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1117 -JLLJ4 ' JUL
..V. "iSl t.:.;VA;iV;J
JANUARY; jS,
OUR COUNTRY, AND OUR COUNTRY S GOOD.
. -. . - ' . -
AND
. PUBLISHED WEEKLY
BY JOHN I. PASTEUR,
At three Dollar per annum -payable in advaace.
ADveBrisEMRTS Inserted on the usual terms. .,
Letters addressed) the publisher, mustbeyorf paid:
-. Froin the National Intelligencer. .1
LETTERS TOF MR. MADISON.
The history of the two Letters which we are
about to publish is briefly as follpws : .. ;
These Letters were not originally w ritten for
the Press, but are now authorized to be publish
ed, on the earnest representations of some of the
friends of Mr. Madison, to whom the publica
tion .appeared, to be of great interest, and of
deep importance to the Nation. .
In the present state of our country these pa
pers cannot but be highly acceptable to the pub
i: Ti, nmninns of the distinguished author,
one of the franiers of the Constitution, if not the
father of it, cannot but carry with them great
weight. They are of the greater authority, from
his having been appealed toby those who sus
tain doctrines opposite to those which he avows
and defends. He stands, in this respect, as the
arbiter between contending parties; and it is
hoped that his lucid expositions will go far to
convince many who have heretofore seriously
questioned the power of Congress which he
maintains.
In the calm philosophy of his retirement from
the turmoil of the world, the judgment which he
has deliberately formed,, and now argunientative
ly sustains, cannot be suspected f being influen
ced by any political bias or casual excitement.
His is the wisdom of age the fruit of expe
rience, plucked from the tree of knowledge.
LETTER I. '
Montpelieu, Sept. 18, 1828.'
Dear Sir : Your late letter reminds me of our
conversation on the constitutionality of the power
in Congress to impose a tariff for tho encourage
ment of manufactures ; and of my promise to
sketch the grounds of the confident opinion I
had expressed, that it was among the powers
vested in that body. I had not forgotten my
promise, and had even begun the task of fulfill
ing it; but frequent interruptions, from other
causes, being followed by a bilious indisposition,
I have not been able sooner to comply with your
request. The subjoined view of the subject
niidit have been advantageously expanded ; but
I leave that improvement to your own reflections
and researches.
The Constitution vests in Congress, expressly,
the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, im
posts, and excises;" and "the power to regu
late trade."
That the former power, if not particularly ex
pressed, would have been included in the latter
as one of the objects of a general power to regu
iHte trade, is not necessarily impugned by its
being so expressed. Examples of this sort can
not sometimes be easily avoided, and are to be
seen elsewhere in the Constitution. Thus the
power "to define and punish offences against the
law of nations," includes the power, afterwards
particularly expressed, "to make rules concern
ing captures, &c. from offending neutrals." So
also a power ' to coin money" would doubtless
include that of " regulating its value," had not
the lattef power been expressly inserted. The
term taxes, if standing alone, would certainly
have included duties, imposts, and excises. In
another clause it is said, "no tax or duties shall
be laid on exports, &c." Here the two terms are
used as synonymous. And in a another clause,
where it is said " no State shall lay any imposts,
or duties, &c." the terms imposts and duties are
synonymous. Pleonasms, tautologies, and the
promiscuous use of terms and phrases, differing
in their shades of meaning, (always to be ex
pounded with reference to the context and under
the control of the general character and manifest
scope of the instrument in whicli they are found)
are to be ascribed, sometimes to the purpose of
greater caution ; sometimes to the imperfections
Ml lullguatt;, aiiu airuiuuiuca lu 4110 impi ibviivu
of man himself. In this view of the subject, it
was quite natural, however certainly the general
power to reg'date trade might include a power to
impose duties on it, not to omit it in a clause
enumerating the several modes of revenue, au
thorised by the Constitution. In few cases could
the "ex majori cautela" occur with more claim
to respect.
