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Ihis print, under tlie direction of the - President) the instant he was apprised they, had assumed the shape of a resolution the Senate of Virginia. The difficul- y in the minds of the Editors of the Richmond En quirer and Petersburg Intelligencer, arises from the same passages in the Proclamation. We have, therefore, we hope only to refer to them and give the sense in which they were intended by the President, to give perfect satisfaction in relation to the principles he entertains. , The first passage, to which we are referred in thfi artir. Ips or rmnte from the Richmond Enquirerarld Petersburglntelligencer is as fol lows: The people of the United States formed the Con stitution, acting through the State Legislatures in making the compact, to meet and discuss its provi sions, and acting in separate conventions when they ratified the provisions ; but tne terms used in its con struction, show it to be a Government in which the people of all the States collectively are represented." This is not theory it is siriTple history lut the phraseology like that of the constitu tion itself, which it copies verbatim, in the leading member of the sentence, has been sub jected to various interpretations. But the Pre sident, in saying that " the people of the United States formed tlie Constitution," although he used the very lanfruasre of the constitution itself, did not leave it open to the construction, which the lalitudinarian party have put upon its terms. He followed up the general declaration, by particularizing, that the Constitution originated in a compact- that the compact was the off spring of the several States acting through their respective State Legislatures, and further, that the Constitution or. Government, founded in this compact, received its sanction from the people of the several States, acting through in dependent separate State Conventions, to rat ify its provisions. With such precise, definite and positive ascription of the Constitution, in its origin, to a compact among the several States, as the organized agents of several communities of people, and again making the obligatory sanction of the instrument, as de rived Irom the separate act of the same inde pendent communities, depend on its ratifica tion in separate Conventions, it would seem that the idea of its being the work- of the whole people in "the aggregate" or united in one body, was absolutely precluded. Indeed, as we said before, in commenting on Dr. Cocke's Resolution, the simple language of the Constitution, in proclaimingits origin in its first words, " YVe the people of the United States" " do ordain and establish this Consti tution for the United States of America" does, of itself imply, what is so precisely spe cified in the added explanation of the Procla mation. It excludes, by its terms, the idea of a people embodied in a Consolidated Govern ment, by describing them as composing differ ent " States" and bv speaking of the " States" as " united ," it repels the idea that the union iutended, is that of the people in the aggre gate ," but of the States as forming separate communities. The close of the preamble to the Constitution (which we have quoted aboVe, in connection with its first words,) preserves the same idea. The Constitution is declared io be established, not for an aggregate people:, but "for the United States of Amer , tea." ' The interpretation, forced by the resolu tions, to which we have referred, on the Pro clamation, in spite of its explanations, is pre cisely that which the friends of a consolidated Government has attempted vto force on the Constitution itself. If this were admitted, the conclusion drawn from it, that it would give " to a minority of States, having a majority of the population, a control over the other States, would inevitably follow. But here again the i'rocliunation comes in and entirely repudiates "audi inference! So far from recognizing the power which an ' aggregate people" would undoubtedl)qosses of altering their Govern- , tnent according to the will of the majority, the Proclamation refers to the provisions of the -Constitution on this subject, and rejects ex pressly the idea of any power in a Convention, called in any other mode than under its provi sions. It say? : " Vet this obvious and constitutional mode of ob tainingthe eense of the ether States on the con struction of the federal com naet. and amp.ndincr if. if jiccessary,! has never been attempted bv those who iiave urged! the State oti to this destructive measure. The State might have proposed the call for a Gen eral Convention to the other States j and Congress, jf a sufficient number of them concurred, must have called it. But the first Magistrate of South Carolina, vvlfeh