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' 1" LIBERTY.. ..THE CONSTITUTION... .UNION. VOI,. XVI. 5EWBEMrFRH)AY, NOVEMBER 2, 1832. P17BL,ISHEI BY THOMAS WATSON. TERMS, Three dollars per annum payable in advance No paper will be discontinued (but attheis tiretion of the Editor) until all arrearages have been Remittances by mail will be. guarantied; by jhc Editor. MESSAGE Of the Governor of South Carolina, to the Ex tra ScssioTi,of the Legislature. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives, In convening you at an earlier moment than the period fixed by the Constitution for your iisnal meeting, I have cheerfully assumed whatever responsibility may attach to this ex ercise of my prerogative, under a belief that tiller our general elecfions, you could not too .soon be brought together to deliberate on the best means of promoting the interests of those, whose rights, whose liberties, and whose pub lic honor are confided to your care. I should indeed cf-ssors immediate the la-tt session it in every respect desirable that our people, in the exercise of one of the highest functions of their sovereignty, exerted in the choice of NO. 819. mise of all the Just claims and interests of the-people of this state, that the right to pass a ! public sentiment, South. The Tariff act of 1S32 is, in point of! - ' 1 fact, a law by which the consumption of the manufacturing States is nearly relieved of all sort of burden on those articles which they con sume and do not produce, and under the pro- tariff of protection is not to be found in the ' give force to the public will. c""uVc united states, that in the act oi ioo ine principle 01 protection is distinctly and triumphantly recognised, and that, neither in express terms or by an authorised implica it fttnnnt Kit organize and visions of which, they are secured a bounty on j tion does any such power exist in the compact an average of more than fifty percent on the of Union. . To submit to an infraction of the ' productions oltneir industry, whilst it taxes our . Constitution, involving the great right of hu consumption to an equivalent amount, and the man industry and property, is to acquiesce in exchangeable value of our produc's in a much more aggravated ratio. The law bears the im press of the legislation of an independent sov vereignty to a feeble and distant colony, and establishes the revolting discrimination that the labour of the South is less entitled to the paternal regard of this Government, than that of a more favored section of the Union. The provisions of the Actare, moreover at war with every acknowledged principle of wise and beneficent taxation, which has ever exist.-d voluntary servitude. To meet this vital truth. the lessons we have been taught by our ances tors contain an instructive and salutary moral. He must be a very ingenious casuist who can discover any difference in principle between taxation without representation and taxation with a nominal representation but in violation' of the constitution. The result of both is, seizing and taking away money without lesral i right. But grievous as may be the pecuniary j loss arising from this wrong, it is mere dust in among any people on the face of the earth, j the balance in comarison with the shock which having the shadow of a claim to civilization on ajust knoweldge of finance. Articles of luxu ry are selected as thcobjects of comparative ex emption fiom all burden, whilst those of nc- nave convoked , your prede- j cessity Dear nearly the wiioie brunt 01 me mi-; ovc lv after the adjournment of posts. The great staples of the industry and j ref ormeress, if Iliad notdeemed consumption of man, which purchase seven- rip their Representatives, should, in the first in stance, have an opportunity of passing judg ment ,on the final proceedings of that Session, which claims to-havc fixed on a permanent ba- "sis, as far as it can be effected by Federal legis lation, the settled policy of the country. As jhc canvass, which preceded our recent elec tions, was conduoted in almost exclusive and absorbing reference to the ultimate result of this legislation by Congress, your selection may be taken as the exponents of thisjadgrnent. cordially congratulate you, and our State at large, not only on the auspicious and elevated decision which our people, by infallible tokens, have thus made, but also on the cheering indi cations of our having already reached a unani mity of sentiment, nearly as great as the inevi table diversity of human opinions will permit, on u su'iject vitally affecting 0llr dearest rights aad liberties. Thus convened under circum stances of profound public, anxiety, and intense public it.'tcrct, you will, Lam sure, conic to flic discharge of the trust which has devolved r.Don you, wim an initexime ueicrmination to i perform its duties in an enlightened spiri firmness and moderation, worthy of the occa sion and of those estimable principles of con-j-tiitutional liberty, which it will be one of tho raost impressive of our obligations