A X -
AND
LEW EMM W W UMJVeflZ
December:-Mi" isss.
.OUR COUNTRY, AND OUR COUNTRY S GOOD.
VOL. I.-NO. 19,
t 'ir i ill
IE
www u
BY JOHN I. PASTEUB,
At three Dollar per annum payable in advance.
Adveet.3Ets inserted on the usual jenn , ,
I - to the publisher, must be postpaid.
Washington, Dec. 2, 1828.1
The President 'of the United State, transmit
ted, this day, to both Houses of Congress, the
following Message : , ... - v
T0 THE SENATE AND HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES
OF THE UNITED STATES. ,
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate, ' - " ; ,
and of the House of Representatives
Tf the enioymcnt in profusion of the bounties
of ProvSe forms a suitable subject of mutual
; En and grateful acknowledgement, we are
gf uhcd at this return of the season, when
3x NaU(,n -rmb!hd
SSrate upon their c,, n or up
r r.irvAnt ana trrtiiuiui -
Mercies of Him who ruleth over
T He has apun favored us with healthful sea
,ons and abundant harvests. He has sustained
uu fnrpmn countries, and in tran-
AuiUity within our borders. He has preserved
us in the quiet and undisturbed possession of civil
and religious liberty. He has crowned the year
with his goodness, imposing on us no other con
eitions than of improving for our own happiness
the blessings bestowed by his hands ; and in the
fruition of all his favors, of devoting the faculties
with which weliave been endowed by him to his
i ...i tn. nnr own temporal and eternal
f....ir..
In the relations of our Federal Union with our
brethren of tho human race, the changes which
occurred since the close of your last ses
sion, have generally tended to the preservation
of peace, and to the cultivation of harmony.
Before vourlast separaiion, a wai hiu un.iatr.v
tinned between the Empire of Russia, one
of those with which our intercourse has been no
other than a constant exchange of good offices,
nnd that of the Ottoman Porte, a nation from
which geographical distance, religious opinions,
.,nA mnlmi! of Government on their part, little
cuitoil t) the formation of those bonds of mutual
whirli result from the benefits of
commerce, had kept us in a state, perhaps too
much prolonged, of coldness and alienation.
The extensive, fertile, and populous dominions
of the Sultan, belong rather to the Asiatic, than
the European division of the human family.
They enter but partially into tho system of Eu
rope ; nor have their wars with Russia and Aus
tria, the European States upon which they bor
der, for more than a century past, disturbed the
pacific relations of those States with the other
great Powers of Europe. Neither France, nor
Prussia, nor Great Britain, has ever taken part
in them : nor is it to be expected that they will
at this time. The declaration of war by Russia
has received the approbation or acquiescence of
her allies, and we may indulge the hope that its
progress and termination will be signalized by
the moderation and forbearance, no less than by
the energy of the Emperor Nicholas, and that it
will afford the opportunity for such collateral
agency in behalf of the suffering Greeks, as will
secure to them ultimately tho triumph of humani
ty and of freedom.
The state of our particular relations witn
France has scarcely varied in the course of the
present year. The commercial intercourse be
tween tho two countries has continued to increase
for the mutual benefit of both. The claims of
indemnity to numbers of our follow citizens for
depredations upon their property heretofore com
mitted, during the Revolutionary Governments,
still remain unadjusted, and still form the subject
of earnest representation and remonstrance.
Recent advices from the Minister of the United
States at Paris, encourage the expectation that
the appeal to the justice of the French Govern
ment will ere long- receive a favourablo conside
ration. The last friendly expedient has been resorted
to for the decision of the controversy with Great
Britain, relating to the North-eastern boundary
of the United States. By an agreement with the
British Government, carrying into effect the pro
visions of the fifth article of the Treaty of Ghent,
and the Convention of 29th September, 1827,
his Majesty the King of the Netherlands ,has by
common consent been selected as the umpire be
tween the parties. The proposal to him to ac
cept the designation for the performance of this
friendly office, will be made at an early day, and
the United States, relying upon tho justice of
their cause, will cheerfully commit the arbi
trament of it to a Prince equally distinguished
for the independence of his spirit,, his indefatiga
ble assiduity to the duties of his station, and his
inflexible personal probity.
Our commercial relations with Great Britain
will deserve the serious consideration of Con
gress, and the exercise of a conciliatory and for
bearing spirit in the policy of both Governments.
