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NOBTH CAROLINA SlEWtf IjtMtti f From the Pennsylvanian. . INDEPENDENCE OF THE SENATE. Under this imposing head an attack has re cently been made, in the United States Tele graph and National Intelligencer, upon the Pre sident, for the appointment of Samuel Gwin, tu bo a Register of the Land Office, in the State of Mississippi. Like most other attacks, it is cunningly put forward in order 10 .screen a lious party from the anticipated and well-founded imputation of having grossly attempted to shackle and abridge the constitutional powers of the Executive Magistrate.' The real grie vance is that General Jackson Tinows his rights, us the head of the government, and knowing, will maintain them steadily against the arts or pretences of any opposition, in or out of Con gress. " " , The facts of the case are brief, and easily un derstood. The small States to the West and South-West, like most of their sisters, have some local prejudices and partialities. They prefer that offices under the general govern ment, to be exercised within their limits, should be filled bv their own citizens respectively. As a rule of practical expediency, with a view to give popular satisfaction, every body agrees that, all things else equal, this natural prefer ence should be consulted and gratified by the appointing power. It is, however, a matter of discretion, to be adjusted one way or the other, exactly as the PresidenUnay think most con ducive to the public interests. It is not difficult to surest a variety of cases in which it would be unwise and unsafe to entrust the execution of certain laws of the United States to persons deeply interested, from position or connection, vith the manner of their enforcement. Citi zenship or residence in any particular State or district is not enumeratedin the Constitution, and has never been regarded in practice," as among the qualifications for office : to be a citi zenofthc United States ,no matter where living, 13 enough for any United States office. Samuel Gwin was originally from Tennes- ace. lie was severely wounded, however, while, as a volunteer, defending the soil of Missismp "yri from the savage Indians duiing the late war. lie was subsequently appointed to office in one 01 the departments at Washington, ana tor a a time resided in the District tf Columbia. During the recess of Congress, if we mistake not, the President appointed him to one ot the Land Offices in MississioDi the Verv State . IX- " where he had gallantly shed his blood at the recommendation of many of its distinguished citizens. " His character is, in every respect, unimpeachable: he is highly intelligent, up-j right and indefatigable in the discharge of his duties: and he has a large family dependent Upon his exertions. , We arc not aware that any objection has been or can be made to the personal fitness and honesty of Mr. Gwin. He removed to, andbecame a citizen of, Mississippi. When he was nominated to the Senate, ear ' iv in the last winter, it was discovered that as a-n appointment to execute an office of the Uni ted States in Mississippi, he, not being at the lime of his appointment a citizen of that State, came under the spirit of a resolution hastily adopted by the Senate on a formei occasion. The nature and tendency of this resolution'wCTe now seriously considered. Several who voted i'or its adoption are said to have perceived that "it might be converted into a mere weapon for the opposition, and that its practical effect .was o contract illegally the President's sphere of selection, and to impose a qualification for office uot to be found in the Constitution, and never before required. Under its force, however, Mr. Gwin was rejected. The great principle involved attracted fresh attention. Many of the newspapers took up the resolution of the Senate, from which the injunction of secrecy had been removed, and denounced it as invol ving a palpable usurpation- In the meanwhile the President himself, no doubt, perceived and ielt that a new and unauthorized shackle was thrown upon his powers and responsibilities. The Senate, according i6 their resolution, and their action under it, would defeat every op- pointment, be it ever so meritorious and proper, unless the President submitted to their rule, drew his officers from the regions they prescri bed, and consented to yield the constitutional right of selecting the public agents from the whole extent of the whele country. General Jackson knows his duties lo the people and to the nation too well, to tamely acquiesce in the curtailment of the executive prerogatives, while they are confided to his care. He did not ac quiesce. The principle was of infinitely more importance than the case which exemplified if; and we should be both surprised and morti fied if it ever be surrendered. Lpt n the principle is; the spirit, design andletter of the Constitution, unite in giving to the chief magistrate an unlimited