if.".
- 2
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S A, !J.
T
rJOETH dAEOllNA SENTINEL, AND NEWBERN COMMERCIAL, AGRICULTURAL AND LITERARY INTELLIGENCER.
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' i First. Each State is allowed an equal vote in the
Senate. .'. --": '.' j
Second. the selection of the Executive Officers,
the power of the States, as such, is grreatly respected.
Thua. aa it how onpmtfisL Rhode Island, Delaware,
j and NewJFersey, having a population equal to one
( third only bf Pennsylvania, have an electoral vote
i equal lOTOoretuian naii. . . . .
Third. The most remarkable provision is as to
'amendments. Congress may, Vptln5lX"
teen states; can a tHiveu .
Ition: and th6 alterations propu
United States; neverttieiess, tms majority 01 tne peo-
rv m v thus be overruieq ova minority. 1 nis is tne
Xwictitntional provision, and results from the reedgni
, ion of State sovereignties, to which greater influence
. is allowed, than to an actual numerical majority of
: tftepeople. I i . , -. ..
P. Well, it is a subject that renuires a nreat dea
tion, if ratified by trief legislatures
would be binding,on the reat- But the six largest
.!fa min a maiority of the people oi the whole
' cfconsjderation ; but I still think that the true theory
-41 t th Constitution rotist forbid nullification. I
7 V. You are misled bv the horror of the name. To
inuHify usurpation, wrong, or tyranny, is right j bu
I to nullify a good law is wrong. The application o
eider ODnressibn. Tliis warnincr may not be Hfctimea
; the remedy make3 the difficulty. Mr. Calhoun :says -juulciarv to decide all doubts of constitutional
the Southern people are looking to the reserved tights ity an(i State Governments for municipal pur--:
cl the Sta3? N defence against what theycon- -poseSt This scheme I can undertand, and con-
:i The assertion is undeniably true, that there is great
discontent kndj 1 think you now see, tnai a oidie
feeling herself unconstitutionally oppressed,, may be
disobedient;' without intending treason or disunion.
But he doc! hot prevent the dicontent, nor say that
the Tarifff is unconstitutional. He confines himself
to two' or three main propositions.
First. Thit there1 is a general belief in the South,
ftf the onnressiveness and unfairness of the Tariff, and
; its being contrary fo"the spirit of the Constitution to
maintain premium duties, when revenue shall not
be wanted for national objects, to any sucn extent
! . Secondly He states that the continuance of a high
Tariff, fox f the purpose of protecting manufactures,
rifter the debt is oaid off. will be a serious evil and
i that the project of distributing a surplus of revenue
among thd States will be, in his opinion, unwise and
uniust. 1 ! '" ' ' '
Thirdly. T hat, by the true exposition of the Con
stitution, a State may protect its citizens against acts
of the General Government, which intentionally vio;
late jthe spirit of the Constitution, in the modes set
ionn in uie rennsvivania luaiciai uecisiuu m i,
riot by. disunion or civil war, but by an appeal to such
a Convention of the States as the Constitution pro
vides for: but that this should be a last resort
P. But what is to be done with the obnoxious; law,
in the interim ? Is it to be enforced, or opposed and
resisted? j I
- V. According to Chief Justice McKean, and the
rest of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court and accor
ding to the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions,? pre
pared by ThbsJ Jefferson, as cited by Mr. Calhoun,
the State may lawfully suspend within her borders
the execution of the law till the appeal is made. But
it might be arranged otherwise aud the dissentient
State prpb ably Would say, "call the Convention, and
the law shall be submitted to until ite constitutijonali
ty has bedn settled." This seems to be the plan of
Mr. Calhoun. I
r. -Then you qo notconsiaer ivir. oaiuouu aiui
accord "with Governor Hamilton, and the rest of the
violent men who talk so flippantly of dissolving the
Union. ! '..
... K The -difference is manifest. The notions. of
these wild, inconsiderate men, meet with no encou
ragement in Virginia, or . any where out of South
Carolina! Mr. Calhoun has set his face decidedly
ufTainst 'them. He agrees more nearly with Col.