The state of them has been materially changed
by the act of Congress passed at their last Ses
sion, in alteration of the several acts imposing
duties on imposts, and by acts of more recent
date of the British Parliament. The effect of
the interdiction of direct trade, commenced by
Great Britain, and reciprocated by the United
States, has been, as was to be foreseen, only to
substitute different channels for an exchange of
commodities indispensable to the colonies, and
profitable to a numerous class of our fellow-citizens.
Tho exports, the revenue, the navigation,
of the United States, have suffered no diminution
by our exclusion from direct access to the British
Colonies. Tho Colonies pay more dearly for
the necessaries of life, which their Government
burdens with the charges of. double voyages,
freight, insurance and commission, and the pro
fits of our exports are somewhat impaired, and
more injuriously transferred from one portion of
-our citizens to another. The resumption of this
iu ana otherwise exploded system of Colonial
exclusion, has not secured to the shipping interest
of trreat Untain tho reliet which, at the ex
pease of the distant colonies, and of the United
States, it was expected to afford. Other mea
sures have been resorted to, more pointedly bear
ing upon the navigation of the United States,
and which, unless modified by the construction
given to tho recent Acts of Parliament, will be
manifestly incompatible with the positive stipula
tions of the commercial convention existing be
tween tho two countries. That convention, how
ever, may be terminated, with twelve months'
notice, at the option of either party.
A treaty of Amity, Navigation, and Com
merce, between the United States and His Ma
jesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary
and .Bohemia, has been prepared for signature by
tho Secretary of State, and by tho Baron de Le
derer intrusted with full powers of the Austrian
Government. Independently of the new and
friendly relations, which may be thus commenced
with one of the most eminent and powerful na
tions of the Earth, the occasion has been taken
in it, as in other resent Treaties concluded by
the United States,' to extend those principles of
liberal intercourse and of fair reciprocity, which
intertwine with the exchanges of commerce the
principles of justice, and the feeliugs of mutual
benevolence. This system, first proclaimed to
tho world in the first commercial Treaty ever
concluded by the United States, that of Cth Fe
bruary, 1T78, with France, has been invariably the
cherished policy of our Union. It is by treaties
of commerce alone that it can be made ulti
mately to prevail as the established system of all
civilized nations. With this principle our fathers
extended the hand of friendship to every nation
of the globe, and to this policy our country has
ever since adhered whatever of regulation in our
laws has ever been adopted unfavourable to the
interest of any foreign nation, has been essentially
defensive and counteracting to similar regulations
of theirs operating against us.
Immediately after the close of the war of In
dependence, Commissioners were appointed by
the Congress of the Confederation, authorized
to conclude treaties with every nation of Europe
disposed to adopt them. Before the wars of the
French revolution, such treaties had been con
summated with the United Netherlands, Sweden',
and Prussia. During those wars, treaties with
Great Britain and Spain had been effected, and
those with Prussia and France renewed. In all
these, some concessions to the liberal principles
of intercourse proposed by the United States, had
been obtained; but as, in all the negotiations,
they came occasionally in collision with previous
internal regulations, or exclusive and excluding
compacts of monopoly, with which the othei par
ties had been trammelled, the advances made in
them towards the freedom of trade were partial
and imperfect. Colonial establishments, char
tered companies, and ship building influence,
pervaded and encumbered the legislation of all
the great commercial States ; and the United
States, in offering free trade and equal privilege
to all, were compelled to acquiesce in many ex
ceptions with each of the parties to their treaties,
accommodated to their existing laws and anterior
engagements.
The colonial system by which this whole hem
isphere was bound has fallen into ruins. Totally
abolished by revolutions converting colonies into
independent nations, throughout the two Ameri
can Continents, excepting a portion of territory
chiefly at tho northern extremity of our own, and
confined to the remnants of dominion retained
by Great Britain over the insular Archipelago,
geographically the appendages of our part of the
globe. With nil the rest va have free trade
even with the insular colonies of all the Europe
an .nations,except Great Britain. Her Govern
ment also had manifested approaches to the adop
tion of a free and liberal intercourse between her
colonies and other nations, though,by as,udden and
scarcely explained revulsion, the spirit of exclu
sion has been revived for operation upon the U
nited States alone.