he expressed a hope that, 'on a review hy Con gress and the functionaries of the General Govern ment of the merits of the controversy,' such a Con vention will be accorded to them, must have known that neither Congress nor any functionary of the General Government has authority to call such a (Jonvcntion; unless it be demanded by two-thirds of tne states." While the Proclamation thus recognizes the Constitution as the creature of the People of the States severally, and as only suscepti ble of change, through the agency of two thirds of the States," in proposing amendments to be effectuated only bv the ratification of three-fourths of the States, it is difficult to conceive how any-one could infer from its doc- tnnes, that it concedes to a minority oj States having the majority of population," absolute ernment. sway over the Constitution and Gov- The only other difficulty to which, we are rclerred as reouinnff exDlanation. bv our 1 O 1 in friends of the Richmond Enquirer and Peters burg Intelligencer, will be found in the close of the following passage, which speaks of 4 the unity of our political character." " 1 he -unity of on r political character, (as has been feUown for another purpose) commenced with its very existence. Under the Royal Government we had !VParte characterour opposition to its oppres as .Wrf CdUmies. We were the rST. ffJL confederation,and the name iWt hv in; r2 -? .un,on rendered more per stages did we con, U nSU,lon' In none of lhes ffLdlrinTSloulveSm any other light M"", uo V s- v"cliauon. Treaties and allian - ... ic name or all raised for tne joint defence." Troops were It would be sufficient her i l- . w u 7 io onserve, ditif ic hifnrv whirh snpk ; ' &, not the President. The facts are indubitably as Ilo siavca mcui wnjr uy COntoun ding the unity ,vfhch is derived from a confed eracv among the States, (making them to ; rprtain extent, 14 one nation,") with the idea o a consolidation of all power in the Federal Government, that an objection is created. The unity of our political character," here spoken of, it is expressly said,- is not intended to denote an undivded sovereignty," or au thority in the General Government. On the contrary, the text shows that it only refers to that special delegated authority which the Con stitution has carved out of the powers be longing to the several State communities, and united in one common government for the pur pose of establishing a national character, and national relations, with the other nations of the world. And as it was especially the scope of . . . . 1 i ..... i the Constitution, to give unity to our political rharartpr in th exterior asDect. and to confer upon the Government all the attributes of na tinnalitu. in regard to loreicrn powers, it is strange that jealousy should be excited by tin use of terms pointing out this design, or by re ferences to various periods ot our history, to prove that in this respect, a connection has al ways existedamong the independentcommuni ties composing the confederacy. That" treaties were made in the names of all and troops rais ed for joint defence," is certainly proof that or less degree, irom the planting of the colonies ,w down to the establishment of the present Gov ernment. This fact, however, which is given to show tnat the American people have always been united by political ties of such intimacy, as to give them in reference to foreign powers me cnaracier oi oeing ""one nation, bv no means changes the nature of the Institutions A 1 1 11.1 I 1 1 S 1 mrougn wnicn tne Dienqea conieuerate power of the several States, has assumed this charac ter of nationality. We were a nation under the articles of confederation, however feeble the means of the national authoritv then to bring the energies of the several States to ac in unison and we are surely not less a nation now that a government has been established to form a more perfect union, endowed with al the faculties which can constitute us a nation in our relations with foreign powers. Even before the articles of confederation were formed, in the first paragraph of the Declaration of Inde pendence, we were proclaimed to be ' one peo ple" and the object of the act announced in the face of that instrument itself was, that as ONE PEOPLE" the United States might . Assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal STATION to which the laws of nature and of nature'' s God entitle them." The Proclamation then, in the passages ob jected to, has merely spoken the facts of histo ry the language of the Constitution and of the Declaration of Independence. There is no speculative opinion advanced no theory proposed. And we have endeavoured to show, that nothing in these generalities tended in the slightest degree to justify the inferences