territorial range in ma king his selections of officers. When he se lects, he nominates to the Senate; the Senate Aiayor Diay not, as they please, advise and cronsent, and thereby confirm the nomination; but that body has not the power to choose. They may reject, but cannot select. Neither can they do indirectly what they are not cm powered to do directly; and hence they can not prescribe, in advance, any rule which would either wholly defeat the President's ap pointing power, restrict it within any preferred sphere or subject it to ijualifications not recog nized by the fundamental law. Were it com petent to the Senate to control, embarrass and guide the President, by any such proceedings, an irresponsible oligarchy would be substituted in his stead, and the people wpuld be foiled in the chief objects of his election. -These views e believed to be incontrovertible. A ca&e , The President nominates a citizen of S!.l:-mSl?late8-a native and citizen of the Ul. nc$sce, to an office the duties of hTnerform A1 m?y federal in character, must lendtf ret VhG Soil of Mississippi The the nomination not because of incaDacitv immnra itv. nrnnw , UI incapacity, i Y J 7, V' sonai unfitness whatever but avowedly because ofaJ wnaiever record nhichreclude,ttrcrtr he appointment of any one to that office n T Eea citizen of the State of M1 President at once says to the Senate, Veu are invading my constitutional freedom of choice and annexing illegally a giew qualification to that office. If I submit Co this, I may be nar- roared still more fcy fret b encroachments, amj. ultimately I shall be divested byour resolu tions of all power to appoint except as you de? signate and pre-ordain. I owe it to my station to the constitution, and to the country, to repel your pretensions ; and as long as you assert the power to regulate my selection,' by rejecting Mr. Gwin, confessedly on this ground only, so long will I insist upon my constitutional right to appoint any citizen of the United states, oy sending him again renominated, to you. Here, then, lies the question. Can the Se nate alter the Constitution; require qualifica tions for office which that instrument does not require ; and, in effect, forbid the President's making any selections except from such pecu liarly conditioned persons and such circumscri bed places as they, in their wisdom, shall desig nate? We do not believe that a truly honest and unbiassed man of any party can hesitate in answering negatively and promptly. If the Senate be Competent to prohibit the selection of an officer of the United States from any re gion but Mississippi, they are equally compe tent to restrict the choice to the town of Nat chez, to a street within that town, or to a man sion in that street; 'They may, with equal pro priety, pre-determine to have no public officers who do not come from slave states: none, who cannot speak French : none, who are encum bered with families: none, who do not smoke segars, wear blue cloth coats, and prefer feath er-beds to mattrasses. Having once overstep- ped the Rubicon of the Constitution, they have nothing to go by but their own policy, theory, or caprice. The President, as is hig custom, has stood firmly, in the case of Samuel Gwin, by the landmark of the Constitution. In vindication of that, he re-nominated him, as one rejected upon a pretension wholly inconsistent with its positive provisions : and as the Senate did not definitely act upon the renomination, the neces sities of the public business as well as the pe culiar circumstances of the matter, abundantly mstifv his directing Mr. Gwin to Proceed in j j o , . . the discharge of his important duties.- We have thought that it might be useful to state this subject fully, and to have its real me rits clearly understood. When co-ordinate branches of the Government differ, in the exer cise Of their respective functions, the sober and salutary influence of public opinion may pre vent injurious consequences to the country and its institutions. v We solemnly believe the Fre sident to be right, and the Senate to be wrong if such be the sense of the people, its expres sion, before Congress re-assembles.in Decem ber next, cannot be otherwise than impressive and useful. From the Richmond Enquirer. 