Nor can it be inferred, that a power to regu
late trade does not involve a power to tax it,
from the distinction made in the original contro
versy with Great Britain, between a power to
regulate trade with the Colonies, and a power to
tax them. A power to regulate trado between
different parts of the Empire, was confessedly
v-eccssary ; and was admitted to lie, as far as
that was the case, in the British rarliament ; the
taxing part being at the same time denied to the
Parliament, and asserted to do necessarily inne
rent in the Colonial Legislatures, as sufficient
"and the only safe depositories of 'the taxing
power. So difficult was it, nevertheless, to
maintain the distinction in practice, that the in
gredient of revenue was occasionally overlooked
or disregarded in the British regulations, as in
the duty on sugar and molasses imported into the
Colonies. And it was fortunate that the attempt
at an internal and direct tax, in the case of
the Stamp Act, produced a radical examination
of the subject before a regulation of trade
with a view to revenue had grown into an estao
lished authority. One thing at least is certain,
that the main and admitted object of the Parlia
mentary regulations of trado with the Colonies,
was the encouragement of manvfactures in Great
Britain.
But the present question is unconnected with
the former relations between Great Britain and
her colonies, which were of a peculiar, a com
plicated, and, in several respects, of an undefined
character. It is a simple question under the
Constitution of the United States, whether " the
power to regulate trade with foreign nations" as
a distinct and substantive item in the enumerated
powers embraces the object pf, encouraging by
duties,' restrictions and prohibitions, tho manu
factures and products of the country t And the
affirmative must" be'1 inferred from the following
considerations: , , . . ; ; ,, - , -v
l.-The meaning of the' phrase "to regulate
trade," roust be sought in the general use of itj
in' other words,' in tho objects to which "the
power was generally understood ta be applicable,
when the phrase was inserted in the Constitu
tion. ; - . :
'2. The power has been understood and used
by all commercial and manufacturing nations, as
embracing the object of encouraging manufac
tures. It is believed that not a single exception
can be named. "y .v.' ''':. , '
iL This has been particularly the case with
Great Britain,' whose commercial vocabulary is
the parent of ours. A primary object of her
commercial regulations is well known to have
been the protection and encouragement of her
manufactures. - . n " . ; "
4. Such was understood to be a proper use of
the power by the States most prepared for manu
facturing industry,'. wbiUt retaining the power
over their foreign trade. " ' "' '
5. Such a use of the power, by Congress, ac
cords with tho intention and expectation of the
States, in transferring the power over trade from
themselves to the Government of the United
Mates. This was emphatically the case in the
Eastern, the more manufacturing Members of
the Confederacy. Hear the language held in
the Convention of Massachusetts.
By Mr. Dawes, an advocate for the Constitu
tion, it was observed, "Our manufactures are
" another great subject which has received no
"encouragement by, national duties on foreign
" manufactures, and they never can by any au
" thority in the old Confederation." Again,
"If we wish to encourage our own manufactures,
" to preserve our own commerce, to raise the
" value of our own lands, we must give Congress
the powers in question.
By Mr. VVidgery, an opponent : " All we hear
is, that the merchant and farmer will flourish,
" and that the mechanic and tradesman are to
" make their fortunes directty, if the Constitu
" tion goes down."
The Convention of Massachusetts was the
only one in New England whose debates have
been preserved. But it cannot b6 doubted that
the sentiment there expressed was common to
the other States in that quarter, more especially
to Connecticut and Rhode Island, the most
thickly peopled of all the States, and having, of
course, their thoughts most turned to the subject
of manufactures. A like inference may be con
fidently applied to New Jersoy, whose debates
in Convention have not been preserved. In the
populous and manufacturing State of Pennsyl
vania, a partial account only of tlto debates ha
ving been published, nothing certain is known
of what passed in her Convention on this point.
But ample evidence may be found elsewhere,
that regulations of trade, for the encouragement
of manufactures, were considered as within the
power to be granted to the new Congress, as
well as within the scope of the national policy.
Of the States South of Pennsylvania, the only
two in whose Conventions tho debates have been
preserved, are Virginia and North Carolina, and
from these no adverse inferences can be drawn.
Nor is there the slightest indication that either
of the two States farthest South, whose debates
in Convention, if preserved, have not been made
public, viewed the encouragement of manufac
tures, as not within the general powerover trade
to be iransferred to the Government of the Uni
ted States.
