North Carolina Newspapers

LIBERTY... .THE CONSTITUTION. ...UNION. VOL. XVI. NEW BE UN, FRIDAY, 31 ARCH 8, 1833. O. 835. i PUBLISHED BY THOMAS WATSON. TERMS, Three dollars per annum payable in advance. No paper will be discontinued (hut at the dis cretion of the Editor) until all arrearages have been paid up. . V covIress. SPEECH OF WIM-I AM B. SHEP ART), OF NORTH CAROLINA. Delivered in the House of Representatives, Jan. 29A, 1833, on the motion of Mr. Huntington to strike nut the 2Ut and 32(1 Sections of the Tariff UtiA. imposing a. duty on Tea and Coffee. Mr. Chairman I moved last night that the com Tniiiee should rase, not because I had any thing to snv. tlwt odld not lie w well said then as now, or that I hadaot as lief soy then as now, but lecause I had not the physical ability after a session of six hour?, 'P give coherency the few ideas, with which ,-t J3 my i mention to trouble the committee. I am weft aware that every gentleman here is desirous of disposing of this ted rous subject, without more de bute; none can be more .tired of it than I am. Man bag been denominated by some enthusiastic admirers of political econorov;, an animal that makes exchanges, he has here been called a plundering aoimnl: were I permitted to add one to the many definitions which have been given by philosopher of that singular creature, 1 should say, he is an animal that makes Tariff speeches. The definition would umlouhte :ly characterise him, as he is known in Ihe Uiiifed Stales, more panicolarly on ibis floor here 'Jocli indociique,' we all speak on this subject; I sh i!i. therefore, nuke no apology to the House for indulging a national propensity "'lis no sin for a in i i n to labour in his vocaiion." I am not, however, one of those gentlemen who believe that all know e ge oa this subject is derived, like Fallstafl's know le.le of i he true prince, from instinct; it is tome, viewed in any way I am capable of viewing it, a subject f grea difficulty. It is peculiarly ;it this time a subject of ft arlul inleiesl, and requiring for its ntju??: ui'nt, all this House possesses of intelligence, integ isy, and patriotism. Sir, I most solemnly be lieve t he times require each man should speak out c;tndiHv and I'eely, les real seniimen.s upon the sub ject of this pioieciive policy, thai a geat responsi bility rests upon the members of this House, a e eponKd)iliiv which, if We f;ii now to meet, we basely abandon liiehgh t.usi commiiled looui eaie. Toe Uniicd Slates exhibit, -ntbs time, a seclacle hnltei to unseen and unknown upon earth, om thai lor i be credit of humanity, it is' to he hoped will ne ver occur. again; a people endowed with all that JJe.-ven or earth can hestow to make them happy and coo ie a i eel, "aboun iing in eve y thing essential to p.uspr-hv, and even grandeur, among fhe nations f Hie vvoild (if the term is not offensive to some around me) mi yet amidst all these blessings, we daily heai it nrod. timed in high places, we are on the eve of re volution. A revolution vo put down what? Some usiiqier living onj the vitals of the community ? Some ronqoerer reveling in the spoils of vanquished provinces, sna.ic.hing from wealth its abundance, from penury it pittance, to swell the pime, the omp and power of an indivi ual ? No, Sir! a .evolution to pat down, the power of ihe m "jor iy o." ihe people. themselves a revolution whit h I can prepare to no th;ur in th' history of the madness and lolly of man Lin I, hut the infidel fury of the at.arehists of France, who desecrated the temple of the only true Cod, to erect wh.it they called the statue of reason n its stead. The nations of Europe are now contending for self-govrntnent ; we seem" to be get ing l ired j of it; th y are contending against the will and domi nion of on man ; some here complain of the domi nion of die many. . What, on the oiher side of the Atlantic, is called by an admiring world the beau ideal of liberty, I have heard on this floor pronounced the ;e Section of despotism. Such, alas, is the un h'i ay, the miserable condition ol poor unhappy na ture! Win. ever may be the final action of Congress uiin the subject of the revenue, nothing should be done without caution and delineation, and altera ciireljl inspection of our commercial, agricultural and m t u u fact u ring situation, upon our decision of this question rests the prosperity of every man in the couiiinniiy. I look, sir, upon the man who would , diss, ver these throe great interests, indissoluble in their n tiu-al affinities, and essential to the prosperity , of every g e.it nation, as a mere empiric, a political qu.uk whose nostrums may momentarily infuse vi gour inio the body politic, but eventually leave it h tjiir ir I an t depressed. Anil unless the fickle legis lation if Congresses to be the reproach of our insti tutions, and the curse of ihe people of this