Newspapers / The Carolina Republican (Lincolnton, … / Feb. 20, 1849, edition 1 / Page 1
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i - THE CAEOHMA EPUB ASK NOTIIISO THAT IS NOT Ria.HT rflUBMIT TO NOTHING T&AT IS WRONG -. t R .1 t . i. VOLUME IJ J" 3 jrall2 Irtaspaprr: i 1 " . BKVUTTD TO ' fjlUkx UitlSit, iriflltarr, Daafifif Jtrrixi lalrllimff. He IirkrU, aii lnawarat, Fee oo copy, a year, (aid in adnuar?,) $2 (K) ' j If raiaeat U delayed, . .2 60 , Yor three cryies, by one sub- , friVf, ami rol in advance, 4 7 1-1 For fire H ) , 'A D VKUTISKM KXTS, f a pjwi or lea, firt uxm rtiou, 1 00 Foe each rootioiuocv 0 :!5 Merchant lie country produce tairii 111 1jmeuL- QT AH letter to the editor m,tM tnt , . . ' " - 'u 'JOU Pni.TI.. KemilTeieUduthMe.rw.xtwTTrr J..; ., n.iuPiain J oo modrraxt term, JLSSw itr; rt. ' ' t v , . lxbclK Anl all lind r.fftuu.mjl. Verm, mtt Fen if (Wrr, ami Mai iiim UN VU.IVTABtOlf liLAXK. 7 U off lira if The Adtlrr, UMm Mrnln Ii frrru t fielr CttxlilKilL We, W Baia4 are Urmioto aoexeil. Vilrei ya i dicroory kt wj ;ueT. K-Wiat doty, on the m-tt tmpurtAMt hjxrt w peerttted (at jvm r consider ioo. W alhiie la the unfiiet .,'betweew the two Jmiiaeclij. t th Uoka, growing cmii of f dliSeceooe of fccliu- a-l opoiuu in rfcreco k) the rrUon exi-ain brtwrrn U Hr paw, Um harupcaa al African, wlidb UhaUt . the aouthcrn U.i, autl arr!io aa-1 cocnnrhiueQt to Ths cnnAktQauaebr4 tA loag .aflor ckiMkttsi , of our indqdeoce. ikl . V. ..... I th&Hith on thituei vital subject. In th propnm of thlaenolljct, a&ptrmiun has t4ammd. ajjrt mi jo, aad eonrorlimmt. tn- crachaeV antU they have reached a pant wWts a rrpwd fe-yoomrpeaoe and aaiety v3i -ol penoit w to rrtaain lonprr silent. rh syt! of. Uua Urr to git e you a demn aereir. bwt " brief acaount of the whole afto afrjth iMn aad nceoeiimrnta o 'yv rTyhta, with; a atatement of the to hvh they exrw you.. tKir j Ueciia ttakia- U b noi to cause excite- i -Vtrt to tmt rtm ia fall por.-ioo to pwt ytm ta all tL facta and circa instance neeesAarr to! a. Call &9d joal oneepdoo of deep irated stWaae, which threatem great danger to JM ai th whole Wlj tAluie. W art co tWimprcMMoa, thai in a popular gnvern- carat UW mr trae rooeeptton ft the characScr aadt tsU of a diea.? it tndipn awhU to eleetiag eore. Wa kata male it a ant addrca. Uaa e beUrea thai the xoagnito-Je of the mb -jet r aired that it hool auroe the avy iatprtxite and Jeu fs-in. Nat to g farther back, the diffivree ciapakn aad Cre4ig in rrfcrrace to the XrlalMO between the two rare dWkwd UeU ia the eventioQ that f ranted tb cuttttitatiea, aad enajtituted one of the gftas di5caltie ta formlag it " After Baaaj t&ws wm xeTfne by a cmapro nlat, ahieh peovVlcd, in the firt place, that mm a a a irprcseaUlnr and dirret um nail be ftpportiooed axa-g the State according to I'aaZr revpeadTe nvavU-r; and that, in aAPCT- aiaifi the maxober of each, five atarcs rball etumaled as thrre. In the next, that alavtr eseapin into State here slavery ilaea tk4 exist, ahaTt aot be dWharged from eirritale,' hut ' ahallj he delivered up on glum f tho party to whom their UUw or wrHe doe." In the thi plare, that Cfcetjraai ahall cot prohibit the iaiportation cUrr hefoctr the year IS'M; hat a tax pH axeeedlng- tea dollars may be imposed aa each la ported. "Aad finally, 'that ao . capital ee dlrtet tax shall be laid, bat ia rrpportioa to federal numbers; and that " Zi inrnl.aenl tf .the eoastitntioa, prior to ' li: f, tlxll efect thV prorisioa, nor thai TtU&iZ tfctaliea of tkre. ; . sailtfactorj were these rexrriiW, that tlS trroad, rcUiira to the dcHrering op of f . , -rt alarea, tu adopted - tmaaixaoasly,- ii a3 tie" rot, except ' the third, relatir U t.4 iaperUiiao 4 ilarr until 180. 9 4 y -- slanst cvjcU anaajtsjty. -tfcej frfog-J nil the existence of slavery, and make a specific provision for it.- protection where it was supjiused to bo the must exjwed tad ! They go father,' and incorporate it, a I jijij-i i.ui vvitM-ui, 111 ut'icruiining ine . 1 .... . 1 . . . t . nia - tirc wiigfit uf the Htvtnl .tatcs in the guvrniuictit of the Tniou, and the nvpectirc bunkii they .