6. If Congress have not the power, it is anni
hilated for tho nation; a policy without example
in any other nation, and not within the reason
of the solitary one in our own. The example
alluded to, is the prohibition of a tax on exports,
which resulted from the apparent impossibility
of raising, in that mode, a revenue from the
States, proportioned to the ability to pay it the
ability of some being derived, in a great mea
sure, not from their exports, but from their fishe
ries, from their freights, and from commerce at
large, in some of its branches altogether external
to theUnited States ; tho profits from all which,
being invisible and intangible, would escape a
tax, on exports. A tax on imports on the other
hand, being a tax on consumption, which is in
proportion to the ability df Hie consumers,
whencesoever derived, was free from that ine
quality. 7. If revenue be the sole object of a legiti
mate impost, and the encouragement of domes
tic articles be not within the power of regulating
trade, it would follow that no monopolizing or
unequal regulations of foreign nations could bo
counteracted ; that neither the staple articles of
subsistence, nor the essential implements for the
public safety, could, under any circumstances,
be insured or fostered at home, by regulations
of commerce, the usual and most convenient
mode of providing for both ; and that the Ame
rican navigation, though the source of naval de
fence, of a cheapening competition in carrying
our valuable and bulky articles to market, and
of an independent carriage of them during fo
reign wars, when a foreign navigation might be
withdrawn, must be at once abandoned, or spee
dily destroyed: it being evident that a tonnage
duty in foreign ports against our vessels, and an
exemption from such a duty in our ports, in favor
of foreign vessels, must have the inevitable ef
fect of banishing ours from the ocean.
To assume a power to protect our navigation,
and the cultivation and fabrication of all articles
requisite for the public safety, as incident to the
war power, would be a more latitudinary con
struction of the text of the Constitution, than to
consider it as embraced by the specified power
to regulate trade ; a power which has been exer
cised by all nations for those purposes, and which
effects those purposes with less of interference
with the authority and conyeniency of the States,
than might lesult from internal and direct modes
of encouraging the articles, any of which modes
would be authorized, as far as deemed " neccs-
$ary and proper," by considering the power , as
an incidental power. . !.
, ' 8. That i the encouragement of manufactures
was an object of the power to regulate trade, is
proved by the use made of the power for that
object, in the 6rst session of, the First Congress
under the Constitution ; when among the mem
bers present were so many who had been mem
bers of the Fedoral Convention which framed
the Constitution, and of the State Conventions
which ratified it ; each of these classes consisting
also of membecs who had opposed and who had
espoused, the Constitution in its actual form.
It does not appear from the printed proceedings
of Congress on that 'occasion, that the power
was denied by any of them. And it may be re
marked, that Members from Virgiuia, in particu
lar, as well of the anti-federal as the federal
party, die names then distinguishing those who
bad ppposod and those who had approved the
Constitution, did not hesitate to propose duties
and to suggest even prohibitions in favour of
several articles of her production. By one a
duty was proposed on mineral coal, in favour of
the Virginia coal pits; by another, a duty on
hemp was proposed, to encourage the growth of
that article; and by a third, a prohibition even
of foreign beef whs suggested, as a measure
of sound policy. See Lloyd's Debates.
A further evidence in support of the constitu
tional power to protect and foster manufactures
by regulations of trade, an evidence that ought,
of itself, to settle tho question, is the uniform
and practical sanction given to the power, by tho
General Government, for nearly forty years;
with a concurrence or acquiescence of every
State Government, throughout the samo period;
and, it may be added, through all the vicissitudes
of party which marked the period. No novel
construction, however ingeniously devised, or
however respectable and patriotic its patrons,
can withstand the weight of such authorities, or
the unbroken current of so prolonging and uni
versal a practice. And well it is that this can
not bo done, without the intervention of the
same authority which made the Constitution. If
it could be so done, there would be an end to
that stability in Government, and in Laws, which
is essential to good government and good laws, a
stability, the want of which is the imputation
which has at all. times been levelled against Re
publicanism, witli most effect, by its most dex
trous adversaries. The imputation ought never,
therefore, to be .countenanced, by innovating
constructions, without any ph-a of a prccipitan-C3-,
or a paucity of the constructive precedents
they oppose ; without any appeal to material
facts rewly brought to light ; and without any
claim to a better knowledge of the original evils
and inconveniences, for which remedies were
needed, tho very best keys to the true object
and meaning of all laws and constitutions.
And may it not be fairly left to the nnbiassed
judgment of all men of experience and of intelli
gence, to decide, whicli is most to be relied on
for a sound and safe test of the meaning of a
Constitution, a uniform interpretation by all the
successive authorities under it, commencing with
its birth, and continued for a long period, through
the varied state of political contests ; or the
opinion of every new Legislature, heated as it
may be by the strife of parties or warped, as
often happens, by tho eager pursuit of some fa
vourite object or carried away, possibly, by the
powerful eloquence or captivating address of a
few popular statesmen, themselves, perhaps, in
fluenced by the same misleading causes? If the
latter test is to prevail, every new legislative
opinion might make a new Constitution, as the
fool of every new Chancellor would make a
new standard of measure.