Drayton, who has been much praised for his modera
tion. , Col. Dravton says, the Tarin is unconstitution
al, oppressive, and unjust : but still the present remedy
r is remonstrance and persuasion. Mr. Calhoun says,
when remonstrance and persuasion fail, there is still
a remedy, without civil war or disunion : and he thinks
lie seesi that remedy in a precautionary provision of
ne uonsuuon useii. r inis ineory, carrieujiuo prac
tice, might repeal the Tariff, after, the debt is paid,
but it cannot lead to disunion or civil war: it might
prevent such evils. ! . -P.
How Could such doctrines do any good ?
V. The practical advantage of the doctrine of
State Ivjights is easily suggested, l ou do not per
ceive it at present, because South Carolina is a small
State, arid her physical force is not formidable j but, if
the "Empire State" of New York, with her two.mil
lioris of people, were to fancy an act of Congress un
constitutional and injurious, then the whole-matter
would appear very differently. And perhaps Penn
' sylvanial Virginia, or Ohio, might be equally difficult to
manage as New York.
P. But the doctrine of Nullification could not be
less dangerous, if adopted by a great State, than
when encouraged only by a small one.
i V. The doctrine of Mr. Calhoun, sind oQthe Penn
sylvania Supreme Court, would, in such case, pre
vent the necessity of civil war. IfNew York or Del
aware were to Iresist an act of Congressaccording
to your notions,
force the act,
the Executive woulS be bound to en
by a resort to civil war. Delaware
would, of course, be easily crushed, but New York
could 4efy the physical force of the whole Union, or
could onlv be Overcome after a desolating eontfst.
But, if Mr. Calhoun be correct, there need be no war
for th$ State has a right to stay proceedings till an
peal is determined by a convention which -deter
mination would be final, and meet a ready acquiescence
P. T tien one-lourth ol the States, or one more than
a fourth could alter trra Constitution, or Compact, as
you call it; because, if any one State should interpose
her veto, and the convention should be divided, seven
, on one jsiac, and seventeen on the other, the seven
could thus expunge any article out ol the Constitution
! ' f V. As to powers expressly granted, there could be
no question for a convention it is only respecting
" implied lor questionable powers that an appeal could
: be trade! ; itnd it' is a wise provision which forbids the
! assumption of powers implied only, not expressly
. granted,! unless a majority comprising three-fourths
agree to the assumption, i
, y P. You are making a hew Constitution, instead
j uf 'construing the one we have. The people have
' chosen t6 ordain the Supreme Court as an umpire in
; all such dilliculties.
) v V, The Supreme Court cannot decide political
H ( questions There may be infractions of the spirit of
M. Ikn tS Jx!i i? .1 CM. I 1 x
ij w vuusutuuoiiwnicii uie oupreme uuun cannoi
; ! remedy. The Tariff is an example.
: t If he Tariff presents any question of constitu--
Jnityi the, Court can decide it; if it depends whol
i f X nii iori o,( national policy, the Supreme Court
r- uhizance of it neither could a Con-
hcVer k? r& questions of pohcy are to
law heVnts of constitutional
S vtT p.?Such is the Compact,
SSrit. Noone
: however unwise it may be f unconstltuUonal
k V' You mistake. The art .
, era otaies. ? a ne people of the KniT ouui-
States are unrrsuaudeable of SSSSi' Mldd,e
Protective Systein-and we gWe yo?6 f
ble on tliat point. J K e y,1PaSmcorrigi-
P. Doubtless we are hard to pursuade against
our senses. We see prosperity and improve
xnent all around us we trace much of it, clearl
lv. tnl lhfl Protective Svstpm rA
I . . j ' we turn a
ceai ear 10 your ineones oi Political economy
wm .fa. ovkmw uuwi ,buctkBt anu mere i ore
the Tariff seems to us to be contrary to the
spirit oi me vonsuiuiion. -.
P. That is to 6ay, it seems to you to be im
politic, unwise, inexpedient, &cf .&c., and vou
. - m '
call this contrary to the spirit of the Constitu
tion. W heard the same objection against
the embargo, the war j the creation of new States,
and other matters. If the Constitution is to be
considered not a thing fixed and written, to
which reference can be had, and to be constru
ed by its plain terms but something spiritual,;
and implied, vague, and indefinite, like tne
'common law, and with no common umpire
for the settlement of Questions touching its
constructionthen, indeed, nous voila back
again at the Confederation, with all the bles-
sings of uncertainty, and with no uoyernmeni
at all. excent those of the States, and a pageant
mprelv in nlar.e of the General Government
which we have been supposing to exist
V. Then you are for consolidation.
P. For a consolidated nation I am, and for
such a Government as I believe the Members
of the Convention of 1787 thought they had
framed, and the people of all the States, in their
different conventions, thought they had ratified
and adopted: with a Federal Government to
determine all questions of national policy a
fide in but the chaos is come aain. if each
Istate Uoyernment may undertake to say tha
the national policy adopted by the Federal Con
gress is against the spirit, though within the
letter, of the Constitution.