country, we ought to place this matter on such a basis, that hereafter, evety man may rest secure, himself and . his property being under the protection of equal, jiwvan.l permanent laws For, if there is a tyranny more jieculiarly hard to hear, more harassing to the spirit, it is that of fluctuating legislation; its oppres sion is more severe from being unexpected, ho indus try ran obviate it, no sagacity can foresee it. vvhen the tariff laws ot 1824 and 1828 were un der discussion, it was contended with great force and justice by the anti-tariff parly, that all free govern ments should interfere as little as possible with the domest'c arrangements and industry of its citizens, that all material changes in the joi"tcy of a nation, the object of, which was the transferring capital from ne occupation to another, should lie made with great camion, ami only on great emergencies. If these proposit ions are true, of such governments generally, they are still more worthy of attention in a govern ment Ike ours, which is of strir.tlv mirr.pratfl rwr er?, and dependent for its stability on public opinion government where the lashion of to-day mav be reprobated by to4norrow. and an investment of capital, made under the sanction of the national le gislature, may be prostrated by a fickle legislation, influenced by the whim and caprice of the moment, r he varying policy and interest of rival political parties. It w.is ujn such prinr.ipl s of general rea nng, ihat I am now, and alwavs have been, oppo ed to the policy of the ti riff laws. I thought uc. ,1 systen ouffht not to he forced on tre i-ount try, but that every man should nermittod to follow' such pursuits as were most congenial to hie Wilts and disposition. That if bv this nnlirv ih fo;le advanced more slowly in the accumulation of prope.ty, they would e more virtuous, less exposed 1,1 oii tern lation?! ol eitraon m ipv vnlth cta r try wealt plain re 'h:ng$ but little congenial with 7 v. 1 1 01a xj 1 publican in- dilutions. I thought likewise, that if the policy of Protective laws was less doubtful, the tariff of 1828 was ni-juQged and inexpedient, it attempted too km embraced subjects of opposite characters, while with one hand it gave a bounty, with the other imposed a tax upon the same thing, shewing, as riS f n observed by the anti-tariff memo- hi, that wherethere was an avowed wanjt of in rmution on the subject, it would have been a wiser ?e.tooah umil tnat information was obtained." wet, Sir, iho ta 0riS28 -wafnot intended by many of those who assisted in making it, to aid pe culiarly any specie of manufacture except that of a President, and we are now reaping the bitter fruits of such legislation. The act, however, has oassed: it was imposed on the country for weal, or for woe; it has disappointed in some measure the hopes of its friends and the pre dictions of its enemies; it is recorded among your laws, and no human power can. place the country in the 8a me situation it was in, prior lo its passage. The question now, however, is not one of laying on, but of taking off duties; we are enquiring bow we shall provide for the present posture of affairs, our national debt is about to be paid off, we shall have upon our hands a large surplus revenue, how shall we re lieve the country from tbe anticipated danger of this alarming plethora? We are told by some of our statesmen I beg pardon of the shades of the illus trious men who once bore that name, I meant some of our politicians, that the national legislature cannot, be trusted with one dollar more than the bare neces sities, the stern exigencies of the government require. , Bargain, intrigue and corruption, we are told, will stalk barefaced and uncovered throughout this hall, unless speedily prevented. I have not. yet, Sir, lost all confidence in republican institutions; I do not be Iteve the people of this country are yet sufficiently corrupted to send members to ibis House, base enough, either to baiter away their liberty or squan der their money; when 1 do believe it, I shall think representative governments a mere delusion. I have, however, no objection, that gentlemen should est.i ui:te their jiower ol resist ing tern pi a lion, by whatever standard they please. It is impossible at this period to discuss this mailer of the tariff exclusively on its own merits, it has lie come so intermingled with all the po!ilical questions of the" times, has been the cause of so much excite ment, lhat it is thrust into every question and relation in society. In the few discursive remarks which I intend making on this subject, I hope the committee will pardon me, if in following the examples of others I talk about that subject most interesting to myself. II may very piojerly be asked why this inordinate desire at this session of Congress, to hurry through the' House a bill of such v,st importance as this evi dently is? The bill of July 1832 has not yet gone into oeraiion, no man can tell its precise effect upon the revenue ot' the country, has that bill been found lo deceive its friends in reducing the revenue? I will trouble th-.