-hould bear in laying capitation and dimt taxw. It wai well understood at th time, that, without them the conti tution would to. 4 luve been adopteil bv the -utlK'rn St.itn, and, of course, that they I CfltltutsJ rli'liiitifjt an Mxjitiii-il , . ... .... Um that it iH-vrr wild have exwtedwith..ut nit i 1 una. j no nortuorn MitM ttiDwinir thi, ratifii the ruu.titu(MMi li.r )n- rT.J., .J ng their faith, in tlw iuot solemn manner, jwmlly t.t bM-ne them. How that faith . 1 1 t.i I , ., 1 e- ..v I m luin Pi to sW. 1 v:,i f. r . I, ,t c. , , , V I i . , : , i'T JCar' " " l iZrj rLZ T:. : , V "l I 7 J' h ' ! fatal Wjtrr on iho isumtrv .'t tM. ' ith it conimenced t!c at ,.T mmm9'fm, Mi the tieti.n of the adiuission uf Mi i-.mri into the I nion. liall ilm 1 bv fr the I .rrri t tl, r,,,.t'... I .1 . uf tho same kiiJ, dirtTtlv growing out nf it Tj r, 7, ; r "f . . lwNn Inj. f . . . . . T. m .. ... - " "JV ii nni ilidrlrM..l if- rff in the North, by hostility to that por tUm of the ormtitutinn which provides f..r the delirrringnpof fugitive slaves. In its prgrr it M to the adaption of hostile acts micn-w to retxler it of non-effect, and with mueH sucnv4 that it miv I may tw reearded nw a prartically expungol fnn the en itoti.. How thw has been effeetod will U? next explained. AfU-r a i-arvful examination, troth con--traln u- t. aay, tliat it ha been bv a clear aui falpablo eai.m of the cvustitutkm. it : :!(.. niMuc lurany provwioa to Le more free frvm ambiguity r doubt. ,Jt u in the . thctruf, caipiug into another State, hallt iu xiU'rueuco of any law or regulations tltcrvin, bu dtM-harged from Mich service or labor, but liall be dcliverel up on claim of the forty to whom such service or labor nyiy Ui duo ' .VJ1 is clear. There is not an uncrrtain or cpiiTocal word to be found in the whole provision. What shall not be done, and what .-hall he done, are fully and csjJkitly set forth. The farmer provides tliat the fugitive slave sliall not he dis- chaxget from his u rMtudo by any law or regulation ot the tate wnerein ne is lounu; and the latter, that be sbaJl be delivered up on claim of bis owner. We do nt deem it necessary to under take to refute the nophUtry and subterfuges ly wbkh plain a provision of the cmsti tutioti ha. Ivan evaded, and, in effect, annullctl It constitutes an essential part j titutional cniijwct, and of omrsc of the coiistittit of th supreme bw, of the land. As such ; wl,ich then commenced, and which they were it U" biudTug on all the federal and State ; intended to rebuke, has been fully and per governnniits, the States and the individuals fatly consummated. The citizens of the runpMng them. Tlie sacred obligation of j South, in their attempt to recover their compact, and the lctun injunction of the uprctne law, which legislators and judg es, both federal and State, arc bound by coth to support, all unite to enforce its ful filment, according to its plain meaning and true intent. What that meaning and intent are, there was no diversity of opinion in the better days of the republic, prior to 18 10. Congress, State legislatures, State and fed eral judg and magistrates, and people, all spontaneously placed the same interpretation . . .. .. on it. Ininne that pormd none mterpoc impeditncnU in the way of the owner seek ing to recover his fugitive slave ; uor did any deny his right to have every proper facility to enforce, his claim to have him de livered up. It was then nearly as easy to recover one found in a northern State, as one found in a neighboring southern State. But thus has pnsacd away, and the provision U defunct, except perhaps in two States. When we take into consideration the im portance and clearness of this provision, the evasion by which it has been set aide may fairly be regarded aa one of the mnt fatal blows ever received by the South and the Union. Thi cannot be more concisely and correttly stated thin it has been by two of the learned jndges of the Supreme Court of the United States. In one of hi decisions'" n "T . IaJiaaa and tlUnow. . , 4 TV mm uf Prbr r laa Commonwealth of fcaMjlfnia. ' LINCOLNTON, N Judge Story raid: " Historically it is ..