7nxhTT',S5T
VI n KNI
LIBERTY... .THE CONSTITUTION... .UNION.
NEWBWiN, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1833.
PUBLISHED
HY THOMAS WATSON. ,
TERMS,
Three dollars per annum, payable in advance.
From the Glohe.
nnnr entirely with the editor of the
v- mond Enquirer, in the proposition which
he. his
, aubimweu -""V
mun Hip
election
of President, should never
L oer nittcd by5 the people to come into the
H'!e of Representatives, and that it ought
prevented by an immediate amendment
nf thfi Constitution. referring the.choice to the
re '. ,.tn if this cannot be ohtainl.
between uie " '6c uuiuoics,
the si'neobject should be effected by the vol
intarv act of the republican party, through the
means of a conventi.Ki of delegates, chosen by
ihnarty. with a view to the nomination of a
ca-viilate for the Presidency and Vice-Presi-dencV
-We would greatly -prefer seeing this
object accomplished by a provision iu the Con
gtftution. It would give a sanction & perman
ency to the principle, which we are desirous of
6eei'n.r effectually engrafted in our institutions.
In living the election of President to the peo--ne?in
the first instance, the broad principle,
that the people ought to elect the Chief Magis
trate, was -fully recognized by the framers of
the Constitution but they most lamely provider-
naintain jt, in the practical operations
of the (Government. It requires but little po
litical management, in the present state of things,
to take the election from the people and give
it to the States, and to invert the great leading
principle of the Government by enabling the
small Slates inferior in point of population,
;t) chouse the phief Magistrate, against a
greatly preponderating majority of suffrages,
ina smaller n nnber of larger States.
The struggles which have already taken
place in the House of Representatives, and the
consequent demonstrations of public sen
timent, leave no doubt as to the utility and im
portance of a change in the Constitution in re
relation to the election of President and Vice
Pfsirlent. If, however, public opinion cannot
eftWt it directlv in the-mode suggested by the
E iqnirer, there i3ho alternative left to the
people t secure thmn in their rights and ive
therir a Chief Magistrate chosen by a majority
of the pulli suffrages, but through a national
convention of nomination.
- Those primary assemblies of nomination,
.we are glad to see, are introduced, with the
best effect, in many of the Republican States,
to jiv e efficacy to right of suffrage. In others,
we see the public will defeated evpry day, for
the want of some system o concentrate and
give effect to it. In Missouri, we have reason
to apprehend that the Bank candidate has suc
ceeded, with more than two thirds ofthe votes
giyen against him the suff rages against the
Bank being scattered among several candidates
In some, of the States where, the elections
are yet to take place, the Intriguers for the
Bank are pressing unpledged candidates, as the7
are called, upon the people, with a view of de
feating, by dividing the Jackson party. There
is no way to meet suh machinations, in rela
tion to members of Congress, but by means of
conventions and regular nominations, and an
adherence on the part of the people to this on-
ly mode, that has betn yet divised, to bring
into Congress true representatives of the pub
lic will. In Maryland, the apposition have
not nly Gerrymandered the Districts, so sSrto
give the power of the State to the minority ; but
in thkse Districts, where the'majority is inves
ted with 'about a third of its rights, a scheme is
adopted of running a Jackson canditate against
the regular nomination; which, if successful,
is worse than the defeat of the party in a single
election, inasmuch as it defeats the principle
adopted to secure to the will of the majority' its
proper predominance. If, by artifices of this
kind, leading politicians should succeed in
rendering abortive the attempts of the people
tointroduce usages, to
enable them to bring
in members of Congress or Chief Magistrates,;
having the voice of the majority in their favor,
theresult must be a gradual alienation of the
affections of the people from our institutions
themselves. We think, therefore, that all who
would maintain a popular government, should
endeavor to give effect to the will of the ma
jority, in every mode which tends in the least
toward the object-whether through usages
voluntarily adopted by the people, or by con
stitutional and legal endbtmeiits..
Fronuthe. Richmond Enquirer.
, THE NEXT PRESIDENT. No. 11.
We come forward to redeem our promise.
We endeavored in our last No. to warn the peo
ple against the pious efforts, that are making in
one quarter, to "save them from their worst
enemies themselves," to take the election of
President out of the hands of the People, and
throw it into the House of Representatives.