to. preserve tenths of our aggricultural products, Iron, Cot ton and woollen fabrics, ?aJt and sugar, aic the public liberty of the country sustains, if the people, by relaxation ofpublic spirit through sloth, servility or co-vardice, are prepared to submit to an infraction of their rights, for it rtnrows, it I may so speak, that love and erencc for the authority of the general prin- les of liberty, so essential to the preserva tion of the institutions of free states. In this summary, fellow-citizens, I belicveI burthened with a tax quite equivalent to an have uttered not'one word that does not meet average 01 seve ntynve per com on their prime cost, whilst the teas, the coffee, the silks and the wines of the rich, which are principally exchanged for the productions of manufacturing or Northern labor, enjoy, as it regards these articles a most unjust discrimination in their favor. Operating thus heavily on the ex changeable value of our products, the act pro vides for nothing short of the monstrous injus tice of levying, at least three fourths of the whole amount of the federal revenue, on the industry of the Southern Slates. Nor does the gross inequality of the law stop here. It effects after all the subtle artificics of exaggeration respecting a dominution of our burdens have been dispelled, a reduction, from the amount of duties levied in 1828e as modified by that of 1830, of three millions seven hundred thousand dollars on the unprotected articles, and only the pitiful sum of somewhere about eight hundred thousand dollar.0 on the protected, (which purchase the staples of the South,) making in all a reduction of only four millions and a half, instead of twelve, which last reduc- 0f j tion was essential to the accomplishment of the desirable and highly conservative object of bringing the revenue down to the standard of the legitimate wants of the Government. As it is nine millions of surplus revenue will, in all probability, result from the imposts of this Act, over and above the necessary and constitution al expenses of the country, to be distributed by a majnrltj; i responsible to us, in corrupt lar gesses or unconstitutional - those States whlcn without possessing an inter est in the Tariff, are made to feel thatjtheyhrve an interest in high taxation, when by an unjust provision of the Government, they receive more than they are made to pay. Repugnant as this Act thus is to every prin ciple of justice, we cannot indulge even the hu miliating consolation that designed as it was in some respects, to subserve the periodical strug gle for the Executive power of the country, it will be temporary in its duration, and will at last &ii iuuuusivU) a tiiuii vni.c;iia, uur cause is worthy of our highest, our most zealous and inflexible efforts. It is for no object of ambi tion, no lust of power or avarice, that we have assumed our present posture in relation to the usurpations of the Federal Government, but it is to redeem the Constitution of our Country from unhallowed violation, to maintain its as cendency over the law making authority, to save this once cherished Union from a corrup tion and misrule, that doom it to irreversible disruption ; to bring the Government back to the salutary principle of a j ist and economical administration;, to restore to our own homes and the homes of our fathers their wonted pros perity, by the glorious effort of recovering for our country a uriviWn w , , titter (sunen- dercd, of exchanging in a nrri,t r peace the fruits ot our labor, under a wise sys tem of free intercourse with ihc'rest of the world ; a privilege which, it has been justly said, belongs to the Christian Code amona civi lized nations. With tfeese objects, and standing firmly on our right, I implore the blessings of Almighty God on your deliberations, that they may redound to the liberty, peace and happiness of our common country as well as the people whom you specially represent. J. HAMILTON, Jr. Columbia, Oct. 22, 1832. rX andforcver defend. It is known to you, Fellow Citizens, that th m-o.n.anxious hopes of the good people of this Wiatc, were directed to tlc pt-eMliiigr wf u last Congress of the United States. The ne cessity of providing for a large reduction of Federal taxation, consequent on the proximate extinguishment of a large public debt, the strong and well founded complaints of a respectable i:ad patriotic portion of the States in this con federacy, the solid grounds on which, as a mat ter of constitutional right, these complaints Fest ers wellas our just claims to a reform not only in the abuses of the exercise of the power of taxation on the part of the General Govern- i:cnt, but in the abuses of the appropriation of tae public treasure after it is levied, inspired e vcm those prone to despoil 1, in spite of inaus picious omens, with some faint expectation that these great and alarming questions of political power would be settled in a spirit of impartial justice and with a considerate regard to that a- mitir 'AtA niiitit'il nirtfPKrv an fcconlinl t.O