V. I cannot see the difference between con
solidation and the exposition you give of the
Constitution.
P. Nor can I distinguish between your the
ory and that of the Confederation.
V. Then we must agree, like our States, to
differ, and, rendering justice to each other s mo
tives, avoid entering into even a civil war.
From the Boston Gazette.
. PROSPECTS OF HENRY CLAY.
We observe that Mr. Clay's friends are fast
deserting him in every part of the country
One Editor after another abandons the cause
of the distinguished patriot and statesman ol
the West, as entirely hopeless. The Editor o
the Providence Literary Subaltern, who some
years since, was a law student in Mr. Clay's
office, and who has for a long time been the
Organ of the! Clay party in Rhode Island, is
among the number who are looking about for
some other candidate. In his paper of.yester
day he has a long article upon the subject of
the next presidency, from which we have made
two or three extracts that cannot fail to please
the candid and intelligent reader. The Editor
of the Subaltern asserts, and very truly, that
"Henry Clay blasted all his prospects, hopes
and fortunes, by blending them with those of
John Qulncy Adams." According to the Edi
tor of the subaltern, Messrs., Rush, Adams
and Webster have recently asserted that " Mr.
Clay has notvthe remotest chance for success."
That they have seriously entertained this opin
ion for a year past, we have not the least doubt;
but we were not aware that they had authorized
their friends to make their opinion known Ao
the public, until we read the editorial article in
the Subaltern from which the annexed extracts
are made :,
" Fifteen years of the little period of the life
that has been allowed us, we have devoted our
selves to Hhe interest of Henry Clay, with a
sincerity and devotion, that have had no bounds,
and which have never wavered amidst the vi
cissitudes of the times or amid the storms and
the tempests that have howled around us. Cer
tain of the great merit of Mr. Clay, worship
ping the evidences of geniust that he has dis
played, and honoring the independence and the
lustre of the man, we had hoped, that a grate
ful people would do justice to his transcendent
merits and superiority of his mind ; and that
1 1 1 1 . 5 .1
nope nas inaucea us toipersevere in tne cause
of Henry Clay ; and we have marched onward,
suffering loss of time, and the emolument that
would have attended our toils, . had they been
devoted to sme other political aspirant. Our
course has been onward; we have toiled and
tugged, and tugged and toiled away the better
1 f tan ' -m m - - -
period ot our lite, and our only reward has been
the loss of money the accumulation of foes,
and the neglect and contumely of political
demigods. But all this would not dishearten
us, if we could only behold the glimmerintr of
a prospect before us, favorable to Henry Clay
as a candidate for the Presidency. But we be
hold nothing in his favor. That he can array
a goodly number of personal friends, is a fact
that cannot be doubted; but of what avail is
that if he cannot rally a party ? What are his
prospects ? If the election were to take place
to day he might probably secure the vote of
Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut ;
but, he would lose Maine, "New Hampshire
and Vermont. This would be his fate in New
England ! What would he d o in the West ?
He might possibly secure the vote of Louisi
ana, but Mississippi, Alabama, G eorgia, South
Carolina, North Carolina. Tennessee. Missouri.
Indiana, Illinois,. and Kentucky, he would most
certainly lose, whilst it is possible, that he
might gain Ohio, Maryland, and Del aware !
And of wha t avail would all this afford him,
when it is well known that he cannot even hope
for any support in.Virginia, N. York or Penn
sylvania ! Are not the times dark and gloomy
in the extreme ? What possible chance is
there for Henry Clay?
At the next canvass of the electoral colleges
of the states, who cansay in anticipation, that
Mr. Clay will gain Rhode Island,Massachusetts,
or Connecticut ? The anti-masonic party, one
of the most flourishing parties that ever existed
in this country, has avowed its determination
not to support Mr. Clay; and, it is next to a
moral certainty, that ere the arrival of Novem
ber, 1832, anti-masonary will have a majority,
and an overwhelming influence in all New
England.
