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Tim LIBERTY. ...THE CO.STITUTION....UNIOn! VOL. XVI. JVBtt'BEM, WEDNESDAY, MAi 9, 1832. WO. 795. .. published BY THOMAS WATSON. TERMS, I Three dollars per annum payable in advance. w No paper will be discontinued (but at the dis cretion ofthe Editor) until all arrearages have been paid up. JCr Remittances by mail will le guarantied by the Editor. - . BY AUTHORITY. By the President vf the United Slates of America. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS a treaty of Limits between the tjnitcd States of-Atn erica, and the United Mex ican States was concluded and signed by the -plenipotentiaries of the two countries, al Mex ico, on the Ijilh January, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight: Wiierkas, also, an additional article thereto was concluded and signed by the Plenipoten tiaries of the two countries, at Mexico, on the .rth April, one thousand eiht hundred and thir-ly-onc, which treaty and additonal article are word for word as follows: The limits of the United States of America, with the bordering territories of Mexico, having been fixed and designated by a solemn treaty, concluded and signed at Washington, on the tuentv-sccond day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand cightjitindred and nine teen, between the" respective Plenipotentiaries of the Government of the United States of Ame iica, on the one part, and of that of Spain on the other: And whereas, the said treaty having !k en sanctioned at a period when Mexico con stituted a part of the Spanish Monarchy, it is deemed necessary now to confirm the validity of the aforesaid treaty of limits, regarding it still in ffirce and binding between the United States of America and the United Mexican States: With this'intention, the President of the Uni fctl Stales of America has appointed Joel Ro berts Poinsett their Plenipotentiary; and the President of the United Mexican States their Kxcellencies Sebastin Caiimcho and Jose Yg iiacio F.steva : r - And ithe said. Plenipotentiaries having ex changed tl?cir full powers, have agreed upon and oncltidcd. the following articles : Article I. The dividing limits' of the respec tive bordering territories of the U nited Slates of America and of the United Mexican States, be ing the same as were agreed and fixed upon by .the abovemcntioned treaty of Washington, con cluded and .signed on the twenty-second day of February, in. the year one thousand eight hun dred and nineteen, the two high contracting par tics will proceed forthwith to carry into full ef foct the third and fourth articles of .said treaty, which are herein recited, as follows: , Article II. The boundary line between the t'.vo countries, west of the Mississippi, shall bc gin on the. giilf of Mexico, at the mouth of the river Sabine, in the sea, continuing north along the western bank of that river," to the 32d de gree of latitude ; thence, by a line due north, to the degree of latitude where it strikes the Kio Hoxo of Natchitoches, or Red river ; then, following the course of the Rio Roxo westward, to the degree of longitude 100 west from Lon-' :om and Z6 lrom Washington; men, crossing the aid Red river, and running thence by a line due north,-to the river Arkansas; thence, . olio win gLbc course of the southern bank of the Arkansas, to its source, in latitude 42 north; and thence', by that parallel of latitude, to the -.Smith seai the whole being as laid down in MeHsh's map of the United States, published at Philadelphia, improved to the first of Janu ary, lHiS. Rut, if the source of the. Arkansas river shall be found to fall north or south of f latitude 42, then the line shall run from the :im source due south or north, as the case may -be, till it meets the said parallel of latitude 42; and thence, along the said parallel, to the South sea. All the islands in the Sabine, and the said Rod and Arkansas rivers, throughout the course thus described, to belong to the United States, hut the use of the waters, and the navigation of the Sabine to the sea, and of the said rivers Hoxo and Arkansas, throughout the extent of aid boundary on their respective banks, shall be common to the respective inhabitants of both nations. - ' , ' The two high contracting parties agree to cede and renounce all their rights, claims, and pretentions to the territories described by the aid line ; that is to say : the United States here by cede to his Catholic Majesty, and renounce forever, all their rights, claims, and pretentions to the territories lying' west and south of the above described line ; and, in like manner, his Catholic Majesty cedes to the said United States all his, rights, claims, and pretentions to any territories east and north of the. said line; and for himself, his heirs, and successors, renounces all claim to the said territories forever. ! Article III. To fix this line with more pre cision, and to place the landmarks which shall designate exactly the limits of both nations, each of the contracting parties shall appoint a) commissioner