drawn from them, and which have been substi tuted as the principles of the Proclamation. But we are authorized to be more explicit, and to say positively, that no part of the proc lamation was meant to countenance the con solidating principles which have been ascribed to it. On the contrary, its doctrines, if con strued in the sense they were intended, and carried out, inculcate that the Constitution of the United States is founded in compact that this compact derives its obligation from the agreement, entered into by the people of the States in their political capacity, with the people of the other States that the Constitu tion, which is the offspring of this compact, has its sanction in the ratification of the peo ple of the several States, acting in the capa city of separate communities that the ma jority of the people of the United States, in the aggregate, have no power to alter the Constitution of the General Government, but that change or amendment, can only be pro posed in the mode pointed out in the Consti tution, and can never become obligatory unless ratified by the people of three-fourths of the States through their respective Legislatures or State Conventions that inasmuch as the. sovereign power of the people in each State has imparted to the Constitutionof the United States, and the laws made in pursuance there of, paramount obligation over State Legisla tion or any Constitution or form of State Gov- ernmetot, which may be instituted by the peo ple of such State; and inasmuch as the people ot each State have bound themselves, by com pact with the rest; to abide by this paramount authority, until changed according to the pro visions of the Constitution, so declare.! to be paramount, no constitution, law or ordinance of any one State is valid to defeat the Consti tution, and laws of the United States, or to sever the mutual obligation which bind the o - - - - States together that in the case of a violation of the Constitution of the United States, and he usurpation of powers not granted by it on he part of the functionaries of the General Government, the State governments have the ngni io interpose to arrest tne evil, upon the principles which were set forth in the Virginia ivcsuiuuuiis oi i yo, against tne Alien and oe dition Laws and finally, that in extreme ca ses ol oppression, (every mode of constitution al redreSS havina hepn en unlit in vain the ngnt resides with the people of the several States to organize resistance against such op pression, confidine in a ffood cause, the favor of Heaven, and the spirit of freemen, to vindi cate tne rierht. vr e Deg leave nere to submit, in aid of our own, an exposition, which touches the points involved in the controverted passages of the r-lo motion nA ,u:i r . . 6 i iuuauiBHu.1, which received the sanction of thePrsident, at the threshhold of trip ron troversy that led to the promulgation of that paper. During the progress of the debate on Foot's resolution, the Editor of this print, (who who was men cuimccieu wun a press in Ken tucky, which sustained the principles of the Republican party,; receivea irom the Fostmas ter General the speech delivered by Mr. Liv ingston, accompanied by a letter, saying, tha the views contained in it, were sanctioned by the President, and might be considered as ex hibiting the light in which his administration considered the subiect under debate. 1 he toi lowing extracts from that speech, will serve, in illustration of the principles on which the rres ident then took his stand, to explain the more condensed view o-irnn nfthprnin this Proclama- tion. " Extracts from Mr. Livingston's Speech. 44 In the Federal Constitution, this combina tion of the two characteristics of Government is more apparent. It was framed by delegates appointed by the states ; it was ratified by con ventions of the people of each State convened according to the laws of the respective States. It guaranties the existence of the States, which are necessary to its own; the States are represented in one branch by Senators chosen by the legislatures ; and in the other, by repre sentatives taken from the people, but chosen by a rule which may be made and varied by the States, not by Congress the qualification ot electors being different in different States. They make amendments to the Constitution. In short, the Government , had its inception with them; it depends on their political exis tence for its operation; and its duration cannot sro bevond theirs. The States existed before the Constitution ; they parted only with such powers as are specified in that instrument ; they continue still to exist, with all the powers they have not ceded, and the present Government would never, itself, have gone into operation had not the States, in their