The anti-masons have avowed they will not
support, or give countenance to any man, who
is attached to the masonic order ; they have
issued their edicts to the world, and they will
be maintained and carried into complete and
full execution. Mr. Clay is a mason of .the
highest order, and it is presumed he will not
aojure a society to which he has been attached
from an early period of life, till the approxim
ation of old age. He cannon, without being
a of sinisterand selfish motives, secede;
L?e do5 secede, the anti-masons will not trust
l."' V"ut the masons, will as' a matter of
nnSpr T8.11 and forever abandon him.
Lnder the existence of circumstances like
these,
."Mr. Clay as a man of elevated feelings ! intolerance, that may m its course successively upuu iv, .cFuuiC luuiguauun snould fall
nd as
of those who are attached to him by the tie
. . - J - I I
of personal and political friendship, to retire
rom the held of action, and assume a place in
the councils of the nation, wield the mighty
influence of his eloquence, and become agaii
the champion of the interests of the people. !
Placiner his condition in the most, favorable
aspect, it is hardly possible, that he can be res-
turned a candidate to the house of Representa
tives an event which all his friends would
deplore, since, it is the hope and prayer of the
public, that no man shall be elevated to the
Presidency, without he reaches that post ot
J - . . . I
honor, by the voice of the people and where
is the man,, among the sincere and devout ad-
11111 CIS Ul 11 CHI V V Id. Y , T 11U IUUIU KJl TT KJ li.V. I
hope to see him elected to office, through
r it ri., ,.,,1,1 nr.
bargain, sale and corruption ! HM! !
Of the badness of Mr. Ulay's prospects, w,e
ltrr.n mn-n flinn ninorr nmnf. ita m r1 a ri ri rl v
aspect is not founded on the mere fact, that the
llOYC 1I1U1C UlOU UJU1UUJ J J"""' .wi....v. I
blind worm ot the Drain oenoias a mousana
vav y . i - -M .
fantasies and unreal mockeries it exists on la
more solid superstructure, and is as firm as it is
distressing and repulsive, l ne non. yamei
Webster, the Hon. Richard Kush, and the Hon.
John Quincv Adams, as we have proof to show,
i ;.i ,;v.;v, k t o norioH nr Q mnnth
IlaVU saitt Y llli ill 1.11 Jiniv uvjiuu
" Mr. Clay has not the remotest chance for sue-
pp Wa known him vp11 : wfi have all re-
MoiWv ihv hpnpfif nf his fripndshib.
and the usefulness of his actions, and we wish
him well. We will not abandon him in the
- - . f. I
hour of his adversity, but we cannot indulge! a
hope in favor of his political fortunes, for we
know that he cannot be elected to the Presi-
dency of this tgood republic." That those
frentlemen have said this we are prepared to
prove. Literary Subaltern.
The subjoined remarks on Anti-Masonry are
a man of honor, owes it to himself and i proscribe every party m government ana every u. c """"" U1 l."entry to be
rlioion? What I create a new moral roused to a general war. against a nuinprA,,.
from a patriotic, impartial and gifted mind. and connect it with the legislation of the, coun
We commit them to the sound sense 'of the try, the adminstration of the government, and
Pi-innrir nrrn whip.h wp havp bppn ar.rnstomfif
to rely in all important public questionsj
vvyuiiKJ . " I' " , . . . . . . -
JSat. traz.
ANTI-MASONRY.
T'Ito eiri f AntJ.lVTaannrv has diffiispfl it-
X 11U Uiii yi' i&iifi ii.uwvMi i - - I
. . i .i : j ii. j
sell extensively over tne miauie anu iioruieni
States. It has now erected itself into a formi-
dable political engine,, which, may exert an ex-
traordinary power over the affairs of the coun-
try.
'I'll Ant, 0 A, a n f n nnnr o nniitiol norlw I
1 11U XlUll UL U CL UUlltlVUI pillT I
whose ostensibly purpose is the suppression ot merits ol Masonry, and are equally true wheth
Masonry. To effect this object, they propose to er there be any thing in it good or evil. j It is,
disfranchise all masonsto disqualify them tor
holding any office of profit or honor and to
render them incompetent witnesses or jurors,
The plan of operations is to rndte this a test of
political faith to obtain the legislative power
of the States and finally to control Congress
and wield the executive authority of the govern
ment. .They are about to assemble to nominate a
candidate of their party, for the highest office
in the country, with whom of course engage
ments have been made to carry their system
into effect by a sweeping disfranchisement and
proscription of a large and respectable portion
of our citizens.