The conclusion of our last. Treaty of Peace
with Great Britain was shortly afterwards follow
ed by a Commercial Convention, placing the di
rect intercourse between the two countries upon
a footing of more equal reciprocity than had ever
before been admitted. The same principle has
since been much farther extended, by Treaties
witli Fnmce, Sweden, Denmark, the JJanscatic
Cities, Prussia in Europe, and with the Repub
lics of Colombia, and of Central America, in this
hemisphere. The mutual abolition of discrimi
nating duties and charges, upon the navigation
and commercial intercourse betwoen the parties,
is the general maxim which characterizes them
all. There is reason to expect that it will, at no
distant period, be adopted by other nations, both
of Europe and America, and to hope that, by its
universal prevalence, one of tho fruitful sources
of wars of commercial competition will be extin
guished. Among the Nations upon whose Governments
many of our fellow-citizens have had long-pending
claims of indemnity, for depredations upon
their property during a period when the rights of
neutral commerce' were disregarded, was that of
Denmark. They were, soon after the events oc
curred, the subject of a special mission from the
United States, at the close of which the assurance
was given, by his Danish Majesty, that, at a pe
riod of more tranquillity, and of loss distress, they
would be considered, examined, and decided
upon, in a spirit of determined purpose for the
dispensation of justice. I have much pleasure in
informing Congress that the fulfilment of this
honorable promise is now in progress ; that a
small portion of the claims ha3 already been set
tled,to thfi satisfaction of the claimants; and that wo
have reason to hope that the remainder will short
ly be placed in a train of equitable adjustment.
This result has always been confidently t::pected,
from the character of personal integrity, nnd of
benevolence, which the Sovereign of the Danish
Dominions has, through every vicissitude of for
tune, maintained.
The general aspect of the affairs of our neigh
bouring American Nations of the South, has been
rather of approaching than of settled tranquillity.
Internal disturbances have been more frequent
among them than their common friends would
have desired. Our intercourse with all has con
tinued to be that of friendship, and of mutual good
will. Treaties of Commerce and of Boundaries
with the United Mexican States have been nego
tiated, but, from various successive obstacles, not
yet brought to a final conclusion. The civil war
which unfortunately still prevails in the Republic
ot Central America, has been unpropitious to the
cultivation of our commercial relations with them :
and the dissensions and revolutionary changes in
the, Republics , of Colombia and of Peru, have
been seen with cordial regret by us, who would
gladly contribute to the, happiness of both. It is
with great satisfaction, however, that we have
witnessed tho recent conclusion of a Peace be
tween the Governments of Buenos Ayres and of
lirazu ; and it is equally gratifying to observe
that indemnity has been obtained for some of the
injuries which our fellow citizens had sustained
in the latter of those countries. The rest are in
a train of negotiation, which we hope may termi
nate to mutual satisfaction, and that it may be
succeeded by a Treaty of Commerce and Navi
gation upon liberal principles, propitious to a
great aud growing commerce, already important
to the interests of o:ir country.
The condition and prospects of the Revenue
are more favourable than our most sanguine ex
pectations had anticipated. The balance in the
Treasury on the first of January last, exclusive
of the moneys received under the Convention of
13th November, 1826, witli Great Britain, was
five millions eight hundred and sixty-one thou
sand nine hundred and seventy-two dollars, and
eighty three cents. The receipts into the Trea
sury from the first of January -to tho 30th of Sep
tember last, so far as they have been ascertained
to form the basis of an estimate, amount to eigh
teen millions six hundred and thirty-three thou
sand nine hundred and eighty dollars and twenty
seven cents, which, with the receipts of the pre
sent quarter, estimated at five millions four hun
dred and sixty-one thousand two hundred and
eighty-three dollars and forty cents, form an ag
gregate of receipts during the year, of twenty-four
millions and ninety-four thousand eight hundred
and sixty-three dollars and sixty-seven cents.
The expenditures of the year may probably
amount to twenty-five millions six hundred and
thirty-seven thousand five hundred and eleven
dollars and sixty-three cents ; and leave in the
Treasury on the first of January next, the sum of
five millions one hundred and twenty-five thou
sand six hundred and thirty-eight dollars, four
teen cents.