- committee with a few words in relation to ihat measure: lam more inclined to do so, be cause I perceive it is about to be muidervd .In the womb, and betbie the final blow is struck, ) will do it an act of passing justice. Having voted lb, that bill, in company with a large majority of my col leagues, and a majority of the Southern delegation, is a bill lo reduce the revenue of the government and lo relieve the )eople from the pressure of the ta riff system, I am surprised lo find endeavours very industriously made to circulate a belief, that so far from allevlat-ng the burdens of the South, they are aggravated by that bill. I saw an article in the. Tele graph, of this City, published a few days ago ad dressed to the people of Georgia, and bearing among others ihe signature of a gentleman on this floor, (Mi. Clayton) containing the following words: "The character f the ac. of 1832 is uistinctly marked. Its diminished credits, its requisition of cash paym nts, its increase of ihe value of the pound sterling, its discriminating do lies will show that ihe burdens imposed upon vou are decidedly increased, yet you are told that this act is a concession 'an effort to moderate the burdens of the South,' that, likeihe travelled dove, it comes with the olive branch to give you future seciiity. The treacherous kiss of Judas is not more receptive ; a concession with the inlious principle of protection retained as tbe per manent jiolicy ol the governm -nt! No, it is no con cession, its object is rather to lull you into a false se curity." This wper, although addressed to the peo ple of Georgia, iis evidently ititen ied lor (he whol South, and conveys an imputation upon the intelli gence or integriijy of eveiy Southern ami-tariff gen- tleman who voteo lor the bill of 1832. As one ol those individuals, I am not disposed that the slight est tamt of inconsistency shall be attached to any vole of mine tograliiy any man, any set of men, any party whatever. Upon ihe subject of this tit riff, I have acted upm but one set oi principles, and upon those same principles, I intend to continue to act. This is a repetition ofa charge contained in tin ad dress published by the South Carolina delegation shortly alter the close of the last session, and ircu lated very generally throughout the southern coun try. These loving appeals to one's constituents are not generally fair subjects of criticism, 1 hey are in tended for the partial eye of friendship, some of those, names attached to these statements are, however, so notorious in connexion with this tarin matter, that they carry great weigiit with them, among two thirds of the people south of ihe Potomac, ii there fore becomes necessary thai even small errors, such as great minds inadvertently make, should at once be corrected. It is very idle to say, that the tariff bill of 1832, recogniseil the principle of protection ; it recognized it no more, and no less, than every act lor reducing revenue, or raising revenue has done since 1 be organization of the government, the alle gation therefore is merely gratuitous. As regards "diminished credits and cash payments," the im policy of the existing law was so satisfactorily shown, by the memorial of the anti-tariff convent'.--n, that I voted to repeal it, incompliance with the unanimous wish as expressed in the memorial ol the southern people. ' Another source of lamentation is "the increased value ol" the pound sterling." By the law of 1799 regulating the value of foreign coins, the pound ster ling of England was estimated to be worth $4 44 of our currency; owing to the fluctuation of the rela tive valu. of gold and silver its real value had be come $4 80 . ts. I voted to put it at its true and real value, because 1 like to call things by thtir right names; 1 had, however, a still ietter reason. W htn I vote lor a bill laying a duty ol 1U, IO, or 3D per cent., when I assist in publisning to the world that such a duty has been laid, I am desirous ol dealing candiuly and fairly with the public. I would not assist in granting a boon in the first part of an instrument, an.i insert a condition in the latter part rendering the grant valueless. To nave oursued a different course might have evinced more political cunning, but would not have added much to the reputation of the American Congress; as one of the humblest of iu members, I am willing to share the odium of that measure. The bill of July, however, it i6 said makes discri minating duties; it releases luxuries from taxation and throws the burden of supporting the govern ment upon the necessaries of life; it oppresses