The Anti masons, composed of all parties,
political and religious, are about to raise them
selves into the dignity cf a national party, with
out any known political opinions, and recom
mended only by their zeal against masonry.
They are then to select a President from any
party, with any principles, or no principles, not
whom they would choose, but whom they can
get, distinguished only by the zeal of intole
rance and the spirit of persecution possibly a
mere demagogue, willing to catch at any des
perate chance. And are the sober people of
this country prepared to place at the head of
this greats nation such a man, to wield its des
tinies. Shall wre lose sight of the principles upon
which parties are founded, those vital principles
of the constitution, and of public policy, upon
which depend the Union of the States, and the
prosperity of the country.
Can we for a moment tolerate the formation
of a new national party, upon grounds distinct
land foreio-n to the principles, the policy, and
'the Durnoses of Government.
j t Why mingle masonry with political ques
tions? Why connect it with elections? WThy
make it the standard of political faith the ob
ject tf a furious persecution and an inexorable
i proscription? Why not leave it, like every
other question of morals, or of religion, to the
high tribunal of public opinion.
They have denounced the order to the whole
world. They have added to the force of num
bers and influence a powerful press. They
have exposed its errors and its folies. They
have exhibited either truly or falsely its en
igmatical language its emblematic signs and
its mysterial rites. They have stript it of all
that was venerable in its forms and imposing in
in its ceremonies, ine illusion wnich time
and mystery had thrown around it is dispelled,
and it now stands exposed to the power of rea
son, the shafts of satire,, the force of ridicule,
and if it shall deserve it, the scorn of enlighten
ed men. Is ,not all this enough to satisfy our
zeal, and must we add to it the power of party
and the terrors of proscription. The laws will
punish its crimes, opinion will crush its errors
or abuses, society will frown it down these
are the remedies.
Masonry may not be worth preserving, and
therefore not worth defending. It would pro
bably decline under the general indifference
or under the force of public sentiment. If left
free, it would cease by neglect and the total
want of interest or motive in the continuance
of the institution. But persecution will keep
it alive make war upon it and they vkll defend
it men will brave denunciation and even pros
cription as they do martyrdom ; the spirit of
independence will rise up against the spirit of
intolerance, and every feeling of their nature
will revolt at the attempt to erect a tyranny
over their minds and their actions. The peo
ple will see it involves a principle that lies at
the b$se?of all free Government that opinion
shall ae free from political power as well as le
gal restraint. Will they not remember the
wicked persecutions and the sanguinary spirit
it engendered in the old world? Will the de
pendents of those who fled from their persecu
tions, to obtain the liberty of conscience and
the right of opinion, encourage here, by a dan
gerous example, the beginning of a system of
Sun a standard oi rengious or morai wii
i 1 ? 1 tV o I .
political test, against the very spirit oi the con-
stitution violate uie ngm ui upmuu,
lish doctrine ot coniormity ana anve iree men
from their, principles and their associations by
violence ana Dy exclusion irom uit: Fuc6w
ot citizens.
Little do they know of the human heart and
p snirit of liberty in this country, if they im-
T II P S 1 1 1 1 I L 111 11 UK l l V -ill H"3 7 " I
. i ri;i,.t,T .n nie nnnirv 11 inpv inr. i
oW tbp neonle will tolerate any political par-
ty in any scheme of power, to impose re-
, K " . I
straints anu cuuumuus UU11'""" .r
upon tneir wougms, uicir 4cr ..
. t i r -l j i tTfl it onH wh?it I
ions, uoa ioroiu: tTiicio i . . ,
treeoomoi speecii, wiwuiuu,
w rpmam. it men are oroscnoeu uum uuuhu
, I - I
office for their opinions of nature and matter,--
creed is safe from sectarean zeal f wappy in
t- .1
me eujujmcui ui houvmvi.5wUU
b-k -v w vv - w- g x -w - - i w m m l m-m . b.w
let us preserve it. . j
Nothing is more to beeared than an intoie-
iaiHpiH, uu m -
me puDiic iiDeriy, uui n uecumcs uicw
ical, and persecuting spirit and wiU be, us it ai-
wavs lasnfien.ineareaaoiscoureuiuic ucuuic
J .: ' . o
If masonry is now to be sacrificed on the ai-
ter of political ambition what shall nexti be ol-
fered up to appease the anger of popular fac-
.' It - A 1 ' 1 J 1 ,l
uons : 11 masons are to De douhu aim "
over to a ruthless proscription who next shall
be immolated ? Who is safe or what is sacred .