'HIGH-HANDED USURPATION !" startled at this ominous exclamation, l rea the article to which it was an introduction, with trembling eagerness, but was much relieved on finding in it nothing more than the fable of the Lion and the Frog. It seems that the Senate in their caprice had rejected the nomination of Mr. Samuel Gvvtn, having no other Teason for it, than their own resolution of 1830-31, by which they had cur tailed the constitutional rights of the President. With that firmness which has ever character! sed his conduct, not choosing to submit to the Senate's usurpation, the President on the re commendation of a large number of the citizens of Mississippi, recommended Mr. Gwin, and they (that is, Poindexter fc Co.) not daring to reject the nomination, thus supported, and too proud to reverse their former decision, caused it to lie on the table until they adjourned. This is the high-handed usurpation of the President ! It is this, that "caps the elimax of the Tyrant's acts." Stephen (pardon me for introducing him !) thinks, that the President, if he had done his duty as a good President ought to do, would have educated all the people since he came in to office. Fortunately for us, we the people havesagacityandintelligence enough to fathom Stephen and all his co-workeTs. Their over weening conceit ot their own wisdom, and their large calculations upon the ignorance of the people, give to these oil-tongued hypocrites a reckless boldness in misrepresentation and falsehood. But enough of such frothy trash as S. S., &c. &c ! ! The Senate at their session of 1830-31, pas passed a resolution, k that it was inexpedient to appoint a citizen of any one State to an of fice in any other State in which such citizen does not reside without some evident necessity for such appointment." What is this but an infringement on the constitutional rights of the President ? The Senate must have intended to prescribe a rule to the President, as is proved in Gwin's case, or they intended nothing. -They must have intended to say to the Presi dent "Although the constitution gives you the power to select your officers from any part of the Union, yet we say if you do not select them from such State as we prescribe, we will for that reason reject them." Might ihey not as well have prescribed a certain age foi cer tain officers, or any other qualifications; and then reject all who did not come within their resolution ? Will the people submit to this ? Has not the President constitutional rights as well a the Senate? If they keep the Presi dent within th'6 pale of his constitlitional pow er, they do their duty. The President is ame JJJle to.the people for the fitness of his officers. J!frVihe President's "usurpation of pow er? If this be the "clftnax of the Tyrant's acts, ought not his writing enemies to be doomed forever to the disgraceful and degra ding work of stringing dirty epithets, on fines of jingang prose to minister to the vitiated taste of his envious and malevolent reading foes? R. S. T These are National Republicans! From the New Orleans Bee. It is well known tp the patrons of this jour n a r, that, hitherto, in regard to national polititics! it has observeifa strict neutrality. This neu trality was established during the time that the proprietorship was vested in the individuals of opposite political opinions; and it has been preserved from the time that the present pro prietor became the purchaser of the entire es tablishment, until now, not only because he deemed that the iournals which professed to support the present administration of the gene ral government were already sufficiently nume rous in this state, but because he was reluctant in deviating from a course that had apparently givensatisfactiontohis subscribers and patrons. A crisis having now arrived in the affairs of the republic, in which a longer maintenance of neutrality might be deemed criminal, the con ductor of this journal is therefore impelled to enrol nimseit with the friends of the union: and the advocates of the present administration of the federal government. A new period has arrived in the historv of our country, i The principles upon which parties divided at the formation of the federal constitution are no lon ger regarded. The proud, aspiring spirit of Americans languishes under an unequal policy, which, while it impoverishes the nation, threat ens to sunder it into fragments. The honor of a .glorious people, whicn, but a few years ago, humbled the pride of the haughtiest nation upon earth, is tarnished ; the laurels purchased by il lustratious deeds of valor, have witherediin the unhallowed keeping of sectional politicians; the national spirit is mouldering away; the love of union, with, all the cherished recollections of the blood of our fathers commingled upejn eve ry battle field of American freedom, is giving way to the mere love of wealth and sectional advantage, and a dissolution of the republic has come at length to be talked of, by those who are opposed to the present tariff system, in preference to longer submission to the policy, as well by those who are benefitted by it, in preference to receding, in the slightest degree, from the rigidity of the protective principle, against which the united south raises the voice of complaintand, murmuring, as an eventofvery little importanace, and which could hardly awa ken the sigh of regret. The question, though apparently one of speculative policy, really in volves our national existence as freemen;- it is whether we shall live under the government of our choice, or become provinces of a foreign power whether we shall exchange the'garb of freemen for the livery of vassals ; for it