One pressjat least is now avqwedlv election
eering on this very ground. . It reminds its
readers of Mr. Randolph's prediction, " that
General Jackson was the last President who
Hould erer be elected by the People" adopts
ris vaticination as sustained by every probabil
ity predicts that 44 every future election will
in future, be made by the House of Represen
tatives, in the last resort" and declares, that
"if the South unites upon him (one of the can
didates) its vote will carry him one of the three
before the House, and there they are entitled
-to have as much confidence in the result, as
any other can feel." He subsequently calls
Upon the South to unite upon him, and in this
way his success wilt be certain.
We acouit the Nominee of all lot or part in j
the folk' of bis advocate. For, we are -firmlv
persuaded that hehas kept aloof from the con
testand that he would scorn to give any coun
tenance to any such speculation. We put a
Slde, however, allthe indiscretions of the Edi-
lr in niifiinn-Z.nnfl take the matter up on
fcuch higher groonds. ' jHefus say thqt it wasfAnd we repeat that, in case there is no elec
, 4 : a ' x .i j i t
selves to oiler our own rejections upon the sub-
ject and to bring forward a prior proposition.
- i i & t-
en.
Prior Proposition.
We lay down, therefore, this first Proposition,-
that the Republican Party ought not. to
permit the Election of the President to be
thrown into the House of Representatives.
The objections to such a scheme are numerous
and irres'istible.
In the 1st place, every friend of our liberties
and our Constitution must admit, that tfWra
mers of the Government intended to vest the
electioiuof the President, as far as was possible,
in the People and their will is to be carried
into execution in the best mode which the
State Legislatures might please to prescribe.
This method is consonant to republican prin
ciples. In the 2d. place. Who. does not perceive
the strong -objections, which exist to the elec
tions of the chief Executive Magistrate by one
branch of the Legislature ? Does it not serve
to remove that officer from his main responsi
bility and dependence on the people? And
does it not violate the cardinal principle of
Republics, which inculcates the separation of
the different departments of the government
and their independence of each other, as one of
the greatest guarantees of liberty? Once estab
lish it as a rule, that the H. of R, is the body,
which is to east over its favorite candidate the
mantle of Executive power,and youimmediateiy
open the ilood-gates of corruption upon the Re
presentatives -of the people. You convert the
House into a sort of Polish Diet, an election
eering arena, for disposing of the people, per
haps, to the highest bidder. What becomes of
the unsullied and unsuspected integrity of your
representatives? Many may escape the conta-
nrinnhiit will nil f.lip rlistincriiisbpfl lp.nlprs nf tbn
House? The ambitious aspirant directs efforts
to win tiieir favour. Rich offices, fat jobs, and a
hundred other allurements may be held out to
purchase their votes & how long will it before
our constitution my be corrupted to" its vry
core? We throw away all metaphysics, all re
finded reasoning, all abstract hypothesis but
we appeal to the too familiar operations of poli
tical causes. We appeal to the history of other
countries and unfortunately we may appeal to
our own American annals. Since this consti
tution was formed, we have seen two exam
plesof an election of President by the II. of
Representatives. Needwe refresh the memo
ries of our readers upon the matter? Need we
un eil the agitatingand inglorious contest which
subsisted in 1801, in the case of Jefferson and
Burr? or, must we refer to the still more mod
ern, and almost equally remarkable, election of
John Quincy Adams? We shall not go into
all the details of these painful transactions.
The people knowlhem and the people must
know how to profit by them. We refer to
them, to point 'out what a field is spread out
for " management, jntrigue, (and we dare to
say) corruption' and to show how easy'it is
for a very few votes in the House to control
the election of a president, in defiance ofthe
wishes of (he people. Mr. Burr is notoriously
known not to have received one single electo
ral vote which was intended to make him the
President of", the Republic and yet scarcely
was there ever made a more desperate or a
more daring struggle to foist any man into of
fice, over the very heads of the people. As
for Mr. Adams, though he had a minority of the
electoral votes, yet it is notorious that it was in
tte power of a very iew members to confer
upon him the office, to which he was promoted.
We will not portray the scenes which followed.
But they are sufficient to disgust all the nice
nnnlk!l!!nn Arna nonnla A I'd inn
J . . . A .