ond a surveyor, who shall meet before the termination of one year from the date of the ratification of this treaty, at Natchitoches, on the Red river, and from the Red river to the river Arkansas, and to ascertain the lati tude of the sonrce of the said river Arkansas, in conformity to what is agreed upon and sti pulated, and the li ne of latitude 42, to the South st'a.. They shall make out; jlans and keep journals of their proceedings; and the result "b'u upon Dy tnem snail ne consiaereu as partofthis treaty, and shall have the same force as if it were inserted therein. The two Go- rnrecnfs will amicably agree respecting ,J the necessary articles to be furnished to those per sons, and also as to their respective escorts, should, such be deemed necessary. Article IV. The present treaty shall be rati-' fied, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington, within the term of four months, or sooner if possible. In witness whercof, we, the respective . Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and 1 have hereunto affixed our respective seals. Done at Mexico, this twelfth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight, in the fifty-second year of the Independence of the United States of America, and inthe eighth of that of the Uni ted Mexican, States. J. R. POINSETT, l. s. S. CAMACHO. l. s. J.'Y. EST EVA. l. s. Additional Article to the Treaty of Limits con cluded between the United States of Ameri ca and the United Mexican States, on the 12th day of January 1828. The time having elapsed which was stipula ted for the exchange of ratifications of the Treaty of Limits between the United Mexican States and the United States of America, signed in Mexico on the 12th of Januarp, lb28; and both Republics being desirous that it should be carried into full and complete effect, with all due solemnity, the President of the United States of America has fully empowered, on his part, Anthony Butler, a citizen thereof, and Charcgc d 'Affaires of the said States in Mexico ; And the Vice-President of the United Mexican States, acting r.s President thereof, hay, in like manner, fully empowered, on his part, their Excellencies Lucas Alaman, Secre tary ofState and Foreign Relations, and Rafael Magnino, Secretary of the Treasury, who af ter having exchanged their mutual powers, found to Le ample and in form, have agreed, and do hereby agree, on the flowing article : The ratifications of the Treaty of Limits, concluded on the 12th January, 1828, shall be exchanged at the City of Washington, with in the term of one year, counting from the date of this agreement, and sooner should it be possible. The present Additional Article shall have the same force and effect as if it had been in serted word for word in the aforesaid treaty of the IVth of January, of 1828, and shall be ap proved and ratified in the manner prescrioed j by Ihe Constitutions of the respective States. In faith of which, the said Plenipotentiaries have hereunto set their hands and affixed their respective seals. Done in Mexico, the fifth of April, of the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-one, the fifth-fifth of the Indepen dence of the United States of America, and the eleventh of that of the United Mexican States. A. BUTLER, fi.. "5 LUCAS ALAMAN, I'l : RAFAEL M4NGIN0. i.. s And whereas, the gaid Treaty has been duly at fird on both parts, nnd the respective ratifications f the same were exchanged at Washington on the fifth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and thiriv-two by En ward Livingston, Secretary of State of the Unite' States of America, and Josk Mostov, Charge d'Afl'aires 'f the Mexican Uiti.ed States, on the part of their rt pec'ive Governments : NOW, TlIKRBFORF-y. BR IT RBOWS, That f, ArDRT.W JaCksuk, President mt' the United Slates of Amenca, have canted the taid treaty to be made public to the end that the same, arid every clause and article thereof, may be observed und fiilnUel with good faith, by the United States and the citizens thereof. In Witness wiitnvcr. I hve hereunto set my hand, and caused ttfe Seal of the United States to be tdaxr-!. Done tit the City of Washington, this fifth day of April, in the year of our Lord one tliou rT c -j sand ciht hundred and thirty-two- and L " J of the Independence of the Uoited States the fifty-sixth. ANDREW JACKSON. By the President: ' Edw : Livikc.sto, Stcftlary of Stale. From the New York Evening- Post. The abandonment of the principle of protec tion is the only condition upon which it is pos sible that a country situated like the United States can be governed, with any prospect of permanent peace or solid prosperity. The ex tent of the country alone, apart from other cir cumstances of its situation, would necessarily oppose great obstacles to the establishment of a system which might be supposed to have an equal pressure upon its different and perhaps remote divisions. But in addition to this, there are other circumstances connected with our sit uation, which render the establishment of such a system, almost totally