the poor. " This is pitifuL 'tis wondrous nitiful " and doubtless has been the foundation of many a moving address and eloquent harrangue. It may have been eatu in the furioso language of the day, that grind- "K "i uureienting maioritv ot Congress. insensible to the miseries n,l nr-in-. r -,n prtstseu people, nave had the unnr-. n.mhA . nnr - --- V wl' mous, and daring effronterv to trnni hirh toned chivalroua people, their tea an t iuff e witiTout tax. tiuniuic vua tins Miai cctus lo De ;on.t :l;irm ill tr s D resell I eu lO lino xwMn. , : v cwuic eucui oi it is to a eooiMio man, i, JJlSSIi. moppri.B part onhe tariff,) bya duty tiatitcoines witbaveiy badgracotWLworee.ofTSpercent. white cotton goods, a oanlrfacttui u . .i.., : . . " it does; and as applicable to the state of things Ihe uth, ha little or no foundaliooT 2lTj3 I in a country so prospeioos as every nart f th tt: ted States is, to draw a distinction between luxuries and necessaries; in every community, they are mere ly co-relative terms, in rude and savage states of so ciety necessaries are such articles as sustain exis tence; as society advances in refinement, what was formerly a luxury becomes a necessary. I would here remark that the argument of ihe honourable gentleman near me (Mr. Choate) that the southern 1 people, in proport'on to their wealth and population, are non-consumers, is literally true. It is perfectly well known to every gentleman fami liar with the domestic arrangemenisoflhemassof the southern people, that two thirds of them are clad in their own domestic manufactures: I have known ma uy planters, the owners of large families of slaves, who purchase nothing from the stores but iron, salt, tea, coffee, sugar, and a few other trifling articles of luxury or convenience. Now, is it not more impor- ; r.,. . .t a .i - i i.i u ...... i. i kiii i iu nicsc iucii ijiiit. uiry suuuiu (juniiaec cui it ir- ttcles as tea and ?offee cheaply, which are of daily fimi eonHtant iisp thnn th hrrtid ninths ot Eno-bind- the latter surely are not so essential to their comfort, . -j ....... .. . . J and the want ot them is not depriving them ot an ar ticle upon which they set much value ? They prefer their own domestic manufactures, and I hope the day never will arrive when the loom and spindle are to be silent around the hearths of our fathers ; to me there, is no sight more cheering, than that o a family clad entirely by-its own labour: it presents a specta cle of substantial comfort and sturdy independence, not su r passed i n a ny qua rter of t he globe. I con (ess I never visit such scenes, without returning from them elevated and purified in leeling: I go back in imagi nation to other times, when the men of homespun were legislating in your halls of Congress and fight ing the battle? of the revolution. So long as the Fedeial Governments tax gatherer does not cross the doors of this worthy class of society, they are inde pendent of its legislation : secure in the " noiseless j tenor of their way," they are happy, unmolested by i the visions of avarice, or the dreams of ambition. If j this distinction between necessaries and luxuries were substantially true, who has any right to complain ? j If luxuries tend to elevate man in the seal of social ! existence; if they follow in the march of civilization and make a part it, why in a government of equals i should not every thing that tends to refine our natures, , to smooth the asperities oflile and elevate man in the scale of animated beings, be placed within the reach of the poorest individual in society. Having disposed ot the mora Ih y of th.s matier, l t I us now look to its logic. I will now lake up the tariff bill of 1832, and comparing it with the ar t of 1828, ask gentlem- n if a reduction or the duties on iron, on that day, (Mr. McDuffie,) reported a bill to this House, cotton goods, on sugar, on woolen cloths, on negro : reducing the duty on tea and coffee, which became clothing, on blankets, dec. was not a reduction of the : a law. and which I voted lor with great pleasure, duties on the necessaries of life, this would be confu- The adtlr. ss of the anti-tariff convention of South ting them by the plain rules of subtraction, a speci.-s ern p.