political capacity, have consented. That consent is a compact of each one with the whole, not, (as has been argued, in order to throw a kind of ridicule on this convincing part of the argument of my friend from South Carolina,) with the govern ment which was made by such compact. "We know, and it has never been imagined or asserted that the people of the United States collectively, as a whole people, gave their as sent or were consulted in that capacity; the people of each State were consulted to know whether that State would form a part of the United States under the articles of the Consti tution, and to that they gave their assent, sim ply as citizens of that State. s - "It is a compact by which the people o each State have consented to take from their own Legislatures some of the powers they had conferred upon them, and to transfer them with other enumerated powers, to the Govern ment of the United States, created by tha compact; these powers, conferred, are somje o thoseexercised by the sovereign power of the country in which they reside. 1 do not mean here, "the ultimate sovereign power residing under all governments, democratic or despotic, in the people a sovereignty which must al ways in theory exist however its exercise may by foreign or domestic power be repressed but I mean that power to regulate the affairs of a nation, which resides in its government, whatever the form of that government may be; this may be, and generally is distributed into several hands." " But if the power contended for on the one side be dangerous, the doctrine by which it is opposed on the other, seems no less so. If this be strictly a popular government, as contended for by the Senator from Mass. (Mr. Webster,) that is to say, a government formed by the peo ple of the U. States, considered in one mass, without any consideration of the relation in which thev stand to each other as citizens of different States, then the following important consequences follow. Not a denial of States . . 1 T . 1 I I ? xl 1 rights, as nas, l inmK, Deen incorrectly anu un- ustlv, in and out of the House, charged to the Senator's argument ; he expressly, as I under stand him, acknowledges that they retain all that are not given to the General Government. But, Sir, although his argument acknowledged the existence of the reserved rights, yet it took away the means of preserving them. If it be a popular Government in the sense I have de scribed, then what a majority of the whole peo ple will, must be executed, and rightfully exe cuted. If this be the true construction of our iindamer.tal compact, then, in any future chan ges that our situation may call for, the people of a few large States, making a majority of the whole number ot voters, must give -the law to the greater number of States, and maymaterial- y and injuriously alter, or totally destroy the Union, which the argument supposes not to be a compact between the States, but the work of the people, that is to say, the whole people oi the nation. It will be no answer to this to say, hat alterations cannot be made in the Consti- . m. . V . m tution, but by the assent ot the states, because. f there is no compact, there is no injury to the States, any more than there would be by alter ing the bounderes, or the representation of a county ; or giving to, or taking irom it, ad van- ages which were enjoyed under a State Con stitution. The majority ot the people in a State may do this at their pleasure, with regard o a county ; so might a majority oi tne people of the U. S. do, with regard to a State, if the Government has the same popular character in he one instance, that it has in the other. As to the impediments imposed by the Constitu tion to the power of making alterations, by the clause which designates the mode in which they are to be made, by the assent of a requi site number of States, it affords no insurmount able difficulty. If the government was made by the People, the same people have a right to alter it, and a majority may alter that clause with the same ease and the same right that they change any other in the Constitution. It is plain, therefore, that this argument places" three-fourths of the States at the mercy of one fourth of their number. Six States, having on an average a million of inhabitants each, form a majority of the population. In a popular go vernment, tne will oi a majority must ne obey ed in making or alteaing constitutions, as well as laws; therefore, if this be a popular Govern ment, without anv leature ot compact in it, there is plainly no security for even the exis tence of the Slate Governments under it. It is true, that the argument allows to them cer tain rights; butif those rights were the result of the will of the People, expressed, by their adoption of