impracticable. In the first place our government is not con solidated. The nature of it is such as leaves a great deal of power in the hands of the States or local government. These possess immense facilities for opposing any laws, enacted by the federal legislature, which they deem oppres sive or injurious in their-'operation, in relation to the States they represent. We already be gin to be made sensible of the difficulties arising out of this very feature of our system of govern ment. Prbperlv speaking, we are now begin ning to find out, in the practical operation of our government, tnat tne division ana aisinmi- tion of its powers, is now answering one of the great ends for which it was designed, viz: that of protecting the minority against the oppres sion and tyranny, of the majority. Another circumstance of our situation is of much importance- There is a marked and ob vious difference in the nature of the industry and occupations of the people of what are call ed tne northern, and southern states or, tne slave holding and non-slave-holding states. This very naturally leads to an opinion, that where there is any interference on the part of government in the industry and pursuit of so ciety, it is partial and unjust in its operation, and Originates in nninct anA nn(il ir i o tire and notions. This natural jealousy, it is obvious, constitutes another obstacle to the establish : r,i ' . . O .wUOb CI 1 1 1 ft LJfll L&IA A - .- ment ot what is called the principle of protec- uon. uut ot this course has arisen the opposi- j tion now made at the South, to the Tariff law designed for the beneSt of the. manufacturer at ' the expense of all other classes of ihe commu - miy. xii? ie vnai manufactures nr. PchK lished in the northern states, does not prevent the people of those states from being sufferers from the Tariff, as well as their neighbors of the South: but it prevents them from feelincr that jealousy which is felt by the latter and which must end, either in the overthrow of that Isystem of folly, or in a separation of the south cm from the northern portion of the States. Had it not been for that difference between the nature of the industry of the southern, and that of the northern states, there can be little doubt that the Tariff would have been carried with very little opposition; the people quietly sub mitting to have their pockets picked by a com bination of crafty manufacturing capitalists. To have those who seek the benefit of a protec tion system, and those at whose expense that benefit is sought, live intermixed as it were, with one another; so that no territorial separa tion can be made between them; much less jealousy is felt, upon the siibject of an interfer ence on the part of government, in the exercise of what is called the power of protection or en couragement, than where the protected and un protected classes occupy distinct and separated territorial limits. Not only is Jess jealousy felt when that is the case, but in fact there is no less reason for feeling it. . The various classes of industry who live with in the sajne territory, closely united by prox imity of situation, are at the same time so close ly united in interest, and mutually dependent one upon another, that they very soon become convinced of the futility of any attempt to give advantages to one class at the expense of the others. W henever this has been attempted, under such circumstances, it has been done on the supposition that the encouragement of a particular class of industry was beneficial to the country at large. The protected class has had the adroitness to persuade those in power, that the public welfare would be promoted, and the national wealth augmented, by granting it en couragement, and exclusive advantages. The corner classes exposing the community or ma jority, have acquiesced in the belief, that their governors while sustaining a particular inter est, or branch of industry, were in fact advan cing the prosperity and welfare of them all, The several interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, have at different times, and in different countries, prevailed for a season, and become the particular objects of government patronage sometimes because snch a protec tive policy was really thought conducive to the public advantage, and sometimes, and probably much oftencr, because those who administered the government, were bribed by the favoured classes, and received their price for the patron age which they extended. It probably never has happened that several classes composing a majority of a community, have combined upon a system, for their own advantage and the op pression of all others. The. evils and disor ders of such a scheme of rapine and plunder, not to speak of its iniquity, are such and so enor mous, and the spoil to be divided among the majority so small comparitively speaking, that the event of its ever being realized, may be con sidered among the most remote possibilities of systematic and organized rapacity. But al though, in a community, the classes of whose