-ople, assembled in Philadelphia, in 1831, like ofaigumeut utterly beneath gentlemen, who deal in wise admits the constitutionality ofa tariff, for inci the sublimities of metaphysics: 1 will lake thcrule dental protect ion. That address, said to have been they themselves have furnished. written by one. of the gentlemen who signs this Geor- The theory wb-ch has produced such excitement in one iortion of the south against the tariff, and which : I presume is believed iy all liiose wiio condemn the er ol Congress (speakingol the opinion in the Souih,) act of 1832, if we include the ultra tariff men, who by to lay and collect such duties as they may deem ne their associations in that vote, illustrate the truth of cessary lor the purposes of revenue, and vvithin these the propositions "that the extremes are sometimes limits so to arrange these duties as incidently and nearer together than the means," is thus expounded to that extenttogive protection to the manufacturer." by one of its ablest supporters, (report committee of It seems to me if we are t ruse a revenue by im V ays and Means by Mr. McDuffie, February 8, posts, it is a matter of but little consequence to the 1832.) "As the restrictions imposed upon the pro- community generally, upon what articles it is raised, duct ions ofsouthern industry are affected b theagen- take for example sugar am I coffee. Can it makeany cy of indirect taxes, the burdens imposed ujxm the difference to t hi consumer of these two articles, (I planting states by the protecting system, are not very take it for granted he is the only person concerned,) inaccurately measured by the amount ol taxes levied whether he pays 2 1-2 cents a pound on sugar, and upon their productions. And when the inequality a liulfcenton coffee, or three cents on sugar and no of the government disbursements are added to the in- ! thing on coffee ? I contend it does not; the drinker equality of contributions exa ted by import duties, it ofa cup of coffee neither leels or cares upon which of may b confidently affirmed that the burdens imposed the two articles he pays the duly. It makes, how iijon the planting slat- s by the taxation, prohibition ever, a vast difference to a large and valuable inter and disbursements ofihe federal government are est in the nation, for by one process you injure the more than equal to the amount ol taxes L vied upon sugar planter, without communicating a benefit, to those hh)Oris which ntvoblained in exchange for the any interest whatever. If it really makesany differ three great agricultural staples of cotton, tobacco and enceto the mass of the community, of such vast mag rice. That a duty U)on an import is equivalent to nit ude, upon what a rtick-s the revenue of the country the same amount o duty upon the export which has is raised, I confess I cannot perceive it, and I presume been exchanged for it, is but a self evident proposition it is only visible to our political metaphysicians, to all who correctly comprehend its import. The " Who have optics keen, planter is as injuriously affi-cted by the one duly as Enabling them to see things not to be seen." I. . ... I I I... il, .t V. .1 iilthniit rtini i-pto rv1lV inin- ne wuuiv.y r ever to his own consumption.' consumer 'of an article, as such, has no interest at all in the duty paid by lhat article; it is thereiore ol no importance to h.m wnelher thirty per centum, nor om wliat article the evenue. is collected. Now, if this proposdion is true, and 1 ... , , 1 . ... , 1 ,, ,,,..,. . admit its truth for the present occasion e grower. ol rice, cotton and tobacco, which ar two thirds ot the American Pf0'1 lo,1x 1 ed 10. loreign goous, pay iwo-umu oi duties charged 011 foreign inv.tioite, las oeen est.maieu lony per cent. souc . . true amount, let us apply f this rule to the wtionof amies ny tne tarin o. ioo, iu V; "J 2 " r ni.Yr . nn- , T 7 i II .wT 1 I nn, n & tz. 1 rwa ,c moo oai im itwi nv the ireasnrv department, the relief ol those individuals exclusively, tcu tu i)fa,i0i,uiv, a uO vSUuuvU j ... was $2,074,83". Is this no rebel to inis class 01 so ciety? They must know otherwise, if they honestly believe they bear so large a share ofihe burden; and if we take into consideration the small class of indivi- duals even tn tne sou n, a reciiy inieresieu uuction 01 tnese art.c.ee, ute retiet 10 it.em, ..-. - rit...:. ..,v.n.i kir ttint kill it--ict rt vocr imrmr- ICW Ul UlClf KUSCttHU lJ Uiai Ulll, ao u. tance. But, sir what becomes ol this oppression to l, - O A --.r. il, mniveii! rl PICA PHI 1 fill tne poor Are tnepoor me growe.boi and tobacco, or was it inienueu ub u moc uguic . . t speecii, a pathetic ajipeai, O Mlcic diuuijjuuo ,wv In vulgum. u i l .j :. u- Kill Kollnvinrr fliiu mrwlprn irw,.;no ictin.,1.1 hovA TpIi mvsplfhounii.aBucoDsis- nail 1 VUICU euiaiuei uni, i...,.. ' . i i .i i ; tent man; to nave gone nome au Wv ...jr iiu- ents, that a proposition was made in Congress to re- ' . r -if r.i.. .:. I 1. , mli.k neve them irom tw I had rejected with them the glorious .u x--; ' - l tr I bnoiv thPV ftr ine lemner tn 11 hi iieuuic luu vvh -j . r.u. coto .dhp uevoteuiy attacnea to me uuiou u j .t .L7.'. "1" last hone 01 Iibertv uoon eartn, ana uiai wrj vyc.c not inclined to jeopard it, un a uouotiui pumi ui litical economy. Whenever,sir, I pereude the people whom I represent to resist the laws of this government, it will be such resistance as freemen should make, with arms in their hands and not a pettifogging cm- . .1 l. .1. 