lor herself; declares this or that law of Congress in operative within her limits, and endeavors to carry her yiews into operation, it is virtually a resumption e tT lormer sovereignty ; and she is " ipso facto" out of the Union at least, she may be so considered, and so treated by the Federal Government. But if ooutn Carolina should undertake, to arrest the opera tion of a law of Congress, without a formal art of secession, the GeneralGovernment has the option of be resorted to. It would have the right to say to fcOUth Carolina " You seem to havp. fortrnttpn that our Government was founded in the spirit of compro mise and concession. You must remember that every law cannot be made to suit your particular in terest; and you must bear in mind, that while you remain under my protection, sm& avail yourself of the benefit of such laws as you deem advantageous and constitutional, you must submit to those that are inconvenient, and which you may even think unconstitutional, or refer the disputed law to the de cision of the constituted tribunal. Should that tri bunal decide against you, and you refuse to acquiesce, I must use all the power vested in me by the Consti tution, to enforce obedience." And it does appear to me that, under such circumstances, the President ol the United States would be bound by his oath, and by every consideration of official dutyj to carry the law into full operation, be the consequences what they may; TTuue, uiereiore, ooutn Carolina remains in the kjiuou, i can imagine no mode of procedure by which she can defeat the Tariff Laws, withnnf hWr. v, Militia in conflict with the troops of the General Go vernment. But suppose we could, bv nnv piArll rwv cess, enable our merchants to elude the payment of u iu w,t. measure would then be resorted to . , UV . ai "wvwumem t it would either re- m u a promptly paid in cash; and es- : unumuuy lorce in our seaports to insure their collection ; or our harbors would beblock aded by a detachment from the Federal Navy, prohi biting entirely the import of foreign goods, or the ex port Ol our produce. 1 What thm 1 rxm, ho rmedy ? Either unconditional and disgraceful sub- tude of interpretation; the latter as excluding be some ot its natural ana unavoidable operations ntrrV niirre of power not within the Constitu- and. I am bound, therefore, to reject it as impractirr - -A would think the commerce and friendship of sL1 ,. , - m,flR:OT, ;mTo uic uuuuicui nuiuuwuvu. uj niaiiuiint,nii - i i " uuui ble and dangerous, and must discard it as an aby. j;41 Tr,co r KnnKiArt tn TMll::.; ur' are asked bv the " Nullifiers," with an air of trTl Wfaa - , , DroDOse V a Were an absolute Federalist of the '"National Republican School," ready to "sacrafice the stance to the shadow," and to permit the vital into. . A -1 1 .14. J UI' esis oi my coumry tu u? ucbuucu uiiuer tne form of the Constitution, while the spirit of that instru ment was disregarded, I might deem it a sufficient answer to reter to the provisions ot the Federal com pact ; and m ordinary cases this would be the correct reply, but in a case like the present, supposed to involve ail uiumoxe cAireumy Hiuiimr xo mat Oilife and deathj I would be guilty of no such mock&y. should say, that when the Public Debt is paid a all pretext ror a ingn a arm uiercoy aestroyed should " the American System" still be. adhered to with stubbornness should the Tariff still be regarded as absolutely intolerable, and all hopes of rel c entireiy annihilated, we should Blief from d then re dress our wrongs in our own way. How would tha be 7 Let all the Anti- l'anti btates, or at least tu - Atlantic portion of them, South oi the Potomac, make common cause; asmey nave a common interest mey enouia ueaciuaieu uy uiesai nn ip:fini(y. l ,r.T niKreiure. v iiiiiiin. nrth j -., . zw : 7 . " 1 auu South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama. anfi as many of the adjacent States as choose to ioin un assemble, in con vention, if you please, and, actin h concert, present to the t ederal Government the al ternative' of receaing Irom its unjust and oppressive, legislation, qr submission to our separation Irom the Confederacy. I am fully aware of the hazard ot sucu a proceeding. . oxiuum uiigiebts aunere to its iniquitous policy, and we are driven to the neceitv of pursuing the last and worse branch of the alterna tive, it is easy-to imagine many dangers, difficulties, and expenses we should have to encounter. In such event, I can readily conceive the necessity we should be under of keeping up a large Navy to protect our', commerce, a formidable, chain of military posts to protect our inland frontier, together with a powerful' standing Army, to repel invasion, add suppress in surrection. It is also obvious, our Liberty would be endangered by such powerful armaments, norcaiv I hide from my mental vision the certainty, tliat even in this little Republic, a rivalry ot interest, and i a struggle fbr political predominance would soon arise, that would shake our newly formed Government to its centre. I say, therefore, the experiment will be dangerous, and is only to be resorted to in the last extremity. Yet I would resort to it rather than we should become the mere stewards and over-seers of Northern Monopolists and manufacturers, and entail K slavery upon our posterity. But fbr South-Carolina divided within herself, to attempt such an enterprise, not only without the aid or co-operation of any of bet adjoining Sister States, but under the rebukes of aU would be madness and folly in the extreme It would indeed, be a species of political insanity, that could only be exceeded by the absurd idea of a single Statu arresting the laws and operations of - the General Government with impunity, and still remaining a member of the federal family. ': . Put, after all, m :ty we not ask who were the autii rsol this infamous " American System?" and who they are that have mounted " the rioer on the pale horse f" tliat bringeth in his train all the i its of prophecy. ' I am unwilling to wound the feelings of individuals bya' minute enquiry s to who are most culpable, or were the nioi-t efficient ad-vocHtt-s and zealous agents in fixing this ruinous policy upon us- and 'tis as