industry are closely united by proximity of situation and mutual and inseparable depen dence, nothing could be more improbable than such a combination for the purpose of oppres sing the minority; it by rio means follow that such a combination may not exist in a commu ty whose situation is the reverse of tha-t we have just described. Take the case for exam ple of the mother country and her colonies. The classes of industry composing the majori ty, are here represented by the mother coun try ; those corriposing the minority, by the co lonies; What is called the Colonial system, is and always lias been a system of oppression it is the oppression of the minority by the ma jority; and it proves that where an empire is ex tensive, and component parts remote from one another; and especially where their occupa tions, habits and industry are marked by any striking dissimilitude, the sacrifice of the weak er party to the stronger is not merely a proba ble event, but may bt regarded even as a cer tainty. It is enormous to suppose th.at the rep resentation of the weaker, and the strict obser vation of constitutional forms, could be relied upon as a security against the occurrence of such an event. The only good of representa tion, considered in this point of viaw, consists in thCj opportunity it'affords of compromise of purchasing certain advantages, which could not have been obtained, but through the pro mise of supportiug measures sought to be Car ried by another party. It is enough that where a majority are so bent upon the accomplish ment of a favorite scheme as to be unmindful of all minor considerations, the representations of the minority becomes a positive nullity. If, in such a case, the majority and the minority are distinguished from one another by the occupa tion of distinct territories if (to bring the case home) the majority occupy the northern and easton, and the minority the southern states, the only security of the later would be foun6, in the first instance, in narrowing and hem ming in as much as possible the constitutional capacities of the federal legislature above all, ; in its total renunciation of all right whatever ' to interfere, for. the purpose oi protection and encouragement, in regulating the employment of industry and capital; and in the last resort, in resisting, by means not within but beyond the forms of the constitution, measures which ; through the Mails. Yet the opposition wui they deem in a high degree injurious to their ! complain of the Department and its head, with interests, and utterly subversive ofthe true ; the same reason, and same propriety, as on lor meaning and equitable spirit of the constitution, mer occasions. Hartford Times. ; Let us snppose, to take an extreme case, that the northern states constituting the majority, should undertake to legislate upon the subject of slavery. Let us suppose that in imitation of some of the embryo immature" politicians of the Virginia legislature, (whoe rhetorical exercises, the editor of the National Gazette ! has had trie weakness, in sober earnestness, to i i i i:t . call a "xnoble avowal of the evils of slaverv the northern and non-slaveholding states should ! declare, through their representatives in Con-1 gress, that the great curse and evil of the coun try is slavery ; that the great blot and stain up on the escutcheon of our history is slavery ; that the baneful effects of this accursed & pesti lent abomination are not confined to the South or slave-holding states but extend over the whole region, far and near, infecting, with its diseased and nauseous breath the fresh and wholesome atmosphere of freedom. Suppose that in pursuance of this sounding declaration, they should proceed to enact that all slaves, born alter a certain year, (1833 for example) s.iall hen they shall have obtained a certain age, become the property of the United States, and shall forthwith be exported at the public expense, (or, perhaps, at that of the former proprietor) to Liberia. The question of its constitutionality is brought before the Supreme Court ; Mr. Writ and Mr. Sergeant are em ployed on the part of the northern states, and the Court decide that the law is constitutional. According to the forms of the constitution, the minority, or slave-holding states must sub mit. Their jeprcsentalion in Congress is a nullity. The majority, bent upon the accom plishment of a peculiar object, are regardless of :11 minor considerations ; and the influence Aoni citn the, citnoiinn f ! of a dictator and a master. . . , . - ? ; We think there - I fore that the great maxim of republican goir- ernment, " the majority should govern, tliouoh generally salutarv, is'hot equally suid' toll! circumstanccs-that it derives iJ chief efficacy 1 supremacy oi majorities, makes the one party a of the priciple of compromise in Whjlativc ' . . rcs,UIem 5 "! lo appoint and re proceedings, is totally lost. The situation of j a01"1 nm f long a he lives? On no otlirt a minority in the case we have supposed, is fr i ? a?7 aPolog' for his appeal-.ir. absolutely and without any qualification or ex- PC.?V-C . , rcsidcnt has made no charge t against mm ; he has uttered no imDUtation udoo and virtue from ths nnnfinlp :f cumnvninKp. I ' and that where from the unequal and dissimi- L The 5of, 'ind Oie Mnxof Kurop i r i arc exactly alike. 