4 , r. . . . ' 1 ai-..i i uaucr, unuugii mc wui But sir, if the bill of 1832, was radically wrong, the same objections applv to the bill on your table, it has also the mark of the beast upon it. I ne bill does not restore the credit system, it does not restore the lake valuation of the poun-: sterling, it has likewise mseri I niin;tiiiff duties, it only carries out the principle of ; i ' - . . - ithe lull ot 1H32. an reduces the revenue nearer to the wanhs ol the government. Its discriminating du- ties are ofa more partial character than any bill ever i ... .L-. ti.., . nrnta : ' WU 2S2fP" cent. VV hen however, the contest is for nrinniil i will not do any one tbe injustice to suppose that mo ney will answer, should it amount to thousands; and unless that principle is yielded, nothing has been gain ed. I do not now how gentlemen will voteon the final passage of this bill; all that I am anxious about is, that if hereafter, there should be any charge ofincon sistency, it may rest precisely where truth and justice demand. The act of!832 was no favorite of mine ; I was sa ueu 11 wouttt not answer the purpose for which it was intended, and that it did not extend its own prin ciple sufficient for the occasion. " During all the dis- :ci . . . ... is.on on that subject, I watched the scene with II r 'umi' y." nartie. 1 listene.1. in vain, (or the latter principle: I heard dav nnr a-. i . ... .. . . J mcr u.t y speeches upon crude and ill digested theori K.n koV.i .- i. . -J , . J wvn, inaiu lliJIIIMIJf UUIC than the mmlp nf .i j Kill Clftoo UV,CES,UU proposeu in " !. vt X KJJ4, i ue principle oi collecting the revenue ofihe tro vernmenr from one set of articles in order to give inci dental protect on to the manufactures of the country establishes tiolh'nsrnew in our legislation, it is a doc trine, as old as the constitution, and in 1816, when this matter of the tariff first betr-an. it war dktinrtlv Tl. ! I out admitted by the anti-tariff party. When the tariff of 1816 (the cause of all our woe,) was under discussion. mi. j euair, oi Georgia, a strenuous opposer orthat bill, said "he would not deny that in the imposition or outies, lortne purpose ol revenue, it is wise to se lee your objects that while the original intent is se cured, the interest of the manufacturer is regarded as an incidental consideration." It is not, however, ne cessary to go so far back in our history, for a legisla tive recognition of this principle. The present Pre sident of the Unit' d Stales in his message to litis House, of December 81 h, 1829, said "looking forward to the period not far distant, when a sinking fund will no longer be required, the duties on those articles of imxrtation, which cannot come in competition with our productions are the first lhat should engage the attention of Congress in the moditicatian of ihe tariff, Of these, tea and coffee are the most prominent ; they enter largely into the consumption of tbe country, and have become articles of necessity to all classes, A reduction therefore of the existing duties will be felt as a common benefit, but like all oiher legislation connected with commerce, to be efficacious and not injurious, it should be gradual and certain." In com- pliance with this executive recommendation, the chairman of the. committee of Wav3 and Means of gia manifesto nouinst theact of July. 1832, (Mr. Ber- rien,) contains ihese words: "They admit the pow- 0lie atn, I presume is as good as another in t!,i mnfter. I have therefore no hesitation in savintr that under all the circumstances of the case, and con sidering the situation of the country the act of 1832, oflhns ou tothe a , 1 y J rA. was a great ana vaiuaote concession 01 tne maiortty grievances of theminori- e which should be held b.iciru 111 111c itrtjiMiiuuii in hub iuuijii v. 11 ib timt an in creaie(Cby the ,a w ghou,., nor be wantonly If, moreover, the bill ot July - beneficial to the South as it might have egisiation 01 this country, it is tnar an been, it was in some measure the Ihult of the South, ag Qp inaIJv ed confa;nP(j a cauge y- hl f the 6hippinff interest of the coun. 7 he excessive hurfn: Iaid on tnat interest by the tariff of 1828, this clause was struck out by South- ern votes. It requires, I should suppose, noargument to prove, that a free trade people ought to encourage . 3 . . - . . . the shlpp ng merest, and 1 the people ot the South are, as we have been told lntiustnously engaged in m inufacturing British woollens out of Southern cot ton, they ought as a reward for their ingenuity be per- mittetLto carry ihese articles to market in an untaxed vessel. Di(J 1 ,,e1ieve it essential to the prosperity and wel fape rf n Southern Slates, that the manufactories of .... Unrk e 1rtn , hp oV( U n th tho. .t it r,M unpieasant duty to vote a benefit to myself, ... I... ' wh5ch would be the entire ruin of another. A few summers ago, wnu nymgirom tneaeroonoiiiineaitn, ! .1 1 n ; j vjsitetJ New E, England. 