strange as true, that the leaders ot that party, called the i " Nullifiers." of that party who have stolen from us the appellation of Stale Rights," and have moaestJy ariogated to themselves a'I the courage and patriotism of the South yes, the very men who now wish South Carolina,, single handed, and alone, to run n prema ture, dangerons, desperate tilt with the tfedera; Oovernnient,on Ac count of its o;prssive. legislation, are the self same men who be done more than any other to bring those evils upon us They havu introduced the Robbers into the lioue ; and because we object to ike instant burning -of the building, we are charged itb all the plun der committed Satan lie, they would first seduce, and then mock us lby involve us in a ruinous and dangerus dilemma, then point out what they call a mode of escape, but which we consider certain, destruction ; and when we refuse to pursue their mad and hopeless scheme, they denounce us as fools, cowards, and traitors. Urcat God,, bow much longer are ihe People to be thus gulled arid deluded ! ' 1 But perhaps you are desirous of knowing, whether I have any hope the alternative 10 which I have alluded, will not be forced upon us. I have no hesitation in saying, even at the hazard oi a r ui luiiniciy, nu buuii enquiry jitccsb.il y. xi is universiux suuwn, sneer, l do entertain sucn h hope. It seemed to be conceded ou all sides that the duty on Sugar, ss well as several other items of the Tariff, would have be'en reducM or repealed if there bad been time, at the last Session, to obtain tk final action of Congress on those propositions. But the Bejsion le ing limited to the 4th of March, and much of its scanty time un avoidably taken up by the trial of Judge Peck, no proposition of that kind could be definitively acted upon. Besides we hhd still in Congress the same old materials that constituted it 12 months before; and therefore, not much was to be expected from them more than had been done at the preceding Session. In the next Congreis, I trust, the case will be somewhat different several change have al ready been made for the better in the representation of some of tbr States, as you are no doubt aware.. In addition to this,' it iMbe opinion ot older and more experienced members than myieli, tlt "the monster" is staggering with its own deforra.ty, and tolteric; under the weight of its own iniquity. They speak of the downfd of the system with absolute certainty, and say that its final over throw cannot be postponed iiiuch, if any, beyond the pa; ment ofths Public Pebt. The friends 6T the system, themselveslook to tie extinction of the National Debt as the grand crisis of their favorite policy they look to it " with fear and trembling" and with view ' to keep off their, evil day as long as possible, they vote for every appropriation ofthe Public money, no matter how large regardless ' ofthe object, or from whence the application. ' 1 have thus briefly presented you some ofthe reason? on which my expectation of a change for the better u founded. I have done it frankly and ha?e addressed you throughout in a spirit of candor not only because I rt-gard equivocation, on these subjects, unwarrantablt if i ii . : . - .... i uui criminal uui oecause i consider you my political irienas. i would not thus de?cant unou these topics wer you an assembly of Nullifiers " were 1 to hold out hopes and favourable expectations, concerning (he"T rff, " to that class of politicians, and my predictions (as they would call them) should not be promptly and literal- -. ., ,.v.ny iiiuuiu uui uc promptly i ly fulfilled by Congress, the nullifying gentrv disposed to nullity " me for the disappoiiitrlie would pe would be ready to visit upou me all the penalties due the original sius of their own favourite politicians. There fore, although 1 neither make nor rttrard threats. I do not nnoititnient- i" , wish to be utwlei slood as promising orpredicling what the future operations of Consrress mnv he imnn the "Ta riff.;" IhC tot ate which I in nurl rr...&A. io .nmnnaed ot riding and intelligent freemen, as capable of judgio; for themselves as I am and I wish nil rn fellow-citizens, and especially the " Nullifiers," to make their own calcu lanuns oi lue prospect before us." tuc ruspec; Deiore us. About President Jackson, and the prospect of his lection, I have but little to say I consider that eve re-e- sav I ronsirtcr that event W ur as certain as it is vndnsptntablt to the welfare of our common country. Some blame him for doing too litllt io overthrow the "American System, " others blame him for doing too much in that way perhaps the best evidence of his honesty and patriotism is, that he it. a liltle blamed by . all parties. All know,,wbatever they mav sav to the con trary, that Gen. Jacluon will do what h believes, to be right and no man is blessed with a more infallible iudg- rnent, or a more fearless spirit. The great body ol the American reopl know this, and rh knn Kid. that no other man, untier eiisting circumstances, could vVt..c.eracy logemer live years longer. They are -ware that the crisis demands the re-election of Andre Jackson, as President of the United States and they w!l w " faitbful to themselves and to him. " Let no oneiup pose tne desirous of flatter iug Geir. Jackson characur and disposition apart, J have no iflotiv t for such sycophan cy. To gay nothing of my want ot qualifications, I do not wish, nor am I in a situation to accept, any office ia he gift of the President, neither would I beg office at bis hands for my best friend. I wUh, indeed, the ;on,B" tion prohibited evtfry member of Congress from taking fl ny appointment under the Federal Government. It slander on the American People to say, that compe" men cannot always; be found, except among their Kep' seutatives. A Rerrasentative of the People should nTe no motive to court the tmilei or dread the frowns of DT but bis Constituents. Pardon me for troubling you with such a long letter and allow me to conclude by proposing to your meeU the following sentiment: Ge. Jacksos asd th People of Carolina. cannot be divided while he continues hoaest and tfc'Z remain fbxe. Very respectfully, your ob'dt humble servant, N a , JAMSS BLAIR- ?lLWbt Whe- V P;