The receipts of the present year have amount
ed to near two millions more than was anticipa
ted at the commencement of the last session of
Congress. '
The amount of duties secured on importations
from the first of January to the 30th September,
was about twenty-two millions nine hundred and
ninety-seven thousand, and that of the estimated
accruing revenue is five millions, leaving an ag
erefate for the year of near twenty-eight millions.
This is one million more than the estimate made
last December for the accruing revenue of the
present year, which, with allowances for draw
backs and contingent deficiencies, was expected
to produce an actual revenue of twenty-two
millions three hundred thousand dollars. Had
these only been realized, the expenditures of the
year would have been also proportionally redu
ced. For of these twenty-four millions received,
upwards of nino millions have been applied to the
extinction of "public debt bearing an interest of
six per cent, a year, nnd of course reducing the
burden of interest annually payable in future, by
the amount of more than half a million. Tho
payments on account of interest during the cur
rent year exceed three millions of dollars ; pre
senting an agffiesrate of more than twelve millions
applied during the year to the discharge of the
public debt, the whole of which remaining due on
the first of January next, will amount only to
fifty-eight millions three hundred and sixty-two
thousand one hundred and thirty-five dollars,
seventy-eight cents.
That the revenue of the ensuing year will not
fall short of that received in the one now expi
ring, there "are indications which caa scarcely
prove deceptive. In our country, an uniform
experience of forty years has shown that whate
ver the tariff of duties upon articles imported from
abroad has been, the amount of importations
has always borne an average value nearly ap
proaching 'o that of the exports, though occa
sionally differin? in the balance, sometimes being
more and sometimes less. It is, indeed, a gene
ral law of prosperous commerce, that the real
value of exports should, by a small, and only a
small balance, exceed that of imports, that balance
being a permanent addition to the wealth of the
nation. The extent of the prosperous commerce
of the nation must be regulated by the amount of
its exports ; and an important addition to the
value of these will draw after it a corresponding
increase of importations. It has happened, in
the vicissitudes of tho seasons, that the harvests
of all Europe have, in the late summer and au
tumn, fallen short of their usual average. A re
laxation of the interdict upon the importation of
grain and flour from abroad has ensued ; a propi
tious market has been opened to the graneries of
our country ; and a new prospect of reward pre
sented to the labours of the husbandman, which,
for several years, has been denied. This acces
sion to the profits of agriculture in the middle
and western portions of our Union is accidental
and temporary. It may continue only for a single
year. It may be,' as has been often experienced
in the revolutions of time, but the first of several
scanty harvests in succession. We may consider
it certain that, for the approaching year, it has
added an item of large amount to the value of
our exports, and that it will produce a corres
pondinsr increase'of importations. It may, there
fore, confidently be foreseen, that the revenue of
1829 will equal, and probably exceed, that of
1828, and will afford the means ot extinguishing
ten millions more of the principal of the public
debt. -
This new element of prosperity to that part o"
our agricultural industry which is occupied in
producing the first article of human subsistence,
is of the most cheering character to the feelings
of patriotism Proceeding from a cause which
humanity will view with concern, the sufferings
of scarcity in distant lands, it yields a consolatory
reflection, that this scarcity is in no respect at
tributable to us. That it comes from the dispen
sation of Him who ordains all in wisdom and
goodness, and who permits evil itself only as an
instrument of good. That, far from contributing
to this scarcity, our agency will be applied only
to the alleviation of its severity, and that in pour
ing forth, from the abundance of our own garners,
the supplies-which will partially restore plenty to
those who are in need, we shall ourselves reduce
our stores, and add to the price of our own bread;
so as in some degree to participate in the wants
which it will be the good fortune of orr country
to relieve.
The great interests of an agricultural, com
mercial, and manufacturing nation, are so linned
in union together, that no permanent cause of
prosperity to one of them can operate without
extending its influence to the others. All these
interests are alike under the protecting power of
the legislative authority; and the duties of the
representative bodies are to conciliate them in
harmony together. So far as the object of taxa
tion is to raise a revenue for discharging the
debts, and defraying the expenses of the com
munity, it should as much as possible suit the bur
den with equal hand upon all, in proportion with
their ability of bearing it without oppression.
But the legislation of one nation is sometimes in
tentionally made to bear heavily upon the inte
rests of another. That legislation, adapted as it
is meant to be, to the special interests of its own
people, will often press most unequally upon the
several component interests of its neighbours.