It is seen, with no little surprise, that an at
tempt has been made, jn a highly respectable
quarter, and at length reduced to a resolution,
formally proposed in Congress, to substitute, for
the power of Congress to regulate trade so as to
encourage manufactures, a power in the several
States to do so, with the consent of that body ;
and this expedient is derived from a clause in
the tenth section of article first of the Constitu
tion, which says : " No State shall, without the
consent of Congress, lay any imposts or duties
on imports or exports, except what may be ab
solutely necessary for executing its inspection
laws; and the nctt produce of all duties, and
imposts, laid by any State on imports and ex
ports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the
United States ; and all such laws shall be subject
to the revision and controul of the Congress."
To say nothing of the clear indications in the
Journal of the Convention of 1787, that the
clause was intended merely to provide for ex
penses incurred by particular States, in their In
spection laws, and in such improvements as they
might choose to make in their harbours and ri
vers, with the sanction of Congress objects to
which the reserved power has been applied, in
several instances, at the request of Virginia and
Georgia how could it ever be imagined that
any State would wish to tax its own trade for the
encouragement of manufactures, if possessed of
the authority, or could, in fart, do so, 'if wish
ing it!
A tax on imports would bo a tax on its own
consumption ; and the nett proceeds going, ac
cording to the clause, not into its own Treasury,
but into the Treasury of the United States, the
State would tax itself separately for the equal
gain of all the other States ; and as far as the
manufactures, so encouraged, might succeed in
ultimately increasing the stock in market, and
lowering tho price by competition, this advantage,
also, procured at the sole expense of the State,
would be common to all the others.
But the very suggestion of such an expedient
to any State, would have an air of mockery, when
its experienced impracticability L taken into view.
No one, who recollects or recurs to the period
when the power over commerce was in the indi
vidual States, and separate attemps were made to
tax, , or othenviso regulate it, need be told that
the attempts were not only abortive, but, by de
monstrating the necessity of general and uni
form regulations, gave the original impulse to the
constitutional reform, which providedfor such re
gulations.. ' "-.I- : .;:.-v; ' , ;
, To refer a State, therefore, to the exercise of
a power, as reserved toJier by tho Constitution,
the impossibility of exercising which was an in
ducement to adopt the Constitution, is, of all re
medial devices, the last that ought to be brought
forward. And what renders it the more extraor
dinary, is, that, as the tax on commerce, as far as
it could be separately collected, instead of be
longing to tho Treasury of the State, as previous
to the Constitution, would be a tribute to the Uni
ted States, the State would be in a worse condi
tion, after the adoption of the Constitution, than
before, in referenco to an important interest, the
improvement of which was a particular object in
adopting the Constitution. -
Wero Congress to make the proposed declara
tion of consent to state tariffs in favour of State
manufactures, and the permitted attempts did not
defeat themselves, what would be tho situation
of States deriving their foreign supplies through
the ports of other States t It is evident that
they might be compelled to pay, in their con
sumption of particular articles imported, a tax
for the common treasury, not common to all the
States, without having any manufacture or pro
duct of their own, to partake of the contemplated
benefit. , . .
Of the impracticability of separate regulations
of trade, and the resulting necessity of general
regulations, no State was more sensible than
Virginia. , She was accordingly among the most
earnest for granting to Congress a power adequate
to the object. On more occasions than one in
the proceedings of her Legislative councils it was
recited " that the relative situation of the States
had been found, on trial, to require uniformity m
their commercial regulations as the only effectual
policy for obtaining in the -ports of foreign na
tions a stipulation of privileges reciprocal to those
enjoyed by the subjects of such nations in the
ports of the United Slates ; for preventing ani
mosities which cannot fail to ariso among the
several States from the interference of partial and
separate regulations ; and for deriving from com
merce such aids to the public revenue as it ought
to contribute, &c."