the preservation of a confederacy composed of cpe !sJem asfixed as fate' exccPV. a response, in the overwhelming public senti ment of our people. After ten years of suffer ing and remonstrance, we have at length ar rived at least at the end of our hopes. Our petitions and protests have slumbered in apathy and contempt on the journals of Congress. The Legislature of this State has, however, de clared and reiterated, "that a Tariff of Protec tion is not only unconstitutional, but an abuse of power incompatible with the principles of a free government and the great ends of evil so ciety," and has avowed its purpose "to expose and resist all encroachments on the true spirit of the Constitution." You have been elected by the people and charged by their opinions to adopt means the best calculated to protect and defend them from these encroachments; and you are now convened by me for the purpose of maturely deliberating on the mode of accom plishing this desirabie and hallowed object From the Norfolk Beacon. THE UNITED STATES BANK A name at this time replete with all that is exciting in the political world. There has been a good deal said agains this institution, and the peculiar situation in which it is now placed ; and much more said in favor of it, and in detraction of those who have dared to raise their voices ii) against it. The simple inference, if nothing more was stated, would be, that the majority was in favor of a continuance of the Bank on the same terms as it now does or did exist. Yet this position I deem to be incorrect, for reasons that follow: there arc a number of Branches of this institution scattered througout the Stales, which Branches have their ollicers, their stock holders, and their creditors, in a greater or less degree, as may be the nature of the communi ty anion-- whom it is located; if of a mercan vwivv, ii u (ULitair i jhc sentiments has already, by unequivocal tile turn the greater the number of its Creditors, tokens, oeclared in favour of a Convention of if a Building mania seizes them, nearly equally the people of bouth Carolina, for the purpose as great will be the number and soon for ri uic character and extent ol the nous purposes. These Creditors, these stock iou "unurai government. in recommending Ul ot considering usurpations of tiiat you promptly take meas- to antnorize the meeting of such an as sembly," I feel, (notwithstanding my cordial concurrence in this measure,) that I am only responding to that sentiment. As it was by an assembly of identical and equivalent authority, that our compact was formed under the C-j stitution witfia'gVncV called the Gen eral Government, so, on no tribunal can more appropriately devolve the high province of de claring the extent of our obligations under this compact, "and in case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of powers, not gran ted by the said compact," to determine "on the mode and measure of redress." Indeed all our political systems have flowed from the mighty source of these great, primary, and elemental assemblies, which arc not the type but the es sence of the sovereignty of the people ; nor holders and in particular these officers of the Bank are generally men of substance, and not unusually, the better informed of the commu nity;and it is by this institution they derive their support, their property. Their numbers arebutfew; all that we have named J) Huog-1v, bilty;jD0,&yioTi length of time, have gone on swimmingly, connected as it were by one com mon interest ; the party of officers and stock holders enjoying the fruits of their Loans the Borrowers the extra advance they may have derived above the Interest for the use of the monies of the Bank. the soundness of the reasons on which the Pres ident thought proper to check the institution--they are generally known I will not here ad vert to the untiring, unceasing exertions on the part of those interested, to hurl from his seai the man who dared in his ooen. honest nteri ty , to oppose them. Reader, do not blush when I inform you that the 10,000 interested men in the Bank of the United States, have formed the unholy design of displacing a Chief Magistrate of his country, whose patriotism will be indeli bly stamped upon the brightest pages of Amer ican history, and placed there by tie voices of 10 out of 13 millions of freemen who compos its inhabitants. r I will conclude with giving an anecdote which will shew the peculiarly overbearing character of this institution. The writer had occasion at ' one time to borrow about SoOO of one of the lo cal. Banks, as tney are termed, of the Borough of Norfolk, and accordingly offered paper to that amount, containing three responsible names, the aggregate worth of which would pro bably amount to $80,000. Strange to say, the paper wasjreturned not discounted ; an audience was had with the cashier, who related, the fol lowing in substance, "at our discount days I am asked by the Board of Directors what demands I will be able to meet during that week, f which I make a reply, naming