-.. ' tii l i kuown that tlfe object of this clause was . . . ... -t , Ill 1 1 . . secure to the citizens of the slaveholder I bv whatever nrtinn tr Vw,.i an , . . A . . ..." Mates the complete riffht and title of - - 0 " iciaie) wiin eneci tneir crship in their slaves, as property, in every the intention to place him beyond the reach tent among State of the Union, into which they might f the provision or prevent his recovery', bv Vert what it; c) escape from the State wherein they were concealment or otherwise, is as completely held i'u servitude." " The full recognition of repugnant to it a! its open violation would this right and title was indispensable to purity ! of this upecies of property in all quire illustration. And yet, as repugnant which domestic tranquillity is likely ever to votej of 'the Xorthagainst a minority 'con the hlavelwlding States, and indeed, was sq these combinations are to the true intent be disturbed in the South. fWtnin 'it w sistinr almost entirelv of members from tho ni 10 tne preservation ot their interests ... .. r ?. .i . . .i . . - 1 n in i l ii i r n r inn w rnir ir .innkf iwi i.iwi ' ' that it constituted a fundamomtal rt'M it . t .1 ir "w v, v. n.v iuv - iiiwii would not luve been formed: Its true de. sict Was to tnianl arainst tho dnrtrinM nnd c o ttiAW rki"nlAt.l ... Ka rw. Lf...l..l.li.v .... , r 1 ' k ....-..au u.,m.u6 ; Places, oy preventing (hou from intermed ; linir with, or restricting or almfUldnir j . c 6 I n . UieonlAve.- .&m. I he clau.se was therefore of th to the safety and securi l . SU,heni Stat anJ U,J Uot 16 1 surroiiuerrd by them without endangering .1 . . . . . whole property in slaves- The clause was acci.rdingly adopted in the constitution by the unanimous consent of the frainers of it a proof at once of its intrinsic and prac tical necessity." Arain. 4The clause manifest! v pnntim. lt existence of a positive unqualihed j i --f,-.- -.. vnvi vi ine gun, I ' which no State law or regulation can in anv way regulate, control, qualify ,or restrain." The opinion of the other learned judges I w noi lens emptiatic as to the importance 01 this provision and thi nnmiMtmniKL right of the South under it. Jude Bald . t- win, in rharving tlie jury, mh! :t "If there are any rights of property which can bo en forced; if one citizen have any rights of projKTty which are inviolable under the protection of the supreme law of the State, and the Union, they arc those which have been set at nought by some of these defen dants. As tho owner of property, which he had a perfect right to possess, protect, of citiiens f; any other State Mr. Johnson stands before you n ground which cannot be taken from under him it is the same ground on which tho government itself is based. If the defendants can be justified, we have no longer law or govertnent." i A gain, after referring more particularly to the provision for delivering up fugitive slaves, he said: " Thns you sec, that the founda tions of the government are laid, and rest on the right i of property in slaves. The whole structure mu-t fall by disturbing the corner-tone." These aro grave, and solemn, and admon itory words, from a high source. They con firm all for which the South has ever con tended; as to the clearness, importance, and funilamental character of this provision, I and mo uisasirou coannjutuwa wunu wuiuu .i t- . i.:u i j inevitably follow from its violation. But in fpiteof these solemn warnings, the violations slaves, now meet, instead of aid and co-operation, resistance in every torni: resisUnce from hostile acts of legislation, intended to bafBe and defeat their claims by all sorts of devices, and by interposing every description of impediment resistance from judges and magistrates and finally, when all these fail, from mobs, composed of whites and blacks, which, by threats or force, rescue the fugi tive slave from the possession of his rightful owner. The attempt to recover a slave, in most of the northern States, cannot now be made without the hazard of insult, heavy pe cuniary loas, imprisonment, and even of life itself. Already has, a worthy citizen of Maryland lost his life in making an at tempt to enforce his claim to a fugitive slave under this provision. But a provision of the constitution may be violated indirectly as well as directly, by doing an act in it nature inconsistent with that which is enjoined to be done. Of this form of violation there is a striking in stance connected with the provision under mnn'i lriion. We allude to secret com binations which are believed to exist in many of the northern States, whose object i to entice, decoy, entrap, inveigle, and seduce slaves to escape from their owners, and to pas them secretly and rapidly, by means organized for the purpose, into Can i Th eaa of Johnon r Toajpkiita anJ others. Mr.Keaned of Hgr.town, Msr-laml, FEBRUARY 20, 1849. - & ........ well I ada, where they will be beyond the wov. w uwauuauuu guvwwuem , w uic uuuu western lerruory, to of the provision. That to entice a slave. WW Ar hd tl. J 5; 'm iiV.U U;L . I : " 11 um own - owner into a non-siarphnWJnfr i - - -w k.iuii:4 w , the I be, is, too clear to admit of doubt or to i I .1 . . ......... or mc provision, it is believed thnt irlil. ! i- . ' - - ""f"uu) me ouues le. within whose limits H.pv pvU ha 'i r iiin nrnivii arvantinn . .... x- Ai , .. a. .. . . I J -..".o w ouLTLitw lUCHl. ur 1I III1I11SI1 . - v ..l.t.a - those by whose agency the object for which I thev wt-rn fnnnp.1 ia ivim.nl 7... 1 imurAixuuuu. I-. wdrj , uiej nave iook-eu on and I 1 In vIia 11 1 1.11 - witnessed with indifference, if not with se eret annmkfitmn . r i J r ' fe-" """'- aiac u-ntieed n-om their owners and phiced beyond the possibility of rccoveiy, to the great an- - noyance and heavy pecuniary loss of the bnICr,nS Utcs- , . I hen we t:il- mtn vinal.tof-itiVn V, great importance of this provision, the ab sence of all uncertainty as to its true mean ing and intent, the many guards by which it is surrounded to protect and enforce it, and then reflect how completely the object for which it was inserted in the constitution is defeated by these two-fold infractions, we doubt, taking all together, whether a more flagrant breach of faith is to be found on record. We know the lanma we have used is strong but it Ls not.J true tln tM . strong. There remains to be noticed another class of aggressive acts of a kindred character, but which, instead of striking at an express and specific provision of the constitution, aims directly at destroying the relation be- tween the two races at the south, by means subversive m their tendency of one of the ends for which the constitution was estab- iisueu. v e reier u ine systematic agita- . . l i ur f a . i , . . i tion of the question by the abolitionists; innii ii in intention is to bring about a state of things that will force emancipation on the South. To unite the North in fixed hostility to slavery in the South, and to excite discon tent among the slaves with their condition, are among the means employed to effect it. With a view to bring about the ; former, ev ery means are resorted to in order to render the South, and the relation between the two races there, odious and hateful to the Northq For this purpose societies and newspapers are every where established, debating clubs opened, lecturers employed, pamphlets and other publications, pictures and petitions to Congress resorted to, and directed to that single point, regardless of truth or decency ; while the circulation of incendiary publica tions in the South, tho agitation of the sub ject of abolition in Congress, and the em ployment of emissaries, are relied on to ex cite discontent among the slaves. This agitation, and the use of these means, have been continued, with more or less activity, for a series of years, not without doing much towards effecting the object intended. We regard both object and means to be aggressive and dangerous to the rights of the South, and subversive, as stated, of one of the ends for which the constitution was established. Slavery is a domestic institu tion. It belongs to the States, each for it self, to decide whether it shall be establish ed or not ; if it be established, whether it should be abolished or not. Such being the clear and unquestionable right of the States, it follows necessarily that it would be a fla grant act of aggression on a State, destruc tive of its rights, and subversive of its inde pendence, for the federal government, or one or more States, or