; not men iuny oorne uuuu uui ueieuuiucu op
position
to this mode of election? Were we
not fully justified in declaring, that the effort to
smuggle the election into the House, and take
it out of the hands of the people, is an.insult to
their understandings? Does it not substantial
ly amount to the declaration, that theyare un
worthy of confidence, and incapable of self-
ffnvprnmpnt.
But in the- 3d place There is another ob
jection, which appeals irresistibly to our best
and stronges interests. Each State has an
equal voice in the Diet. The largest is upon
a level with the smallest State and Virginia
has no more influence in making a President,
than Delaware or Rhode Island. How far
this is conformable to the great principle of
Republics, that the majority ought to govern,
we will not now discuss. The objections are
sufficiently stated in the several extracts which
we are about to attach to these remarks.
These ideas are not new to us. They are not
coined for immediate circulation. We have
exhibited the same vie w of the subject for 27
years from the year 1803 down to the present
time. And therefore we take as o.ur prelimi
nary proposition that we are against any elec
tion ,by the House ?f Representatives and
.will adopt every fair, honorable and constitu
tional method for arresting such a measure.
But what method can be adopted? This
brings us to our
Second Proposition.
We propose and it is for the' good sense
of the people to judge of our motives and our
measures to bring the election still nearer to
the people. And how is this to be effected ?
Again, we must go back to our columns, and
show what the method was, which was advo
cated ten years ago. With this view we sub
mit the amendment proposed by John Taylor,
of Caroline, to the Senate of the U. States in
1823. We also lay before them, the humble
support we then gave to this proposition.
uui iiiiriinuii iu write ine present arucie, ueiure
we ever saw these suggestions at all and? the
only; reference we saw in the public prints to
the mode of the Election was to the scheme, of
a Natidtial Convention. (Many of the friends
of another of the Candidates are said to be in
favor of this course. We then pledged our
tn Z Zi '"It"01 ine fetors, we hope families, and mingling these enquiries with the qualify the scholar to pronounce a sound judff
to see the electioa to be maHo nut f ka ooa f oni . . J i r J
inn rT fit L.II-a i
iiittiiesi canoinates. 1 fte amendment IYiW in
j.j mi inH,omaao wi iu- auu o JiuiC9MllUU UI aitaCU
IS P'y because it was hot presented with!
sufficient zeaj, and partly perhaps of the on
position it met with frm the smaller Statrs.
It has not been revived since, because the two
last contests have been narrowed down to two
candidates Jackson and Adams and Jack
son and Clay but now, when we have shoals
of candidates, or nominees, likely to enter the
arena , when we have seen not less than five
citizens from one &arse offered for the. office;
and how man RiciT.hids from the otbpr
at?S,r muster in the field, we know not; it
becomes an men, "who think as we do, up
on the ultimate election by the H. of Repre
sentatives, to be on the alert. We submit this
proposition from a sincere sense of its impor
tance anil we shall press it with all the zeal
in our power. We call on every, friend of
republican government to unite in its support.
Now is the time to push it. If this winter
passes over in vain, it will be vain to attempt
it for the ensuing election. Hence it is that
we now take the liberty of recommending it. It
is not premature to make this arrangement
for the next election as it is to engage in the
discussion about the candidates themselves.
So far from being premature, this is indeed the
very time to discuss it. -
But, as its adoption may again be defeated
by the combination among the smaller States
or by that of horror of innovation to which
Col. Taylor alludes in his speech, we must go
on to chalk out the course we mean to pursue.
It may be imposed upon us as an inevetable
alternative. But sooner than see another
election by the House of Representatives, we
shall unquestionably adopt it.. This brings
us fo
Thf third Proposition.
If an election by the House be not super
seded by sending back the polls to the people,
the republican party will be reduced to the
necessity (in case more than two candidates
run,) of coming to some concert among them
selves, and to such previous nomination as may
ensure success. Thus, they may effect a choice
by the first College of Electors which meets to
give the votes of the People. This concert
must be brought about by a Convention of the
Republican party, organised as it -should be,
Ufion just republican principles. Such a Con
vention we took the liberty of suggesting some
years since, as appears by the following Ex
tracts. It was to take the place of the method
of Caucusses which had been practised by the
Republican Party in the days of Madison and
Monroe but which is liable to the most seri
ous obiections. It is in fact at this time iustlv
oDsoiete : vnu must oe superseded oy a more
popular, independent, and better orgauized
method of nomination. We lay these reflec
tions freely before our countrymen and are
prepared to Bet them out We disclaim, then,
for the present a National Convention. We
go for an amendment upon some principle like
John Taylor's 'amendment. We go at all
events, against an ultimate election by the H.
of R. nd if the Constitution be not amended,
we do not see how any other concert is to be
adopted for effecting an election at the first
ballot, than by a frank and open nomination
of a fair, free, and properly constituted Conven
tion of the People themselves.