Who shall stay its course or set bounds; to its
power
Political parties are founded upon the ele-
mentary principles ot liovernment, ana separa
ted from all the affairs of the Church and all
11
other extraneous matter: but admit mis i inter-
vention with the private rights of the people
thp nrtrnniatinn nf nnlitirtal nartips. and soon
I' I '
there will be a religious party in politics and a
political party in religion. s Politics and reli -
gion and morals will mingle in every form of
rombination. tn obtain asr.nrrdpnp.v and nower.
7 - " - 7 J
1:1 ii j u i. ,
vivu iiuvriy can oniv ue preserveu uv kpcjiuih
the government free from all other influences,
and that principle lies at the foundation of our
government.
1 hese views present themselves m the a b-
c tip At am a tnnrothor1 iiiocnnnoptoH iiri i h thr
jv.vcttv u'tu uituiv.nivi uiuuuui,l.tyU
a best, perhaps merely indifferent, having ma-
ny things connected with it that seem unmeari-
ing and absurd forms and ceremonials unwor
thy the serious attention of sensible men, and
perhaps the age in which we live.
It has no obiect that cannot be obtained in
some other way. There can be no motive for
secrecy in a free Government, whatever-there
may have been in despotic ones.
There is perhaps no principle worth cling
ing to, none worth struggling for. It may be
abandoned without any sacrifice it had be
come almost indifferent, and in a few years
would have become obsolete. But this furi
ous crusade against the members of this; order
will rouse their pride, provoke their indigna
tion, and put them on their defence, and a vio
lent conflict will ensue. These two parties
thus arrayed against each other, will connect
themselves with the great political parties of
the country, and thus infuse into the dominant
party, and the operations of Government a
portion of their malignant and vindictive Ispirit.
But without entering into the defence of ma
sonry can an institution that has existed so
long, which has received the sanction and the
support of the wise and good of every country,
and which claims in our own, the most distin
guished names for piety, patriotism and talents
be founded in any principles dangerous to the
rights of the body of the people, or injurious to
public morals! Can it have stood the test of
time, the scrutiny of good and enlightened
men, and the vigilance of society, if its princi
ples are bad, its practices evil, or its tendency
immoral or dangerous? Carigood and virtu
pus men and citizens unite for a secret, wicked,
unlawful purpose, and for what object? The
injurious effects of their precepts, or their ex
ample upon the morals of society, or their in
fluence upon the administration of justice, or
on popular elections cannot be seen or traced.
They have no distinguishing marks of char
acter, or peculiar habits of life, no system of
morals or political or religious principles.
They ave of every party, of every sect, of eve
ry profession, of every condition, neither bet
ter nor worse nor essentially different from oth
er people. They 4iave the same interests
the same affections and passions the same
friendships and hatred. They contend openly
and violently with each other in personal af
fairs, in courts of iustice and for nublic office.
There appears in their intercourse in society,
and in their conduct to each other, rather a
want of the brotherly love, which constitutes
the moral beauty of the order, which has sei
zed on the imagination and warmed the hearts
of so many of its votaries.
The murder of Morgan is an abomination.
But worse crimes have been committed inthe
name of God, and for the cause of religion, by
fools and fanatics. The crime is disvowed by
the society. It is an outrage committed by a
few obscure and ignorant individuals against
the public peace and the law of the land. The
society claim no exemption from the laws, and
pretend no right or power to punish by death
offences against its ownlaws; no such violation
has before occurred, and perhaps never will
again. If the principles of the society iuslifv
murder, apd if the murderers are protected if
tney are placed above the law, by the . influ
ence of its members, the institution would be
justly abhorred and its crimes denounced.There
would be no occasion to invoke the aid ol all
good men in exposing its principles and sup
pressing the detestable association; it would
sink under the general odium.