1 found her towns and villa ires tiwwnru i.n 11 in.iusil iwus UUU CUieruriSHlg population, her hills and valleys, redolent with health, nmoi;tu ami pnnicnimpnt otro.-.r A l h intent, everv hand was orrnni1 tho anrl,i -Iao:, uhwik-ih? "..- . . y iiiiuu erciuni . a l; . .. ( not coiiui.u a ...ore oourismug community, l here j the advantages of education are extended to the poor 1: I . . 1 - i iuum i um u vii uia iiii.iiriii:iiinii lor a sitprinieo oi ! I,...n ,l., ... rr... I,:, : : r C ui . . 1- . .1 . . " ... . r , - . uu V: WOUM. l."ere. ntl acommun..v, , ,u wmcn tne nurablest individual ha,nhe same voice -. 1 . . . . . . . Wltn nis more wealthy neighbor, in laying the puonc , burdens for the public welfare. 1 asked myself if it were possible that the prosperity of this people could ; be the hot-bed production of an artificial system, or ; rather if it were not the result of long continued tod, !r.r ;.,i.,..- i ..r -,n frnofnv that muusuy mat never ineu, w " . , " never slept. 1 looked upon ihe scene around me wi no feeling of murmuring discontent, I felt the mo ith more rejoiced that it was a part of my country, ; u Homo sum humani nil a me aherium puto was - said by n freed Roman slave Tlios: persons who i i yi i u Tei r taxes in New Eng wiUstudy the mode of aess ru i i ' ua, ..n,l nrher ourposes, mini tui Hciria " . . ..t .!..,, ings, in fact the whole organ izhuu . .u community, must have a strange misapprehension of c . . -r 11 ... n riis?cover anv anstocraiic Drinci-' tninr3. II uicy . -t i . pie. They will find, fi6,yever an ela.-Uc.ty o keter, a facility of adaptmi? ;!:.- KtwtMn to f'w iieai OI ansietv : l was desirous of seeing a deli oeraie express.on of opinion between the two great antagonist principles in the country, "protection and no protection " or if iher wr tiT:Li U 1UIHI IMIUVII.M- UJUI times, great and moral emergencies which will enable them, should your legislation prostrate them to the eaith, 10 risej like Antaeus, with new vigor from the fall. v It is contended by some of those persons who com plain the most ol the operation of the general go vernment .(Mr. McDuffie's speech, May, 1832 that n could no longer be disguised that under the unjust legislation of Congress, and without anv agency ol Providence a radical liostility of interest rnnl I J7tWelUhe UV ?Peat SUb-dlVlsionS of this confederacy." Now sir, f4,eny lhat such hostmu ming, t can he made by any legislation of Congress to ex. st ; he great father of our institutions, ibreW mgtlns state of lungs has told uV that upontW roj-k we were hfcely to split; he implJed uikfh?, lasf advice 10 r,6t such an. mpresston, to ecoqtsuch ail nlea. We are daily becoming more and more the same people, in our habitSj pursuits end interest and travellers have already remarked the ea me new el' American life and manners. The constant and daily communication among our people is wearing awayj by the friction of social intercourse the petty prejuthces ot" situation. "Mountains interposed, no longer make enemies of natbns." I knew that there was a party in this country, dating their origin from the adoption of the constitution, who have always been endeavoring to pursudethe people of the differec: Stales, that they have eontrariant interests-a party composed of restless, ambitious spirits, who had "ra ther lie the first man of an Alpine village than the second man at Rome." 1 did, however, hope that this sect was gradually dwindling into insignifi cance. I firmly believe the interests of. the different sections of country so dependent on each other, lhat it is impossible, lor one part, permanently o flourish, without communicating its prosperity to those around it: this fact has leen satisfactorily attested by the as ton. sh ing results of the Internal ImproveWntorthc country. Who has not heard of a new World brought into existence in the western part of New York, by the genius of Clinton? With a mind soaring above the miserable economists of his day, he penetrated the mysteries of nature, dissipated the prejudices of the weak, the fears of the timid, and, like Columbus opened a new World tothe enterprise of hrs countrymen. Why then should I, or any man, wish to cripple the prosperity of two-thirds of this union with the vain or illusory idea of benefitting the other third? This question of the 'tariff has been discussed, re peatedly, and very prpperb, as one peculiarly into resting to the south ; I will consider it for a lew mo ments, as it affects that portion of the country. In doing so, I shall consider it entirely as a 'question of compromise; I have not that contempt forcorapro rmV which some gentlemen seem to entertain. If we were legislating for a horde of savages who chased their daily food