GREAT BRITAIN Il 1833.
L Country Life. In the month of July, Lon
don is abandoned by that portion of society
which piques itself on governing the fashion
and giving the ton. The portion of London so
ciety which cannot afford to leave town, assumes
a species of' incognit, ,goes out rarely, and
receives.no visits. Iri addition, they cause the
front windows of their houses to be closed, so
that no body may suspect that they are still in
London.
English Breakfast. An English day is
much cut up by the frequency of meals. Tea
is served up at nine o'clock; and at this meal
nobody is waited for, hardf the master of the
house. When the clock strikes, the first comers
place themselves round the table, make the tea,
and help themselves unceremoniously to'b.read,
butter, and eggs, of which the breakfast is
composed. On a sideboard are placed cold
meats those who. wish for a slice of meat,
stand up, cut off a suitable portion and return
to their places. Neither wine, beer, nor water
are served at this meal one has only tea or
coffee to quench one's thirst, for which one
must frequently ask the person officiating at the
tea-table. Custom excludes the presence of
servants; and the persons composing the com
pany, generally occupied in reading the news
papers, or with their letters, do not think of
supplying the want of servants by transmitting
from hand to hand such things as others have
need of. "
An Election. -One fine" morning we learn
that itfias suited the ministers. to make the king
by his will and pleasure, dissolve the parlia
ment. Behold the people fancying them
elves something; ambitious hopes excited or
alarmed, and ambitious men flying in all di
rections, London a desert, and the province
visited by their richest inhabitants. Behold
aristocratic haughtiness humbling itself before
plebian pride. Neither men'nor opinions are
now in their proper places. The social scale
is rfivprspd. andall its established rules and
conventional gradations participate in this pensaoie to belong, and they moreover speno
movement. Hauteur, disdain, refusals, alt are , hours in interminable promenades up and down
hurled back from him who had been the object the streets. With the best will possiblewith
of them upon the original dispenser. He who the most-cheerful and happy dispositions
was heretofore lowest is now highest. He they cannot bring to serious studies that perma
who was wont to command is now obliged to ncnt and abiding attention, that steadiness and
supplicate Hence, a train of justifications, of concentration of thought, which such studies
offers, of services, and-of pledges from the can-
didate It is pleasant to see a noble lord
ungloving his hand to place it in the coarse
and filthy fist of his butcher or his tenant;
uromising to the one the continuance of his cus-
p . . i . i r i
torn, to the otner tne renewal oi ins tease, en
Lhe otner ine renewal ui ms lease, en-
into the health and welfare of their
quiring
- - . . .. . I
mont
ing fashion: The honorable canvasser admits
that he eaused to be transported to Botany
Bay a poacher who had snared some of his
pheasants. He laments the fate of the poor
devil arraigns the severity of the laws, and
damns all game. He will kill all his hares,
and solicit pardon of the poacher, who has had
after all but a pleasant and entertaining trip to
New South Wales, and will be the better en
abled to value a system of reform,.which will
effectually save him from the risk of a second
trip. He laments the lot of the farmer who
has to yield. him the tithe of his crops. He
will be the first, as he is the most anxious, to
put an end to the system of tithes, which,
though it has added, and continues to add, to
his fortune, is nevertheless a real heart-sore to
him. In seeking to protect machinery, which
abridges human labor, he will hot be neglect
ful of modes of employment for the indigent
classes. He will vote for the aMitio of all
taxes, without at all imparing the regularity of
the public service. Tere shall be perfect
liberty to do, or say, or write' what people list,
and a consequent increase of order and tran
quility. It shall be the golden age, if he isj
returned to parliament, and England shall be
come another El Dorado !
The advent, however, of this era of pros
perity and universal contentment must depend
on the success of the pretensions of him who
can alone procure so many felicities, who will
sacrifice for the public good his simple and
modest tastes, his retired habits, his aversion
to a life of display and agitation, his domestic
happiness and his private fortune.