the means in hand and those expected; to this amount only can we discount, let the paper offered over and above be ever so valuable; for this reason it is impos sible for us to get our notes in circulation, the United states Bank returning them to us at the end of the week." Comment is unnecessary. VV hen a mammoth undertakes to swallow up in this manner all its inferior competitors, easv indeed will be its opportunity of forming the on ly circulating medium, and of doing that which others will fear to do, making loans. If I haz ard an opinion on the Bank itself, it will be that when the concerns of the Bank are closed, the holders ofstock will receive somethinglcssthan one half its cost originally, and that the longer the institution is continued, of less value would it become at any subsequent stoppage of its af fairs; that it would at any other time, than the present create still greater distress, and conse quently to satisfy the owners of stock we must perpetuate the charter to eternity. A. B. C. From the New Hampshire Patriot. Twenty-three Reasons why Henry Clay should, not be elected President. 1. Because he sold the vole of the West in 1825, to Mr. Adams, for the office of Secretary of Slate. 2. Because he exhibited himself in the char acter of a bully by challenging 'honest ficn rvrempr avj.rvuioc 10 Ul' III liim. 3. Because when holding the second office in the nation, he challenged and fought a Sena tor lor words spoken in debate. 4. Because he recommended in Mr. Adams administration the Quixotic mission to Panama-. Because he prayed for "war pestilence and famine," in preference to the election tf Gen. Jackson. 6. Because of his consistency in opposing- loll, as unconstitu- vield to that returning sense of justice so long promised, and whose advent has been so long j vmg some eminent purpose ot puonc noerij and so tardily postponed. No. We have the and social order. The judicious guards in our authentic and solemn declarations of both the own State Constitution, by which the people rreat dominant parties in the Union, who are j have imposed restraints upon themselves, in now contending for its jointly form an The present crisis however developes new positions in the two classes, a division in their .n tt . o, . . ; , . , . ,., e r -a . . t,IC united mates bank in tnf ninnln Kill III-. -x r i A 4. . . . I I , ,r i , 1 JAl , tional, monarchial, monopolizing, corrupting Jy in a feud, when an enemy opposes they make t a j -i i A- n . 1 W and inexpedient, and being undecided at Cin- uvuiinun vtiuco w itwti jinn. i in; uuiui;! stca : .. : icon -". icsrtt i. ,. i , . . , . , cinnati in 1850, and in favor of it in 1831. aftea ... o.a.j xv,r nu,u .,,, otv - having reCeived fees to the amount of $30,000 1 1 j Kppnnco 110 enn rrh t i coot in th I have they ever yet convened without subser- j must suffer a depreciation hi the value of stock ; gcnate aftcr hefohad induccd hig f n.r boouei or wiei ever, unng must ii.iuubievu, tQ nominate him a candidate for the Presidency aim, 011 inu oiiiur nauti, iue uorrower is cuueu overwhelming power and who con- majority, that those coufil and co-ordinate sovereigns. It U scarcely necessary that I should inform vovi in detail, what has been the final result of these delusively cherished expectations, for vou-are in oosscssion of an authority on this subject, infinitely more valuable than my own TvLo thirds of your Representatives and both of your Senators, after enorts on the floor ol Con grcss of signal ability and disinterested patrio tisra, in which every species of conciliation w as exerted, that a just and wise moderation .... . could dictate, short ol surrendering a principle essential to your constitutional liberty, have solemnly declared to the people of South Car olina. in the face of the world. "That what ever hopes may have been indulged at the commencement of the session, that ia( returning iciire ot justice, on the part ol the majority, V'ould remove or materially mitigate the grie vous lode of oppression under which you have ?o long labored, and of which you have so just ly complained, the) are reluctantly constrain 1 to declare that these flattering hopes, too long deferred, and too fondly cherished, have finally and forever vanished." In proof of this disastrous consummation, they could not better nave relied on any testimony than that on Which they did rely, the Tariff act of ls3-, which, by "a perversion of everyT principle of common sense and common justic, has . been called a compromise between the conflicting interests of the manufacturing and plantation States, on principles of equivalent benefit to both. It is unnecessary, gentlemen, that I should inform you, who arc so well instructed upon the true grounds of the controversy, that this imputed compromise is destitute of every feature of that justice and equality that ought to characterize a measure bearing such an ap relation. We mignt well in advance have dis trusted the compact for this adjustment, in which it was found expedient not to consult, at