During the delays and discouragements expe
rienced in the attempts to invest Congress' with
the necessary powers, the State of Virginia made
various trials of what could be done by her indi
vidual laws. She ventured on duties and im
posts as a source of revenue : Resolutions were
passed at one time to encourage and protect her
own navigation and ship building ; and in conse
quence of complaints and petitions from Norlolk,
Alexandria, and other places, against the mono
polizing navigation laws of Great Britain, parti
cularly in the trado between the United States
and the British West Indies, she deliberated,
with a purpose controlled only by the inefneacy
of separate measures, on the experiment, of
forcing a reciprocity by prohibitory regulations of
her own. See Journal of House of Delegates
in 1785.
The effect of her separate attempts to raise re
venue by duties on imports, soon appeared in re
presentations from her merchants, that the com
merce of the State was banished by them into
other channels, especially of Maryland, where
imports were less burdened than in Virginia.
See Do. for 178G.
Such a tendency of separate regulations was in
deed too manifest to escape anticipation. Among
the projects prompted by the want of a Federal
authority over commerce, was that of a concert
first proposed on the part of Maryland for a uni
formity of regulations between the two States, and
Commissioners were appointed for that purpose.
It was soon perceived, however, that the concur
rence of Pennsylvania was as necessary to Mary
land as of Maryland to Virginia, aud the concur
rence of Pennsylvania was accordingly invited.
But Pennsylvania could no more concur without
New York than Maryland without Pennsylvania,
nor New York without the concurrence of Bos
ton, &c.
These projects were supeiseded for the mo
ment by that of the Convention at Annapolis in
1786, and forever by the Convention at Phila
delphia in 1787, and the Constitution which was
the fruit of it.
There is a passage in Mr. Neckcr's work on
the finances of France whicli affords a signal illus
tration of the difficulty of collecting, in contigu
ous communities, indirect taxes, when not the
same in all, by the violent means resorted to
against smuggling from one to another of them.
Previous to the late Revolutionary war in that
country, the taxes were of very different rates in
the different Provinces; particularly the tax on
salt, which was high in the interior provinces and
low in the maritime, and the tax on tobacco,
which was very high in general, whilst in some of
the provinces the use of the article was altogether
free. The consequence was, that the standing
army of patrols against smuggling had swoln to
the number of twenty-three thousand ; the annu
al arrest of men, women, and children, engaged
in smuggling, to five thousand five hundred and
fifty; and the number annually arrested on ac
count of salt and tobacco alone to seventeen or
eighteen hundred, more than three hundred of
whom were consigned to the terrible punishment
of the Gallics.
May it not be regarded as among the providen
tial blessings to these States, that their geogra
phical relations, multiplied as they will be by ar
tificial channels of intercourse, give such addi
tional force to tho many obligations to cherish
that union whicli alone secures their peace, their
safety, and their prosperity ! Apart from the
moro obvious and awful consequences of their
entire separation into independent sovereignties,
it is worthy of special consideration, that, divided
from each other as they must be by narrow wa
ters and territorial lines merely, the facility of
surreptitious introductions of contraband articles,
would defeat every attempt at revenue in the
easy and indirect modes of impost and excise;
so that whilst their expenditures would be neces
sarily and vastly increased by their new situa
tion, they would, in providing for them, bo limit
ed to direct taxes on land or other DrODertv. ta
arbitrary assessments on invisible funds, and to
the odious tax on persons. fV ;'! ";'vi .'
J You will observe tha( I have confined myself,
111 what fins hpan cn?i 4 ti ftiA jvnnctitiitinnnlitv .
and expediency of the power in Congress to en
courage domestic products by regulations of com
merce In tho exercise of the power, they are
responsible to their constituents ; whose right and
duty it is, in that as in all other cases, to brinf '
their measures to the test of justice and of the
general good. ' . ; ' j'.' '
With great esteem and cordial regard, "'' '
JAMF.S MAniSOW 1
Jos. C. Cabell, Esq. ' V
LONDON POLICE.
The annexed affecting instance o abject po
verty and distress, we find in the London Couri
er of the SOth October. " V
Yesterday Mary Saunders, a young creature,
about three ana twenty j'ears of age; whose ema
ciated countenance presented a miserable per
sonification of poverty and distress, was charged,
a little before the close of the office, before Mr."