a popular Government, is it not clear, that, whenever that will changes, and another kind of government is preferred by a Qiajority, the rights are gone, and right fully gone ? In short, the doctrine puts the States precisely in the situation of counties; or any other political division of a consolidated iiovernment. i nuc, wai wnne me present iorni .oi tt is a- e c J government exists, States are necessary for its organization; butif it be simply popular- if no compact enters into its composition the State i J j . i -i agency may uc coany uispensea wun in tne new changes mat a majority may deem expe dient. Observe, Sir, that by popular government, the Senator does not mean one adopted or made by the people of each State, acting separately in their State capacity ; h ne uia, tnere wouiu be no dispute, for it cannot be denied, that the Constitution was adopted by the people of each State, in its separate convention. 1 his would not contravene the idea of a compact, which his argument totally -denies. He means, and so I understand him clearly to express, a Go vernment framed by the people of all the States, urtintr in their a??refirate capacity; and this doctrine for the reasons I have stated, I think ODO danarerous in the highest degree. Even if no attemDt be made under it, it will, if acknow- ledged, lessen the dignity and utility oi tne State Governments; they will be considereaas mere tenants of their power at the will of the Federal head; which will be looked to as the source of all honor and all profit. State Rights will be disregarded, when held by so Drecariousa tenure, encroachments will be sub mitted to, that would not be otherwise hazarded until gradually, we are prepared for a consoli dated government,which on experiment will be found to require more energy for its support over the extensive country which it must em brace; and then the dormant resolution on your Journals will be called up, aud His High ness, the President of the U. S. will be inves ted with dictatorial or protectorate powers for an . enlarged term, for life and at last with re version to his children. Sir, this is the natural consequence of the doctrine, should it be ac quiesced in as correct, but not carried into ef fect in an immediate attempt against the State sovereignties. Suppose, however, the reverse should take place, and the citizens of a number of States sufficient to constitute a large majori ty of the inhabitants of the Union, should be come converts to the Senator's doctrine, and determine to exercise the lawful right which a majority of every consolidated government has, to change the Constitution. The minority of numbers constituting, perhaps, two thirds of the number of States, are incredulous, and en tertain the heretical opinion that there were certain portions of their State sovereignty never surrendered, and which they deem it a duty to defend. Can no case be imagined that may, by a diversity of local interests, produce such a state of things? and can the consequen ces be calmly considered by any lover of his country?" ' NEWBERN PRICES CURRENT. BEESWAX, lb. 16 BUTTER, do. 20 CANDLES, do. 12 COFFEE ' do. 13 CORDAGE, cwt. COTTON." do. a 18 cents a 25 a 15 a 13J $ 12 a S 15 13$ a 14 COTTON RAfxGTNfl 20 25 c.. L Flax do. 20 FLAX, per lb. 10 a 15 cts. FLOUR, bbl. $ 6 50 a 7 Corn Meal, bushel, 60 a 70 cents GRAIN, Corn, bbl. $ 2 50 a $ 2 60 Wheat, bushel, $ 1 IRON, Bar, Americau, lb. 5 a 5J- cents Russia and Sweedes, do. 5 a 6 LARD, lb. 9 a 10 cents LEATHER, Sole, lb. 15 a 25 cents Hideado. 10 a 12 cents LUMBER, Flooring, M. $12 ' 8 a $9 8 a 9 20 a 3Q $2 a $2 25 16 a 20 8 a 10 8 18 a 22 8 a 10 Inch boards, do. Scantling, . do. Square Timber do. Shingles, Cypress, do. Staves, W. O.hhd. do. Do. R. O. V do. Do. W. O. barrel do. Heading, hhd. do. Do. barrel, do. MOLASSES, gallon, 37 a 374- cents NAILS, Cut, all sizes above 4d. lb. 6 a 6f cents 4d. and 3d. do. 9 cents Wrought, ' do. 15 a 20 cents NAVAL STORES, Tar, bbl. $ 1 40 Turpentine do. $200 a 207 Pitch do. 1 40 Rosin do 1 Spirits Surpentine, gallon, 35 cents Varnish, gal. 25 cents OILS, Sperm. gal. $ 1 a 1 20 Whale & Porpoise do. 35 a 40 cents Linseed, do. $ 1 20 a 1 30 PAINTS, RedLead,lb. 15 a 18 cents White Lead, ground in oil, cwt. $ 10 a 12 1-2 PE ASK, Black eyed, bushel, 75 cents. Grev eyed, do. 45 a 60 .FROVISIONS, Bacon,lb. 7 a 8 cents Beef, lb. 3 a 4 cents Pork, mess, bbl.