is no Jess true now than it was at the time of our revolu tion " UNITED WE STAND DIVIDED WEFALL !" If there ever was a time that demanded ftie exertions and sacrifices of those who love their country, that time is the present time. Much is to be apprehended much to oe nopea. But to realize those hopes, the most indefati gable exertions are required from the friends of civil liberty and social order, from ali classes of citizens, from the statesman, the patriot, and the soldier. To give an exaggerated de scription of our presentdifficulties and dangers, is impossible. The most highly wrought fic tion could not equal the reality. ; Casting an anxious gaze upon ourilljustrious countrymen, where shall be found the experi enced pilot, who is ablfc to out-ride the storm, and conduct the vessel of state into a quiet haven, guided by the ancient land-marks setup by the fathers of the republic, one who will disregard geographical divisions, sectional feel ings and unfriendly prejudices, and be governed solely by love of country ? Such a man is Andrew Jackson, whose experience in the affairs of the republic, and above all, whose deep devotion to the republican principles which are at the base of our institutions, com bine to point him out as the man formed for the crisis, and capable of preserving the constitu tion of the republic from the ruthless assaults of sectional damagogues, who threaten to tram ple it under, fool, and render our glorious union a by word and reproach among the nations. We cannbt suppose our readers to be ignorant that the country, though distracted by the une- qual policy which has produced such dangers and discontents, has been eminently prosperous " - , . . . r j t i under the administration of Andrew Jackson. Every individual, from Louisiana, to Maine, ; feels it to be so. He knows that the public burthens have been lightened that our differ ences with foreign powers have been arranged upon satisfactory bases and that an effort has been made, in the spirit of compromise, to re duce the revenue of the country to the circum- j scribed wants of the government, since the pay- j ment of the puplic debt. But he kjnows too, that the nullifier and the ultra-tarriffist have j coalesced to prevent this work of reconciliation, whereby tlie country would become pacified; thus exhibiting the most disgusting and unholy alliance of the most opposite extremes, in the unhallowed cause of fomenting and keeping up sectional discords, which should eventuate in a disruption of the union, for no apparent purpose exeept that it does not afford sufficient scope for two such ambitious spirits as Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun to bustle in ! In making this declaration, we yield not only to the dictates of our own private judgment, but to high considerations of public duty. We are altogether uninfluenced by even the hope of any other reward than that which springs from an approving conscience- When,! however, we saw the legacy of our venerated-ancestry jeoparded, we could-rio longer sit supinely by and behold the links that have so long bound us in happy and harmonious union, sundered, one by one, without raising o lir 'voice against the sacrilege, and without enrolling ourselves under the banner of the great chieftain who has so emphatically declared "tke union it must be preserved." We have done iso without counting the cost, But having taken our stand, we . shall maintain it, fearless of all opposition. We pause for to day we shall resume the subject in a day or two, when wcj shall offer some remarks upon the vice-presidency, and the claims of the individual who has been selec ted by the frretmVof the administration; to fill that office. Clay, Webster, and the U. States Bank. : It will be remembered, that Mr. Clay in 181 1, denounced the old Bank of the United States as a British Bank; that he spoke against it,, and voted against it, on the ground that it was both inexpedient and unconstitutional. It may also be remembered, that in 1815 or ' 1816, Mr. Webster spoke and voted against a Bank which Mr. Clay supported, ana laumea iur. viay with his inconsistency. These men are now united in support of the Bank, and both made violent and illiberal speeches against the President's Veto message. Now, it is ascertained by. the late Committee of Investigation, that Mr. Webster, since 1816, hadreceived from the principal Bank, upwards of :,iixtn THOUSAND HUlr.Atio " ior pro fessional services." Bv the same Committee.it was ascertained that Mr clay had receive'd from theprincipa Bank fb? like services' upwards of SEVEN TEEN THOpSAND DOLLARS. It is proba ble he has received as much more from the branches in Kentucky and Ohio. These are the consistent and disinterested supporters of the Bank in the Senate ! Equally disinterested are their supporters in the newspa pers. Presses opposed to the Bank, on recei zing loans from it; have become zealous ; and $20,000 to 50,000 made them warm: Some