There would be no necessity to call in the
E1 ui hta.cal Pwer' lo connect this abuse
with the business of the General Government,
and make it the paramount interest of the na.
a n c mi?ht le to the law the press,
and the force of public opinion.
It is proper to distinguish between the guilt
of lawless and profligate individuals,, and
whole societies of honorable men. It is only
upon those who avow this doctrine, or practice
lu;c"'Bv"7. iur le crime.
nlil iironf tni nniirotnil moio-r it
oi a iew uuwr uu iiSguiueu menr There
"" T,? j . "llcuient and
mwmauuu .u ui certain qUar
ters. But m sober reason, can we believe ihat
Pr . - inen and
1UU1 ",uw ""v' ""s"""- triune and
family connections, witn all the ordinary m0
tives of interest and ambition, could unite
iivhh hi i ri Lfrrtrs l htiii miiuiLitiii. i-un in im;..
- 1- T .v. uilllP ay,
tensively through our country, to form an in''
. .. . . ! . .
union vicious m us principles and wicked in
r-nr . ; rnce of
- t JV r rwJ"e"-ai'a
pniintru nf laws nnrl With n Trrn ntn .
w..-..f - - - . to ej.
. eus
ucwuuuiciuiou vitxuui us uun cv
J , 1 . f-t ..
ments and the severity of iU infliC lons? Qur
T. . 1 r 1 . 1 . .1
n is mereior. .uumu eu l? ine good sens
m . www .vbvh. w m k k ij m m.m. . a ui i i i i. w i wrt'
. rr.7 r "j ""ugin
"3 u..9 w Muerea0f
paramount inierest -wiieuier ought to be.
; i , --- uumu oi a
"a""U01 "VJ. 7',tM" not
grow out ol it, more to dc deprecated than
iuusc iu uc icuicunu.
SUGAR, COFFEE, AND LIME
6PtLlfhTh LBS. St. Martin's Sugar,
,tJHV 4,500 lbs. St. Domingo Coffee
ZD Casks Stone L.ime, lor sale by -
JOS. M. GRANADE k Co.
Sept. 15th, 1831. Dunn's. Corner.
FOR SALE,
My Farm, eoiitainiiig 5oo
j i i Ipa acres, situated on the north side of Trent
River and the east side of Jinning's Creek
and distant from the Town of Nevvbern about3 miles!
It is bounded on the south by the river, on the "West by
the creek, on the north by Trent roa 1, andon the ea t
...i aj i r i f. i,.
by the land ol the late VV m. Diviley. There are clear-
m. ailU ClllilUSCU W1L11111 iX IAAX1 lCllUC. ill)LHU 4 I I qkkv.
The soil is light, is of easy cultivation, and is npr
lnoocled by ram. The cleared land will averace two
barrels ol corn to the thousand hills, ami pro iuceood
Crops 01 pease. I he last Crop Ol Cotton averairftF&ft
I , i - - . . , ,
I noullds to tne acre. 1 he Bit.nat.inn ir henlthw' r: t.
. -7 r , "-v '3
Zlm a
Gill.houe and'a Horse Mil Nerro g
Orchard of apple and peach trees: A Vineyard of 4
acres,; the vines of which are mostly scaffolded and in
n ctato rt hoi .inn A,-! f r, i A i 1 L i
1 i . atuiv VI 1-U.1HJ" 1IUU. (1111.1 Will CjUUll UB CclDaDle C'
making 1000 gallons of wine : A bricked well of mvirt
water. This is a desirable situation to a farmer who
may wish to live in, or near to Newbern.
Lois Nos. 19 & 20, with the Dwelling-house and
other improvements thereon, in Drysborough, adjoin
ing the Town of fVewbern. The framing and
weatherboarding of the dwelling are of cypres.-:, and
shew no decay. There is a pump of good water at
the premises. This property is subject to no town tax
and is free from the danger of fire from other buiLiinrr?
I Nine hundred acres of land in Brice's Creek poco-
u. 111. xuisun lias a iew acres oi ine-auioinir.n'
f i ' i ' i i i- .r .i
pocoscn cleared and ditched, wbch has yielded ut-
.j i in lj '
wa.us ui iu uurreis oi corn to tne acre.
Six hundred and forty acres of land adjoining Bay
river bridge, containing a valuable juniper sivanip."
Four hundred acres at the head of Little S wilt Creel..
Thirty-five feet front of lot No. on Middle-strec.
occupied by M. H. Lente.
b ive Lots in Washington, N. C.