Thus, the legislation of Great Britain, when, as
has recently been avowed, adapted to the de
pression of a rival nation, will naturally abound
with regulations of interdict upon the produc
tions of the soil or industry of the other which
come in competition with its own, and will pre
sent encouragement, perhaps even bounty, to the
raw material of the other State, which it cannot
produce itself, and which is essential for the use
of its manufactures, competitors in the markets
of the world with those of its commercial rival.
Such is the state of the commercial legislation of
Great Britain, as it bears upon our interests. It
excludes, with interdicting duties, all importation
(except in tiqie of approaching famine) of the
great staple productions of our Middle and Wes
tern States ; it proscribes, with equal rigor, the
bulkier lumber and live stock of the same portion,
and also of the Northern and Eastern part of our
Union. It refuses even the rice of the South,
unless aggravated with a charge of duty upon the
Northern carrier who brings it to them. But the
cotton, indispensable for their looms, they will
receive almost duty free, to weave it into a fabric'
for our own wear, to the destruction of our own
manufactures, which they are enabled thus to un
dersell, Is the self-protecting energy of this na
tion so helpless that there exists, in tho political
institutions of our country, no power to counter
act the bias of this foreign legislation that the
growers of grain must submit to this exclusion
from the foreign markets of their produce ; that
the shippers must dismantle their ships, the trade
of the North stagnate at the wharves, and the
manufacturers starve at their looms, while the
whole people shall pay tribute to foreign industry
to be clad in a foreign garb 1 that the Congress
of the Union are impotent to restore the balance
in favour of native industry destroyed by the sta
tutes of another realm ? More just and more
generous sentiments will, I trust, prevail. If the
tariff adopted at the last session of Congress shall
be found, by experience, to bear oppressively
upon the interests of any one section of the
Union, it ought to be, and I cannot doubt will be,
so modified as to alleviate its burden. To the
voice of just complaint from any portion of their
constituents, the Representatives of the States
and People will never turn away their ears. But
so long as the duty of the foreign shall operate
only as a bounty upon the domestic article
while the planter, and the merchant, and the
shepherd, and the husbandman, shall bo found
thriving in their occupations undcrthe duties im
posed for the protection of domestic manufac
tures, they will not repine at the prosperity sha
red with themselves by their fellow-citizens of
other professions, nor denounce as violations of
the Constitution the deliberate acts of Congress
to shield from the wrongs of foreign laws the na
tive industry of the Union. While the tariff of
the last session of Congress was a subject of le
gislative deliberation, it was foretold by some of
its opposers that one ofits necessary consequences
would be to impair tho revenue. It is yet too
soon to pronounce, with confidence, that this
prediction was erroneous. The obstruction of
one avenue of trade not unfrequently opens an
issue to another. The consequence of the tariff
will be to increase the exportation, and to dimi
nish the importation of some specific articles.
But, by the general law of trade, the increase of
exportation of one article will be followed by an
increased importation of others, the duties upon
which will supply the deficiencies, which the di
minished importation would otherwise occasion.
The effect of taxation upon revenue can seldom
be foreseen with certainty. It must abide the
test of experience. As yet no symptoms of
diminution are perceptible in the receipts of
the Treasury. As yet, little addition of cost has
even been experienced upon the articles bur
dened with heavier duties by the last tariff.
The domestic manufacturer supplies the same
or a kindred article at a diminished price, and
the consumer pays the same tribute to the labour
of his own countrymen, which ho must otherwise
have paid to foreign industry and toil.
' The tariff of the last session was, in its details,
not acceptable to the great interests qfany por
tion of the Union, not even to the interest which
it was specially intended to subserve. Its ob
ject was to balance the burdens upon native in
dustry imposed by the operation of foreign laws;
but not to aggravate, the burdens of one section
of tho Union by the relief afforded to another.
To the great principle sanctioned by thai act,
ono of those upon which the Constitution itself
was formed, I hope and trust the authorities of
the Union will adhere. But if any of the duties
imposed by the act only relieve the manufacturer
by agjravating the burden of the planter, let a
carcfu revisal of its provisions, enlightened by
the practical experience of its effects, be directed
to retain those which impart protection to native
industry, and remove or supply the place of those
which only alleviate one great national interest
by the depression of another.