Chambers, the sitting magistrate, under the foU
lowing circumstances :
Mr. Dennett, foreman to Mr. Kirkham, pawn-
broker, Newington causeway, stated, that about
half an hour before, the prisoner seized a new
pair of black trowsers, exposed at the shop for
st.
wvuvf ltwa4SUU VIS 1UUJVV WU t M1VU ml
was seen to take them, and pursued. When,
overtaken she made no resistance, but surrender
ed herself at once to the officer. ' i
Mr. Chambers Are you a married woman ?
Prisoner I am. . , .
Mr. Chambers Where is your husband I j ,
Prisoner I don't know. '.
Mr. Chambers Does he know you are here 4
. Prisoner Oh, no; he knows nothing of it.
Mr. Chambers Why did you attempt this fe
lony t
Prisoner I was starving. I had nothing to
eat, nor was my husband able to assist me ; be
was equally distressed with .myself.
The constable asked her what sort of a man
her husband was? on which she betrayed a con
siderable degree of alarm, and, after hesitating
for some time, replied, that he was a tall man,
dressed in a short jacket of a light color.
The constable then stated that his reason for
asking the prisoner this question, was, that he
observed a mart outside the office crying very bit
terly, and whom he suspected to be her husband,
but he did not, by any means, answer the de
scription given of him by the prisoner.
Mr. Chambers ordered him to be brought in.
His appearance was equally miserable with that
of the female, but, as the constable observed, the
description given of her husband by the prisoner,
was wholly inapplicable to this person, being
short and wearing a long blue coat. The mo
ment the prisoner saw him enter she uttered a
most piercing shriek, and sinking upon her knees,
exclaimed earnestly, " Oh, that is not my hus
band ! indeed it is not !"
Mr. Chambers asked him did he know her? to
which he replied in the affirmative ; when she
again exclaimed, " Oh, yes f he does know me j
he's my brother."
Mr. Chambers What relation arc yon to Iier ?
Saunders I am her husband, sir.
Prisoner Oh no, he is not my busbanj ; nor
was ne witn me when l took the property.
Saunders I was with her, and am equally
guilty; but we wore starving. I am a watch
cap manufacturer, and have been out of employ
ment several months. I did all I could to earn
what would support us, but failed. I applied to
tho parish officers of Cripplegato and elsewhere,
but they told us we were young and strong, and
treated us like dogs ; and at last wc have been
driven to this. We had not even a place to lie
in'at night, but were forced Ui walk about the
streets.
Idr. Chambers i ou seem to have a lodging, '
for a key of a room door was found upon your'
wife. '
Saunders This morning her sister gave her
that key, belonging to an empty room in a bouse
at Clerkenwell, belonging to her, that we might
shelter ourselves there at night ; also a ticket for
a sheet to cover us, to release which I expected
to get a shilling from my uncle, but being disap
pointed, she attempted to take the trowsers to
obtain the money.
The husband wept bitterly during his examina
tion, and so melancholy a case of tiistress on the
print of both, and so singular an instance of affec
tion on the part of the prisoner, as displayod in her
anxiety to screen her husband from any implica
tion in her guilt, excited the sympathy of every
oiK) present ; and Mr. Dennett the prosecuter,
expressed himself unwilling to press the charge.
Mr. Chambers readily assented to this humane
proceeding, and directing Saunders to occupy the
empty room in Clerkenwell to-night, and apply
for parochial relief to-morrow, discharged the
prisoner, a sum of six shillings being given them,
half a crown of which was advanced by Mr. Den
nett, the prosecutor.
SALE JANUARY 15tii, 1829.
N the 15th January, 1S29, I shall offer for sale, at
my residence in Onslow, all the perishable nronertv
of my late wife, not previously disposed of consisting of
Horses, Cattle, Sheep, 50 head of fat Hogs, a number of
Bows and Pigs, of the improved breeds, &c. &c. on a
credit of six months.
At the same time, will be sold on a credit of 12 months,
about 400 Acres of valuable Piney Land. Notes with
approved security will be required.
MINOR HUNTINGTON, Ex'r
Dec. 1220 vt .
. R. HALSEY.
CRAVEN-STREET, NEWBERN,
HAS. just received per the Schooner Trent, a fresl
assortment of CLOTHS such as handsome
Drabs, suitable for Gentlemen's Over Coats Likew ise,
fashionable Drab Cassimere, superfine Blue and Steel
Mint Cloths, Genoa Velvet, &c. of which the subscriber
will be happy to furnish his customers, on the most lite
ral terms, made up in the latest London Faahinns.
Dec. 2020