Indian Island, containing 150 acres, in Pamlico river.
Four. thousand acres of land of various qualities, i;:
Beaufort county.
A Pianno, which has been but little used.
A Share in the Newbern Library Corapanv.
The above property, or any part thereof, 'will k
sold very low, for either cash or negroes, or if requi
red, a credit will be friven on a part of the amount cf
purchase of any portion of it.
. GEORGE WILSON.
September 7, 1831.
DE LA MONTERAT S
COLUMBIAN VEGETABLE SPECIFIC.
For the Cure of Consumptions, Asthma, 8pitting of Blood, and
Pulmonary Affections of every kiod. The most valuable remedy
eyec yet discovered for the cure of Consumptions and all diu
of the breast and lungs leading to consumptions- To all affliptfd
with those troublesome affections, an immediate use of this highly
celebrated specific is o ly necessary to convince the most increuuluts
of its possessing qualities superior to anv other medical preparation
yet discovered. This specific is obtained by extraction from herb:,
roots, plants, rc.j in combination of those most v iluable herbs it
becomes a balsam of superior value to the human family. It heal
the injured parts, opens fe pores and compose ;ibe disturbed
nerves ;and while it c eanseg and heals it also gives strength to the
tender lungs, improves d -eslion, repairs the appetite and improrw
the spirits. This specific is always given in safety it is mild ami
pleasant to the taste, and may bv safely given to women in what
ever condition, the most delicate circumstances not excepted. A
great many well authenticated certificates could be obtained - tb
proprietor is opposed to any thing like puff, and prefers to risk it
on its own merits alone The public will ple;ie to be cautious af
a spurious article.- none are genuine without the signature of tbt
proprietor alone, which will accompany each bill of direction.
Yrice one dollar. ' -
For sale by
WILLTAM SANDERS-
DR. RUSH'S
ANTI-DYSPEPTIC, OR SOUR STOMCH
Have stood the test of experience, and are found to be so inki:.
l.le Cure for Indigestion. These pills have been highly approved
of by those who have used them for the above disease They act
as a powerful tonic, neutralizing the acid upon the stomacb-fie
strength to the debilitated organs of digestion restore the appetite
and remove nausea and sickness at the stomach, habitual costive
ness, head ache, despondency of the mind, paleness ol the counte
nance, palpitation of the heart vrtego or giddiness, belching up of
water which is sometimes tasteless but most commonly soar sod
many other nervous affections. They do not contain mercury in sny
torm, nor do they sicken the stomach as most purgative medicines
do, but perform the office of a safe and mild cathartic. There is no
restriction in dietpr drink, or exposures to wet or cold, while itfinz
uieiu. Tbey are therefore particularly calculated for family use.
The proprietor of these pills was one of the roost eminent practi
tioners of raedtcine;in tbe United States, and used them luccessfal'?
m bis practice for many years.
' . For sale by WILLTAM 8ANDERS.
STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, gg
Craven County. )
County Court of Pleas and Quarter SessionSy
August Term, A. D. 1831.
SARAH RICE, J
I'' Original Attachment.
U ILLIVM LEWIS, ) -.
IT appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that tfc
Defendant is not ail inhabitant of this S'e: M
ordered. That publication be made for six weeks in the
Worth Carolina Sentinel, that said defendant appear be
fore the Court of Pleas and Quarter Session of CraveD
m1 in!y af the ourt Ho,,e in Newborn, on the "second
Monday of November next, and replevy or plend to is
sue, or Judgment final will be rendered against huo.
Attest, j. G STANLY, Clerh
Sept. 6, 1831 $5
1ATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, )
Craven County. S
ss.
County Court of-Pleas and; Quarter Sessions,
August Term, A. D. 1831.
MARY SHARP, i
vs. Original Attachment.
WILLIAM LEWIS, y
IT appearing to tbe satisfaction of the Court, that the
Defendant is not an inhabitant of this State: u
ordered, That publication be made for six weeks, io ,he
North Carolina Sentinel, thai said defendant appflr be
fore the Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions of Craven
County, at the Court House in Newbern, on tfce second
voodaj of November next, and replevy or plead tots
ue, or Judgment fiual wiU be rendered 'asrains Jn
Aiiesi J. ti. oTAIVIirk - .
Sept. 6. 1331. 6