over the neighboring hills, and in case of accident dejnmdcd upon plunder or the roots of the forest for subsistence, we might despise all com promise; 'out in legislating for a highly refined and artificial state of society, we should remember thai civilization is the result of compromise. Ourconsti tution is itself the result of compromise; and the hi tory of the very clauses under which we are now acting (with which I will not trouble the House) a strong illustration of its general character. It is very common, in the political manoeuvring oi' this country, to start a theory, and by way of giving it currency and enlisting the prejudices of an ardent people, to call it. the southern doctrine; on "argu ment alone my iaith is founded," and I shall support no doctrines and no theories my understanding doo not teach me are correct and proper. Although I ain 'opposed to the tariff system in general, I do not think it that " monstrum horrendum" some gentlemen seem to suppose it : I neither think it produces tin bilious fever at Charleston, nor the yellow fever a; New Orleans; it has sins enough of its own to bear : I will not saddle it with those of the imagination. The great doubt originally entertained upon the capacity of this country to manufacture for itself caused many persons to oppose the system. It was thought premature; that the country was too younr, lhat we had too much waste land, offering a healthier and better occupation for our population; the experi ment has however been tried, the country has paid part of the cost of the. experiment. It is now ad mitted that we manufacture some articles as cheap in this country as in any other, ami we have been informed by documents laid on our tables tlua $250,000,000 are invested in the different manufac tories of Ihe country. Can t his amount of capital be desi roved in any part of our country without pro ducing distress and embarrassment throughout its wide border? I should suppose no political econo mist coubf for a moment doubt upon such a proposi lion: at all events, l am satisfied n wouici very sen- ------ - , - ously affect that ration of the country whose mtc- rests are confided to my care, f there are any two sections of tins country design- ed by nature for a close political and commercial union they are the southern part ol thTi Chesapeake bar) the sea coast ol rSortn Carolina and the !ew Knglani states. Our earliest colonial h'story contains the most satisfactory evidenceofthis connexion; the cheap navigators of the north, then formed, and yet form. our principal means of intercourse with the markets of the world ; while, at the same tune, Jew lidiglaiio is becoming a great ami growing consumer 01 ou products. Of the article ol Southern corn alone, the towns of Boston and Providence consumed in 183J;t 897,793 bushels.' Would it not then be madness v. destroy this market, without some positive and cei tain assurance of bettering the conditio of the coun try ? As gentlemen tells us, therefore, this is rntirely a cent per cent question. let the corn planter ask mm self if he is not willing to pay a higher duly on braoj cloth than onccfTeeffor a lew veor. me itoi, I nrnol r-i o him h.ont fliellimer. C. II" -- QfJO llll't HUH W tllb t- v . t' j;nna for a raainteflancrt -'leianusoi m-emgau the bill on your table carried out the I 1 Saitl lliai HIV "'"rXnS 1,.,,llho tPUPiin. nrinciole of the act of 1832, ami Ire Ujejwvcnui I ;r.i .,nru nparcr the i:nnsui mt yivi-iuuitin iu I ui lilt iuu""J n. n.. I ti cn with a few excepuous, i - I . ' 4n. imnnfse a ilutV, 1 fcua-ii oit agains turns propu - "v- r. hc araendme,-t foremus,for striking out the duty on tea and coffee. 1 cannot, m ja.iuo, r 7- - a i i t t it .r . I ncnti hstS OCeil .ir?ii:"v " ,v a u.i - 1 ,wi s-wnotfi inr iiiiniir kii 1 iu unci ciput di xvre I to give sucn a voie, 1 snouia in trull; r . r TOme of the epithets which have su .v-, : . . , - been so liberally bestowed on the Congres3 of the United States that passed the act of July, 1832. The, duty on tea and coffee is likewise a violation of4h principle on which the bill is reported, which if I un derstand it is, to reduce the revenue to the wants c ' the government committing as little violence as po? sible to the existing interests of the country- Thi is the print iple contained in the President's annua message where ihe sajp, "the eoundest maxims ou public policy andj the principles upon which our re publican institutions are founded recommend a propc adaptation of the revenue to the expenditure; In they also require that the expenditure should be hm ited to what, by an economical adminietraiion be consistent with the simplicity of the l&vel I . .. . . . . ' :,,cfice to eha - t,n? this adjustment, it X$?rre,rn the.o tlic different Mates, and M an a necessary to an ewciem interim . .i . - . . f J In titfillCe I" t