Some simpletons are taken with these fine
speeches ; they promise their votes. Others
more circumspect, require their? to be bought,
and stipulate for the immediate fulfilment of
the promises personally made to them. As to
those promises which are only general, they
leave them to the good faith of the candidate.
There are some who refuse him their votes
because they do not hold his opinions, and ex
pect more from his rival, or have already se
cured belter conditions from the latter.
English Newspaprs.Hc who seeks to find
in the English newspapers good taste, a spirit
of observant criticism, an exact and well di
gested knowledge of the politics of Europe,
will be disappointed; for the greater part of
the English journals are devoid of these quali
ties. Those articles which anDear in the
French papers of all political opinions, and
exhibit a union of profound thought and elo
quent expression, are seldom imitated in the
English. Praise or blame are duly dispensed
Irom-these oracles. Insult or praise is admin
istered without reserve or delicacy. But that
which most surprises in the presses of England,
is its absolute ignorance of the position, the
interests, the events, the public characters ol
other countries, and, above all of France.
Prejudices. An essential defect, iri Eng
lish education i their unwillingness to move
out of the narrow circle within which their
ideas have been confined, to go in search of
new ones, an abi. ve all to obtain more exten
sive and accurate ideas. There are bnlv two
ways in England of seeing and judging of
things. One of these is tajten up and defend
ed by the daily repeated Common-place ex
pressions; the English go no farther. They
do not attempt to rectify their judgments by
that of others. On political matters they dis
dain to draw from sources where they would
find suitable information. While on the con
tinent, they must certainly shut their eyes and
render themselves inaccessible to evidence ; so
many erroneous notions, so many false Ideas
on the situation of countries, on the interests
of the people, on the character of public men,
do they bring back ; so much do they deceive
themselves on -the commonest and most in
contestible facts ! They travel with opinions
already formed, and a firm resolution to almit
only into their minds notions in harmony with
those preconceived opinions. .Faithful to this
plan, they cherish their very errors, in sup
port of which they cite all that the spirit of
party has said or done in confirmation of them
duri. g their travels. It may be predicated that
the English have not a critical spirit, anrj that
their general education unfits them to acquire
it. This charge may. appear severe, yet it
must be well-founded, for it is in the mouths
of all foreigners who have had the best oppor
tunities of seeing and appreciating Great
Britain.
Travelling also-contributes to give them a
variety of information, though perhaps it can
not be . said to be very profound. The Eng
lish have much to relate, and it often follows,
that the heads of those who have : no natural
ideas become furnished with recollections of
what they have seen. Their education is com
pleted rather in travelling carriages, and round
the festive board, than in the academic groves.-
une migm easily conceive tnis, it the time
which the English (levote to completing their
education were deducted from the three or four
meals which cut up the entire day; from the
hunting and shooting parties at which you are
surprised to see such, a crowd of young peo
ple, nay, of children, whooughto be at college
instead of in the field. But the evil does not
end here, Foi these youths have their horse
racings, their clubs, to which they hold itindis-
require.
State of the Fine Arts. The liberal arts are
not better understood in England than the ex
act sciences. Painting and music often appear
iraDerfect attempts, indicating an aptitude!
which has not the power of developing itself,
wuiuua?uu j . - -r -p -
The study of these arts does not in the least
OTcDl Oil H
productions which so few are capable
of appreciating. Money is thrown to an artist
from ostentation rather than laste,as though one;
had a desire to be rid of it, or wished to acquire
the reputation and title of protector, of the
arts.
Painting. A dearly purchased picture,
however glaring its faults, is classed amongst
the most valuable in a collection. The cice
rone who points it out is careful to name the
author; he is answered by an admiring excla
mation; he tells the sum of money itfias cost;
the picture is forthwith examined in the small
est: details; the beholder lakes a distant view,
then a nearer one; he closes an eye, places
one hand before the other in the form of a spy
glass, and affer spending a quarter of an hou
in silent ecstacy, he retires with the utmost
gravity, exclaiming, 'Sublime! prodgious!'
avoiding, however, that analysis which would
belie the conventional praise thus bestowed up
on certain productions.
Music. The art of music, like that of painJ
Ing, is appreciated more by the expense which It
involves, than by the real ernjoyments it af
fords. Cultivated with little success by thej.