The United States of America, and tho peoplo
of every State of which they are composed, are
each of them Sovereign Powers. .The legislative
authority of the whole is exercised ' by Congress
under authority granted thcm.in tho common Con
stitution. The legislative power of each State i
exercised by assemblies, deriving their authority
from the Constitution of the State. Each is sove
reign within its own province. The distribution of
power between them presupposes that thesejau
thorities will move in harmony with each other;
The members of the State and General Govern
ments are all under oath to support both, and al
legiance is due to the one and to the other. Tho
case of a conflict between these two powers has
not been supposed ; nor has any provision been
made for it in our institutions ; ns a virtuous Na
tion of ancient times existed more than five cen
turies without a law for the punishment of parri
cide. ' J' ','.' ,1
More than once, however in the progress of
our history, have the.. People and the Legislatures
of one or more States, in moments of excitement,
been instigated to this conflict) and the means of
effecting this impulse have been allegations that
the acts of Congress to be resisted were uncon
stitutional. The People of no one State have
ever delegated to their Legislature the power of
pronouncing an act of Congress unconstitutional;
but they have delegated to them powers, by the
exercise of which the execution of the laws of
Congress within the State may be resisted. If
we suppose the caso of such conflicting legisla
tion sustained by the corresponding Executive
and Judicial authorities,'' Patriotism and Philan
thropy turn 4 their eyes from the condition in
which the parties would be placed, and from that
of the people of both, which must bo its victims.
Tho Reports from tho Secretary of War, and '
from the various subordinate offices of tho resort
of that Department, present an exposition of tho
public administration of affairs connected witli
them, through the course of the current year.
The present state of the army, and the distribu
tion of tho force of which it is composed, will bo
scon from the Report of tho Major Genend. Se
veral alterations in the disposal of the troops have
been found expedient in tho course of the year,
and tho discipline of the army, though not en
tirely free from exception, has been generally
good.
Tho attention of Congress is particularly invi
ted to that part of the Report of the Secretary of
War which concerns the existing system of our
relations with the Indian tribes. At the estab
lishment of the Federal Government, under the
present Constitution of the United States, the
principle was adopted of considering them as fo
reign and independent powers ; and also as pro
prietors of lands. They were, moreover, consi
dered as savages, whom it was oar policy and
our duty to use our influence in converting to
Christianity, and in bringing within the pale of
civilization.
As Independent Powers, we negotiated with
them by treaties ; as proprietors, we purchased
of them all the lands which we could prevail up
on them to sell as brethren of the human race,
rudo and ignorant, we endeavoured to bring them ,
to the knowledge of religion and of letters. The
ultimato design was to incorporate in our own in
stitutions that portion of them which could be
converted to the state of civilization. In the
practice of European States, before our Revolu
tion, they had been considered as children to bo
governed ; as tenants at discretion, to be dispos
sessed as occasion might require ; as hunters, to
be indemnified by trifling concessions for remo
val from the grounds upon which their game was
extirpated. In changing the system, it would
seem as if a full contemplation of the conse
quences of the change had not been taken. We
have been far more successful in the acquisition
of their lands than in imparting to them the prin
ciples, or inspiring them with the spirit of civili
zation. But in appropriating to ourselves their
hunting grounds, we have brought upon ourselves
the obligation of providing them with subsistence;
and when we have had the rare good fortune of
teaching them the arts of civilization, and the
doctrines of Christianity,- we have unexpectedly
found them forming, in the midst of ourselves,
communities claiming to be independent of ours,
and rivals of sovereignty within the territories of
the members of our Union. This state of things
requires that a remedy should be provided. A
remedy which, while it shall do justice to those
unfortunate children of nature, may secure to the
members of our confederation their rights of
sovereignty and of soil. As the outline of a pro
ject to that effect, the views presented in the Re
port of the Secretary of War are recommended
to the consideration of Congress.
The Report from the Engineer Department
presents a comprehensive view of the progress
which has been made in the great systems pro
motive of the public interest, commenced and or
ganized under the authority of Congress, and the
effects of which have already contributed to tho
security, ns they will hereafter largely contribute
to the honour and dignity of the nation.
Tho first of these great systems is that of forti
fications, commenced immediately after the close
of our last war, under the salutary cxpcricnco
which the events of that war had impressed upon
our countrymen of its necessity. Introduced un
der the auspices of my immediate predecessor, it
has been continued with the persevering and libe
ral encouragement pf tho Legislature ; and conv
i
J