presses that were in favor of Gen. Jack son and the Bank have received their 820,000 and turned against the former. Others that were in favor of General Jackson and against the Bank, have taken 'an accommoda fiAn.' turned against the General and ceased to onDose the Bank. Other Editors who support Hp hank, are its debtors in large sums nrintino- ftccount of the Bank, which had never, up to 1829, been $1,000 per year, was in 1800, fi.7fi5L 54 and in 1831, $9,187,94. These sums are known to have been chiefly spent in printing and circulating documents and poiiti cal tracts, favorable to the Bank. The institution already thinks it is too strong for Andrew Jackson. What will it be, if con quers him in this conflict? Can any man re sist its power? Lines found in the Senate on the desk of the HON. HENRY CLAY. , 12th July, 1832. Oh, no ! I shall not sue for them, Their drafts shall never see, My hands are now no more to touch Their once familiar fee. From side to side I quickly turn'd My first vote I regret-To-day my noblest speech I made Oh ! cannot I forget? They bid me seek, from local banks The fee3 to me so dear ; Alas ! no local banks can give Five thousand every year. 'Tis true that I behold no more The Board at discount met, No more the Cashier visits me But how can I forget ? For oh, there are 5fa fttariy things . Recal the Bank to me Directors who are all my own, My oft repeated foe, The suits that vex the Jackson men, The bribes my printers get, Ay, each branch note I look upon Forbids" me to forget. They tell me that this veto gains Old Hickory many a friend ; Alas ! like me he does not need Bank notes at whist to spend. Had he their golden favors won, Not less were his regret; Had he but made what I have made, He never would forget. Bait: Republican: PROPOSALS For carrying the Mails of the UnitecF-States for two years, from the first day of January, 1833, to the 31st day of December, 1834, on the following post routes, will be received at this office until the second day of Novem ber next, inclusive; to be decided on the 9th day of November. IN NORTH CAROLINA. No. 2187. From Columbia to SnrinoTtflrL I in.Tyrrel county, and back once a week. ' T , , nr . Leave Columbia every Monday at 6 a m, ar- ! . . cnr:ntrvA ca,u a ' t.eave pringneia every Saturday at b a my arrive at Columbia same day by 6 p in. 2188. From Rinston to Trenton, 20 miles and back, once a week. j Leave Kinston every Wednesday at 12 noon, arrive at Trenton same day by 6 p m. Leave Trenton every Thursday at 6 a m, ar rive at Kinston same day by 12 noon. 2189. From Greenville to Stantonburg, 38 miles and back, once a week. f Leave Greenville every Wednesday at 9 a m, arrive at Stantonburg same day hyl pm. Leave Stantonburgh every Thursday at 5 a m, arrive at Greenville same day by 2 p m. 2190. From Gravelly Hill by Lisburn and Taylor's Bridge to Clinton and back, once a week. Leave Gravelly Hitl e very Thursday at 6 am, arrive at Clinton same day by 3 pm. Leave Clinton every Friday at 6 am, arrive at Gravelly Hill same day by 3 p m. 2191. From Belford by Shoco Springs to Warrenton, 28 miles and back, once a week. Leave Belford every Thursday at 7 am, ar rive at Warrenton same day by3pro. ' Leave Warrenton every Tuesday at 8 a m, arrive at Belford same day by 4 p m. 2192. From Hillsboro by Pickett's Oil Mill, Thosl Benchairs, Hester's Store, Ric'd. Bul lock's and Potter's Bridge to Oxford, 40 miles and back, once a week. Leave Hillsboro every Tuesday at 6 a m, arrive at oxford same day by 6 pm. Leave Oxford every Wednesday at 6 a m, arrive at Hillsboro same day by 6 pm. 2193. From Blakely by Stokesburg to Ger manton'and back, once a week. Leave Blakely every Monday al 1 p m, ar rive at Germanton same day by 5 p m. Leave Germanton every Monday at 6 am, arrive at Blakely same day by 10 am. 2194. From Roxboro by Hogh Woods to Black Walnut, Va., 22 miles and back, once a week. Leave Koxboro every Thursday at Ta arrive at Black Walnut same day by I p m: Leave Black Walnut every Thursday, at p m, arrive at Roxboro same day by 9 p m. 2195. From Leasburgh by Hichtowers m, to Caswell c. h.,15 miles and hank. t Leave Leasburgh every Wednesday at 6 a m, arrive at Caswell c. h., same day by 10 a m. Leave Caswell c. h. every Wednesday at 11 a m, arrive at Leasburgh same day by 3. p m. .2196. From Rockfordv by Juddsville to Bowerfs Store and back, once a week. eave Wockford every Thursdav nt m wmejat Bowetfs Store nsxt day 3 bv V 6 p m. . i " Leave Bowers' StOTe every tVerin am, arrive at Rockford next day bv ay at 12 2197. From Concord? by Mill fim.c , Hickory Grove to Beatty's Ford and bad once a week. x Leave Concord every Wednesday at 6 , arrive! at Beatty's Ford same Hv k 771 day by p 771. f Leave? Beatty's Ford every Thursday at same day bv fi " 6 a.m. arrive at Concord 2198. From Lawrencevillc to Vaj..t rough, 26 miles and back,- once a week. Leave Lawrcnceville every Friday at fi m, arrive at Wadcsborough same day hv p m. Leave j Wadesborough every Thursday at same day by 7 a m, arrive at Lawrencevillc 4pm. ! NOTES. 