English, it is scarcely followed as a profession
unless by foreigners, the more dearly paid be-k
cause they seek to find in the money which
they gain, not only a recompense for their tal
ent but a compensation for the little interest
which it inspires.
English clergy. An English clergyman
is a man of distinguished birth, surrounded by
a numerous timily, provided with rich bene
fice, living in luxury, participating in every
pleasure, in all the enjoyments of the world,
playing, hunting, dancing, attending the thea
tres, neither grave nor serious, unless nature
has made him so; he is one who hoards his
emoluments in order to settle his children ; who
spends his fortune in wagering, in .horses, in
dogs, sometimes (when he is thoughtless and
devoid of foresight) with a mistress; in any
event, giving little to the poor, and leaving
their case, and the fulfilment of duties which
he disdains, to some unfortunate curate, who
for a miserable stipend is obliged to exhibit
the virtues and to fulfil the duties which the in
cumbent despises and neglects.
Operatives in British Manufactures.- Those
classes are free, it will be said. By no means:
their lot differs froms that of the negroes in
this only that they are not sold. The ne
groes are purchased outright; the whites re
ceive a smali fractional share of the capital
which they create. The one are dependent
on masters interested in their life-and health;
the others might die, unless humanity stepped
in to their relief ; for self-interest stifles all ap
peal in their favour. AH-are equally slaves,
equally riveted to the soil which bears them.
The blacks work in the open air; the whites
in a corrupted atmosphere. The one arc
bought fn villanage, the others are let out to
hire. This is the only difference which can
be found between them.
Life on the Race Course. It u curious to
notice the accidental intercourse which takes
place between two extremes of English society
between the lords and their jockeys: we
may see a duke, or a peer of the United King
dom, who hesitates not to exhibit himself with
his arm passed under that of the jockey who i
is to ride his favourite horse, and animating
him by his counsel and encouragement. Nov
do others scruple to shake the hand of ah ex
boxer enriched by the blows he has given or
received, and who wishes, novthathe is rich
to engage in the pursuit of betting his monev
against that of the highest personages. Some
there are, also, who practice this, system oC
perfect equality to such, an extent, that they
do not scruple to make a daily companion of
the chief of a London gaming house.
THE CONSCRIPT'S FATHER.
At the village of Haunt Virolet, -situated
about two miles from St. Hailairedu Harcourt,
in the department of Lamance, lived a man
named Pierre Jaubin, whose youth had been
passed in the early conflicts of the Revolution.
Having received a sabre wound at the battle
of Austerlitz, which had carried away part of
his left cheek, and obliterated his left eye, he
easily obtained his discharge, and returned
home to assist his aged parents in the cultiva
tion of a small estate. This property, -which
consisted of only ten acres, was considered in
that country, as no mean possession, and enti
tied the heir to the ready recognition ofhisricfl
neighbours, and to the becks, winks, nods, and
whispers of hisjco-equals.
In a short time after his return he married a.
young girl named Marie Raulin, and soon after
that event his parents died, and he entered iiv
to possession of the little paternal property.
The fruit of this union was an only son, who,,
like all the children in that district of France,
was brought up by hand the women having a
mortal aversion to follow the dictates of na
ture which clearly enjoins every mother, un
less she be incapacitated by some bodily de
fect or weakness, to suckle her own child. In
I consequence of tlm custom, Benoni, the son of
Piere, was led on pap. maoe oi DucK-whejat
flower, diluted with a little milk ; and this,
with an occasional spoonful of soup, made with
fat pork and cabbage, on "jours grass"
formed his nourishment. Little Benoni, how
ever, in spite of buck-wheat pap, and soup
made of pork and cabbage, became a handsome
youth, and at length arrived at the age of twen
ty when it was necessary he should draw for
the conscription. The awful day arrived, and
hundres of families were seen flocking in aH
directions to St. Hilairei it being usual on these
occasions for the whole of a youth's family to
accompany him. Among the foremost marcJl
ed Bierre, flourishhing his stick, and relating
fnr th binilre1h lima in nrli!it manner he hail
received his wound at the battle of Austerlitz
then followed Marie, exclai
iming and weeping.
muvncu mau, .." 0 . hivwli
sighing and laughing by turns, eroding nersen