any period of the negotiation, our senators and two thirds of our Representatives, and which Dore upon its face the signs of its being in some respects a subtle contrivance, to bend the pecuniary interests and constitutional ; liberties 01 me people to a struggle lor the executive narticulars that are yet to be modified more 1 benefici:lv for their interests, as cupidity may be instructed by experience. That the system, if we think proper to submit to its injustice, is the fixed and settled policy of the country, so far as the majority can will it to be such, we have much more solid reasons for believing, than evn these declarations however authorita- the convocation of these bodies, by requiring the concurrence of two thirds of both branches of the Legislature, before a Convention can be called, not only effecutally prevent tumultary or revlutionary action, but ensure that unan imity among the people so essential to the suc cess of all great public movements. In earnestly lccommending, fellow-citizens, that you make, forthwith, legislative provision for the assembling of such a convention, with j all the despatch compatible with the public cannot but look forward to tne upon to refund that which he is making use of as his own property, and which has given him a standing in society (I spealffof the commer cial.) Reader, cast but one unprejudiced glance at these men, at their interests, these 10,000 among 13,000,000; vou will see at once their r 1 ii ! ii iuuiive iur asperity against mose wno say ineir institution is unsound. 1 he officer loses his support, the stockholder his wealth, the borrow- and then disgraced himself and station by his Diuingsgate aouse oi inc rresioent and tne best men in the nation. 8. Because he is opposed to any adjustment of the tariff, for when that question is settled. he knows he has no hopes of success for the Presidency. 9. Because he says the President should march an army into Georgia, and open the doors of the Georgia State Prison, if they wade in i . r ii ft u er ins name oi a weanny muii. ouiu any one Uood Qr Georgians driving thereby to cimnneo i iw o mnmoni Intil omnnir nil this n - I . r . . CJ .V i i iuuuivih i fvf itc a civil war gregated talent, these men will let these sine cures, this wealth, and this name of wealth, fly from their grasp without a struggle? No! great indeed is the incentive; a greater at this time does not animate , the breast of man. Money, wealth, power, all are at stake, and as dear as tive. This belief is founded on the indisputa- convenience, I ble fact, that it is impossible for the wit or wis- deliberations and final decision of this high dom of man, to have contrived a scheme for and authoritative body, as the blessed means, raisinor the revenue of the country in a mode . not only, of finally redressing our wrongs but more essentially and exclusively beneficial to 1 of uniting our whole people in one common life is, equally great has been the struggle to their own interests. For it is a process by j mode and purpose of resisting oppression, and retain the former, as would be-that to sustain the in natriotift and fraternal bonds of concord. latter, uan we men wonuer ai ine missnes WUn iw owiMir cnaol- ite vnir.fi. nevt ! that have been hurled at the unoffending head - 1 ' . - to the voice of God, must command our most which taxation operates correlatively as a bounty to their industry;' and that whilst three fourths of the public revenue is to be raised on articles in the production of which they enjoy a premium of more than fifty per cent, all the articles necessary to perfection of their ar's and manufactures, and many essential to the accommodations and luxuries of life, are com paratively untaxed. It is not a cold abstract sense of justice or what are insultingly called the metaphysics of constitutional liberty that will induce a people, rioting in such a high and p'.ilmv state ol prosperity, to surrender tnese advantages, if they can find four millions of consumers, willing to submit to their exactions, who Ijappen to be tcritonally separated irom i l n( inrllialT mem, ana wno exercisnasuctica tluci.j in no degree competing with, but on the con trary. subservient and tributary to tneir own. We shall indeed have read the history of the world to very little purpose if we cherish so idle and senseless a conjecture. It the soutn- ern states had been subjugated provinces, and V i . J 1 . 