1 ou-', their offices and thri-mne- lar position of parties in a legislative pro- rnrp- notv , 4, "cts a ,J?cl- i. , i r 5 , cures, their pensions :md their places, drprav lhrtn ceedmg, the principle of compromise become !0f the means of living upon the labo of the people. inoperative, the adoption of the maxim of the j and thev denounce the democrat thattlnns it :ik n iv- despot, the other a slave ! This I apprehend, higout their lords to cam theirown living; the pco Mr. Editor, is the view taken by the thin kin" I pie cf America' will not rerriot to see their lordlin: men of the South, of the relations now sub-! share lhc n:e lUte- Mr- Brcckcnridgc Las 1 1n sisting between the slave holding end non- j e Pirtun'tvto earn In, !;v,ng any other citi; ,n,i:. .f.,,00 mi n , t " . hit him da like the thou-nnds of freemen around .lave-holding states The subject is one M who have more cansfl to cornpiam that th(n vast importance undoubtedly, and pregnant U,. hmi an 0 thjm he hag to cornnlain that l.V with consequ'ences of deep and vital concern- hos lost one lcnicJMielonsr enpyed. menu At present, I must content myself with ! . T'e following communication "and extracts rf r" llftVin or Olternd thftsn fw Riinro-osti And I fore ivll! ! t.-j v . i r- - ' i, n PUBLILS. j rrom liQvosion morning. 1'ost.- Parliamentary Privilege. Lc a, ituuivniui i i i iviw ire . ijcm ienyon. Chief Justice of the Cc-irt of King's Bench, in England, in the case cf Lord Abingdon, who took occasion to print a speech made in parliament, in which he charged Mr. Sermen, an attorney, witn gross traud, laid down the following law :1 hat the priv,legc of par ha - me-nt, in the case, extended to worda s-poken in me House oj ijoras, and confined to 7ts walls'' He also laid down the following posi tion : ' That a member of parliament had cer tainly a right to publish his speech, but that speech should not be made the vehicle of slan der against any individual, if it was, it was a libel.' 1 EspinasseTs Rep. 227. In the Constitution of the United States, the provision of parliamentary privileges in de bate, is as follows : " For any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place." hc commentary by Mr. Jefferson is, " But this is rest rained, to things done in the House, hi a par iamentarv course. For he is not to have privilege contra morem parliament tarium to exceed the bounds and limits of his place and duty' In the case of Coflin vs. CofIin,4 Mass. Reports, page 1, Chief Justice Parsons, of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, lays down the following positions on this subject : " When a representative is not acting cs a member of the House, IreSis not entitled to unv privileges above his fellow citizens ; nor are the rights ofthe people affected, if he is placed on the same ground on which his constituents stand. " But, to consider ever' malicious slander, uttered by a citizen, who is a representative, as within his privilege, because it was uttered within the walls of the Representatives' Cham- linr f r nnntlinr in o ri V t- linf nnf nl ( ornl I cuting his official duty, would be to extend the privilege further than was intended by the people ; or than is consistent with sound poli cy, and would render the Represf rUatives' Cham ber a sanctuary for calumny- an effect which never has been, and I trust never will be, endu red by any House of Representatives of Massa chusetts." ' A struggle for privileges, in this State, would be a contest against the people, to wrest from them what they have not chosen. to grant. And it maybe added, that the grant of privileges is a restraint on the rights of private citizens, which cannot be further restrained but by some constitutional law." It should be mentioned as a fact highly credi table to the Post-Master-General, that the Mails arc now expedited one day earlier between Washington City, and this place. On Saturday j morning we received W ashington newspapers of Thursday morninff. This is twenty-four i hours earlier than we have ever before received J communications from the National Metropolis ! Comvass The Pantaloon 10 guns, Lt. Dawson wjll proceed to sea in a few days with rvlivKtrvn Royal Engineer, on board, to onboard, to try the efcacy of a newly invented celestial cm gs the properties of which are said to bc the showing the true variation, true latitude, a lr..P influence of the ship on the common tccrinr compass, at sight, London. Paper. From the Washington Globe of April 27 II. M. BRECKENRIDGE. An n 1 1 1 nC 1. 