$ 15 Do. prime, do 1112 Do. cargo, do. 9 SALT, Turks Island, bushel, 60 cents Liverpool, fine do. 60 a 70 cents SHOT, cwt. $8 a 10 SPIRITS, Brandy, French, gallon, $ I 50 a2 Apple do. 50 a 60 Peach do. 80 a 100 cents Rum, Jamaica, 120 a 150 cents Do. Windward Island, 80 a 90 cents Do. New England, 35 a 40 cents GIN, Holland, gallon, 150 a 160 cents NOTICE. FTTIHE subscriber intending- to remove from LL the State, offers for sale all his ANDS in the lower part of Craven county. A credit of one and two years will be given, the pur chaser giving notes with approved securitv. All persons indebted to me by note, are requested to make immediate payment. A claims in my favour that remain unsettled nn l? j - the first day of January next, will be placed in tne nands oi an omcer lor collection. The highest cash price will be given for Eight or ten likely Negro Boys from the age of twelve to fifteen. i. u GOE : E. CARRA WA Y. Newbern, 27th Sept. 1833. Z.OOT. A Si i i. J?and sined hY Elizabeth uxaciien, any Banks anil Tknm W Machen, for Twenty-FiVe Dollars, dated 26th ocpieiuuer, io, and payable three months after date. The public are cautioned from trading for said Note, as measures have been taKen to prevent its payment to any other than tne iigimui owner. Netrbern, Oct. 4tb 1833. W flB M IT xa m MERCHANT TAIL Oft MAS returned from New York handsome addition i k;2rk ."h a has the pleasure of inrnrrn; L. l?c B that the large and fashionable a.,V.2?t?ae ieux of FALL, AND WINTEP which he has just imported is superior tt 1 which he ever before offered to the mSV Djr has never been surpassed In this market Among his New Goods, are the follow, CLOTHS. Imperial Blue, Supf. Olive Brown Black, Supf. Woaded, it Olive, Dahlia; Mulberry, it Invisible Green, Rifle do. it tt tt num. iusseu Brown, Steel.Tw;. CASSIMERRs BiacK-Kiboed, Drab do. Do. plain. Polish-Mixed, Diagonal striped, Grey do. Black do. Striped, Blue do. VESTINGS. Tinsel Velvet, Silk, various cola. Satin, do. do.' Silken Kersey, Buff Cassimere. White do. PlainBlack, Figured do. Plain do. Woollen do. Fig'd. Valencia, Plain do. Tamboured, Nankin colored. CAMBLETS, &c, Goafs hair, Silk Handkerchiefs, Gum Elastic Suspen ders, &c. Blue, Brown, Hoskin Gloves, Which, together with his former Sm.. render his asssortment verv aurt,v- ' t. W. D. is recrularlv advise r .i. changes of Fashion, and constantly employs first rate workmen. These advantages, with nis experience and attention to business, ena ble him to promise entire satisfaction ttU who favour him with their orders. Newbern, 4th Oct. 1833 SALT! SALTY! BUSHELS Salt, just recei. ved and for sale by J. C. ik M. STEVENSON. October 4th, 1833. NEW FALL AND WINTER B (D D S. & J. BATTLE M AVE Received per schooner Geo. Pollofc, and are now opening their jpall au& WLinttv Stocft, Consisting of a general assortment of JLpHY GOODS, GROCK RIKS, HARDWARE, &C. Among which are the following - Cloths, Cassimeres and Satinetts, Negro Cloths, Rose and Point Blankets, Twenty-live pieces Cotton Bagging, Twenty-five coil Bale Rope, A good assortment of Shoes and Hats, Loaf, Lump, and Brown Sugars, Blacksmith's and Cooper's Tools, New Floui in bbls. and half bbls., Swedes and English Iron, &c, which they will sell very low. ALSO ON CONSIGNMENT, Ten Kegs first quality Go she 11 Butter Newbern, September 20, 1833. FRANCIS J. PRENTISS MERCHANT TAILOR, mESPECTFULLY informs the publick that he has commenced business in the Store formerly occupied bv Mr. Charles Stew art, on Pollok-street, a few doors west of the State Bank. F. J. P. , has just returned from New York with a choice selection of goods in his line, AMONG WHICH ARE THE FOLLOWING I CLOTHS. Super Blue, CASSIMERES. Super Blue, Black, tt Black, t Dahlia, Adelaide, Rifle Green, Invisible do. Olive, Mulberry, Steel-mixed, Petersham, tt Green, Drab, Mulberry, Plum, Stripped, Corded, Dark-mixedt Light, do. tt tt tt tt it tt tt it tt ti tt it tt tt ALSO Hats, Stocks, Suspenders, Cravats, Cravat Stn feners, Bosoms, Linen Collars, &c. &c, all of which will be sold low for Cash. Clothing of all descriptions made m first style, on short notice. . Orders from a distance will be tnanwuji eceived and promptly attended to. Newbern, 80th Sept. 1833. STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA. Jone County In Equity. Sept. Tern, 1833 Emanuel Jarman, AdmV. of Leiris Morns, versus Susanna Scott, and others. n N pursuance of an order made in this caese at this Term, notice is hereby g"u Richard Morris, Durant Hatch, Adminirtraior of John Morris, and James Morris, who do no reside in this State ; and also to the other fendants, that depositions to be read tt hearing of the cause on behalf of the dete dants who claim as the next of kin of w mother of Lewis Morris, will be takea atw Court-House in Trenton, North Carolina0 the 4th, 5th and 6th days of November next- WILLIAM DUNCAN. One of the defen dants, September 25 th, 1833. JOB PailTTIlTSj OF EVERY DESCRIPTION, Neatly executed at this ujpv ' ;
Newbern Sentinel (New Bern, N.C.)
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Oct. 11, 1833, edition 1
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