1. The Postmaster General reserves t right to I expedite the mails, and to alter th times off their arrival and departure at time during the continuance of the contraT by giving an adequate compensation, never exceeding a pro rata allowance, for any extra expense Much such alteration may require 2. Seven minutes shall be allowed for open ing and plosihg the mails at each office, wher no particular time shall be specified, but th Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of extending the time. 3. For every ten minutes delay in arrivinrr at any point after the time prescribed inhc contract the contractor shall forfeit five 10 lars. If the delay shall continue beyond the time for the departure of any pending mail the forfeiture shall be equal to twice the amount allowed for carrying the mail one trip. If jt be made to appear that the delay was occa sioned by unavoidable accident, of which the Postmaster General shall be the jude, the forfeiture may be reduced to the amount of pay fork trip; but in no case can that amount be remjtted. The forfeitures are otherwise Uncondtionah and will in all cases be enforced. 4. Persons who make proposals will siatr their prjees by the year; payments to he made" quarterly; in the months of May, August, No vemberjand February, one month after the ex piration of each Quarter. 5. None but a free white person shall be em ployed jo carry the mail. 6. Proposals should state whether the per son proposes to carry the mail in a 4 horse coach, a 2 horse stage, or otherwise. 7 If. into p'erson offering proposals wishes the privilege of carrying newspapers out of the mul, he must-state it in his bid; otherwise he cannot enjoy that privilege. 8. Propositions for any improvements in transporting the mail, as to the manner of car rying, increase of expedition, extension of routes j i c-yucibisij ui uipD, ui any uuier iiijpruvenieMV are invited to be stated in the proposals, ;ir,d r (.:.. i l. wil be duly considered. 9- The number of the route, and its begin ning and termination, as advertised, should be stated n every bid; and the proposals, must be sealed, directed to the "General Post Office, Office ibf Mail Contracts," and Superscribed "Proposals." The following is a proper form for a prop o sal: " ipill convey the mail, agreeably to adver tisement, on route No. , from, to for the yearly compensation of dollars?' 1 He rhust state the place of his residence; and if nof a contractor, he must accompany his bid with satisfactory recommendations. 10. The distances, as slaved, are estimated and may not be entirely eorfect; but if any er rors have occurred in relation to them, no in crease? of compensation will be alio vred on that account. The contractor will inform himself oh that point. " ' 11. j The Postmaster General reserves the right fof annulling any contract whenever re peated failures to arrive within the contract time sjiall occur; or whenever one failure shall happen amounting to the los of a trip: or whenever any direction which he may give shall not be promptly obeyed. 12. No bid shall be withdrawn after the time for receiving it ha expired; and' should any person refuse to take a contract at his bid, he shall forfeit alt other contracts that he may have with the Department, and be held respon sible for all damage that may result from flii failure to comply. v , i . 13. j No contract nor bid can be transferred without the special and written approbation ot the Fjostmaster General ; and an assignment of a contract, or bid, wit'rjut his consent, first ob- tainea in writing, shall lorfeit it. i"w'u'" will never be departed from. 14. 1 If a contractor or his agent shall violate the Post Office law, or shall transmit ceminer cial intelligence by express more rapidly than the mail, hi extract shall be forfeited; QilB all cases when a contractor shall run stag or other vehicle, more rapidly or more quently than he is required by contract to carry the mail, he shall give the sameincreaseu Jftrity and frequency to the mail, unless Postmaster f.pnpn) ehall otherwise direct, an without, increase of compensation. irj TKp Pncmnctci. ttoneml reserves the rightjof curtailing or of discontinuing any route, when, in his opinion, the public interest require jj; and in such case the contracts cease, so far as relates to the part curtauea to the whole, if discontinued- allowaBce one month's extra pay being made to the iFacior. , . 16. , All contracts far routes eDlbrelst this advertisement shall commence on tuc day- of January next, and continue two e -Decisions on bids will he made known on i 9th day of November next. WILLIAM T. BARRY, Post Master General General Post Office Department, I July 24, 1833. AW. 10 t26thOct. .
Newbern Sentinel (New Bern, N.C.)
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Aug. 10, 1832, edition 1
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