1 - .r a. t- in wjjs cavuuc iipuu me i resi dent has found its way to the public through t.c appropriate columns of the United States 1 elegraph. If anv thing were wanting to prove the utter unfitness of this gentleman for a jud? cial station, it ia found in this appea, t0 thepb ie. In ill-nature, want of dignity, and destitif non of truth, it is equalled only by the fanciful Editorials of the journal in which it appear Ihe cx-dignitary descends cren to detailing pretended private conversations with the Pre sident, and to the publication of certain hastily written private letters in which some of the A look like O's, the Vs are riot dotted and theT's not crossed ! What does the honorable ex-Judgc plead in justification of conduct so strange and so disho norable? Why, he has been a Judge; his time was out; the President did nol reappoint him This Ls the great injury and wrong of which he complains! He is not permitted to hold an office for life wnich the law has expressly linj itcd to a term of years. Had Mr. Breckeniidge any rrsrlit to the 6:" fice he held beyond the limit prescribed by law ? Did it not just as much belong to any other man in the nation? Or does he maintain, thai has none notnmo- but Vf7 , t.;A, - . i- .? " " 1 -"rr?'" lct giving him the ofiicc acrain which he had once held, is a justification.' in 4hc eves of this ; rii! h rf t1lnesPc l ," Magistrate, mS even rant nnd a robber! The people of Eurone are tur'u u.i o, 1 1 iii ijii . . li ill L i.i in l iith m mnp n roT -iu ru-i n lit? popularity amonc the Floridiam?. Hp. in truth ' " - ..j in vjv, U J tllil U 1 II ill owes hu disappointment rather to the want of thr commence and good wdl of a great portion ofthe pec ; si i. err norv. man to anv want of a kind di.-- position towards him on the part of ihe President : Vvasit!.cto;;, April 19th. jrn-c ! . ; IJ . IjLaip., Esq. i . tu,e of . M. Rntc ce p Sed in the Tel e 1 praph o,ihe 17lh inst abug. tlevt aidant, and filled with eomnhunts. The Judge h mis! alien if he supposeshc people m' his dktrict are grieved at his discontinuance in oilier He is not considered by the Bar or the people as unable- or impartial jurist. He manifests on the bench strong prejudices and partialities. I do not believr there are more than two practising attorney in hU district, who speak in terms of commendation of'Jucgr Brecke'iridge. It wil! not he denied (hat he is a violent partisan, and has always mingled in the political conflicts in Florida. It is believed tiiat he has dweafed' much fT his time, in supplying the public papers with abuse of other olficers, and particularly those he considered ar political opponent?. Judge Briekcnridge is an eccentric man. inconsistent in his decisions, and by ho means a man of business; When his letter is een4y the- people cV Florida, it is my belief they will' say he has misrepresented their feelings : and, so far from disapproving of the course pursued by the JV sident, they will be gratified that another indi vidual has been appointed. The following extracts of letters from gen tlemen of high respectability atPensacola, will now ihat the citizens of his district are not j quite in tears at the rro;Dect of losing th'h present Juue. " Pessacola, Feb. 23th, ISaS. "The good people of Pensacola 'bare be-Oi seriously affected for the bst three orfonr da Hiiany v.'ith unbounded joy some, forJn- stance - have had depicted in I lheir countenances, deep mortification and ai arm; ami this is owin? to a letter ol yours oi r 3 , the 9th instant, stating that a Mr. lU rrA oi Virginia, had succeeded Henry 31. Br. ( ken- ridiie as Judge of the Western insu- t Florida "Pkxsacola, Feb. 125th, 153-,. j " Deer Sir .- Your letter of the '9th instant, j announcing the discontinuance of Judge Breo kehridge, was nut onlv a gratification, but has spread a general satisfaction throughout the citv, and those who, from fear of judicial ty ranny and partiality, had signed a recommen dation for. his re-appointmeiit, have, in mam instances, publicly confessed the motive which induced their signature?." A FLORIDIAN. " T , , . " .ZCZS " raneemen t in real national resources. Austria . wit! i a revenue of 52 millions of dollars, keeps up in pcac aif army of 270 thousand men ; the United States; with an income of 25 or 26 millions, has an army oi' 6 thousand men. Austria has a debt of 200 milliqu& of dollars ; that of the United States is nearly di charged. There is no question about the compare -.-trve happiness of the people of two countries in such opposite circumstances ; can there be any more as t their respective real resources '? The wealth of oik country is swallowed up by wars, or by military es tablishments in contemplation of wars ; that of thf ! oluer' tne improvement ot tne sou anu auymciiuuiou oi capital, in iusina, , one man out of every 118 is lost to the countrJ',; at the same time, every 117 men arc nl the Bupport of one unproductive person, in 1 1 . ..j d.1. .i ' r o ifi is thus iuic nunspj icu oiaies, omy one ouiui jin! Am' and charma!iTe to the comtnunin- 1 If" TTT 4 I 1 1 . 1 . . 3 tuaiuLiw, nig icmpcr or his conduct: ho '1 '-,4 I. A i : r -t.-J I 1 - ;' i - - - .
Newbern Sentinel (New Bern, N.C.)
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May 9, 1832, edition 1
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