1 , auer a war oi exnausting dessoiation, nau sur rendered at discretion under the sword, I ask what other bill, "for- the regulation of trade with the colonies1'' our conquerors would have desired, but this very tariff act of 183-? Of the ruin which this measure will bring upon us, we are not left to speculation. The signs of our decaying prosperity are around us. Informed as you are, gentlemen, of all the details of this act, lam conscious how unne cessary it is to press thisiyicw of the subject, perfect obedience. We owe no allegiance to power of the country. But apart from these ! any uruier' "" '" ls one consideration Ainnsic obiections. the adiustment is mtrinci-' r " . . xu mai is, me any other power, except that which through a similar assemblage, So. Carolina thought fit to contract for us, and which in paying to the ex tent, and so long as she thinks proper that the obligation should continue, is but rendering our loyalty to her. 1 forbear bringing any other subject to your i iMibiueraiiou coiiiieciiju wim un; uiuiuoij current business of the State, as under the Constitution you must again convene on the 4th Monday of the ensuing month. I would respectfully suggest that with the view, if prac ticable, of procuring an assembly ol tne pro posed Convention, at this place prior to that period, you likewise abstain from the consider tion of any other matter than the important topic s.nd those necessarily incidental to it which I have brought to your view, as I deem it, for a variety of considerations on which it . t ii is unnecessary 1 shonld now dwell, in every respect desirable that our issue, with the Gen eral Government, should be made before the meeting of Congress. In urging the expediency of calling a Con vention of the People for the purposes I have indicated, I have forborne to make a single suggestion of what may or may not, what ought or what ought not to be the remedy this As sembly should ordain. To a body so constituted and so empowered, let the whole subject of our rights, and our grievances be confided, unin fluenced by any bias arising1 irom tne official 10. Because he encourages for the same pur pose the nullifiers of the South. 11. Because he and his party supported a nullifier and an anti-tariff man for President of the Senate, show ing thereby their sincere attach ment for principle to the Union and the tariff. 12. Because if elected, there will be a divi sion of the Union before his term expires. 16. Because he showed the petulance of a c nil rnl V-xr on1 fVio rnrro nf o moslmnn. in li.. of our President-the anathemas which have Senatc ia'st winter, by brutal and malicious as been pronounced against him, through nearly u , t, himser every newspaper in the country. Lease then u Because if elected, embezzlers, pecula to wonder at the little you see said in favour of tors defauiters, and Toby Watkins men will our President's Veto on the Bill for a renewal , nefinMA tn n?lrP. and acrain Uvo n n,u - , t l i . .1 i jail ui iuoh-hwi 1 e ' ' " of the Cnarter of the Bank, and at the much you lunder of thc treasury. see written against it. 1 he writer of the above 1S- Rpranse he will reinstate the old federal is of the democratic party his views coincide . -n office and their principles, (in all tiie cardinal points which have been g Because when Secretary of State, he ap agitated during the present administration,) pointea the King of the Netherlands to decide with those of the present Chief Magistrate. It . Maine boundary question, and then assail- it, nut i 1, miwgiz.u, at una muu, e presldent in vulgar invective lor asking acts or merits of the man, they are too deeply thc scnate's advice about the decision of hit engraved upon the hearts of his grateful coun trymen to require it at his hands. But to return to my argument. I would, and Ido not doubt, but that in the numbers of our party will be found but few who would desecrate the wretch, who so far lost to honour, would insult the fal len; would put forth a hand to hurl the totter ing man from power; even retort back upon him his malignity to those who have from a due regard to our Constitution, and the increasing corruption of the institution, staid its course. This is a reason so little has been said in re ply to those whose only patriotism is the accu mulation of wealth. The friends of the admini stration feel perfectly secure in their strength, and as I before said, our party is not one to trample upon the fallen. They know who will become their political opponents by a change from the ranks of democracy, to be those only the classes namea as interested Hynota mutual, but an exclusive compro-1 8olemn and abldlD3 conviction of the good expression of our opinions Representing in pared nrlirt are among th II- nV. I will no. hpM Am ! with anti-masons, and mfatior red ltvHW j V ' W4 k liv ! .u..ii. . . own arbiter. 17. Because after the President to his know ledge had declined to appoint a national fast on constitutional grounds, he had the meanness to introduce aresolution into the Senate callin upon him to appoint one, that he might, as he said, be accused of versatility and inconsisten cy if he did, and a neglect of the wishes of Con gress and the institutions of religion, if he did not. 18. Because he declares that the States are not " sovereign and independent, but mere lo cal provinces, subject to the general govern ment. 19. Because he contends that the people oi one section of the country should be taxed to build roads and canals for another. 20. Because he wishes to destroy all foreign commerce. - 21. Because he is opposed to masonry wneu ith anti-maW. anfn fitfor of it h!n ntb Y