their people, to un dertake to force on it the emancipation of its slaves. But it is a sound maxim in poli tics, as well as law and morals, that no one has a right to do that indirectly which he cannot do directly, and it may be added with equal truth, to aid, or abet, or counten ance another in doing it. And yet the abolitionists of the North, openly avowing their, intention, and resorting to the most efficient means for the purpose, have been attempting to bring about a state of things to force the southern States to emancipate their slaves, without any act on the part of any northern State to arrest or suppress the means by which they propose to accomplish it. They have been permited to pursue their object, and to use whatever means they plca-sc ; if without aid or countenance, rrar-ll I also without n:i'fina nr ilicar.,,lv1t;.1., I 4Vi. i ') O ...v nuvv OUUUIU UCHIWUCU IV Ml ISO WHIUITV U1UH u- ..or .t - . I . ;;. . .. ; . t1, s me iact, tuat one ot tjie means .ri. i- . ,i . ... . nun i riiii'i, iiir nmonr rnor at arriirnt i hatiii tAwuu uicvuii our slaves, teims directly to sub- its preamble declares, to be one the ends for which the constitution ained and establish! tn iv do. was omestic. re- tranaufllitT' and tliat in tli onlv I . Kf : ; A t i . .1 1 . . I c ' "c sucn an object in view, and sou "hi L .1 . , such an object in view, and sought to means wnillil Itorirnnn m.lanaii.l.,n consti I' A tute just cause of remonstrance by the party I . i 1 .1 - ...... W DO . ' aniins wnicii ine aggression was directed .1 ... ... . and, it not heeded, an appeal to arms for re- - dress. Such being the case where an air- , . , . , ' .b gression 01 ine Kind taxes place among in dependent nations, how much more aa- rated must it be between confederated States. where tlie Union precludes an appeal to wlule it affords a medium through which it can operate with vastly increased force and effect? That it would bo nerver- ted to such a use, never entered into the imagination of the generation which formed and adopted the constitution; and, if it had been supposed it would, it isrpin that the South never would have adapted it. . We now return to the question of the admission of 3lTssouri into the Union, and shall proceed to give a brief sketch of the . i-i ?x s i . "wu"e: WUUHi un u, ana tne con- to which it has directly led. In . the latter part of 1819, the then territory of 3Iissouri applied to Congi;ess, in the usual form, for leave to form a State constitution and government, in order to be admitted into the Union. A bill was reported for the purpose, with the usual provision in such cases. Amendments were offered, having for their object to make it a condition of her admission, that her constitution should have a provision to prohibit slavery. This . . . i brought on the agitating debate which, with the effects that followed, has done so much j objected to the amendments rested their op MMMMnH position on the high grounds of the right of self-government. They elaimed that a ter ritory, having reached the period when it is proper for it to form a constitutionand government for itself, becomes fully vested with all the rights of self-government ; and that even the condition imposed on it by the Federal constitution, relates not to the formation of its constitution and govern ment, but its admission into the. union. . . ... .a yt 'or that purpose, it provides as a condition, that the government must be republican. They claimed that Congress has no right to add to this condition, and that to assume it would be tantamount to the assumption of the right to make its entire constitution and government ; as no limitation could be imposjed, as to the extent of the right, if it be adniitted that it exists all. Those who supported the amendment denied these grounds, and claimed the right of Congress to impose, at discretion, what conditions it pleased. In this agitating debate, the two sections stood arrayed against each other; the South in favor of the bill .. without amendment, and the North opposed to it without it. The debate and agitation con tinued until the session was well advanced ; but it became apparent towards its close, that the people of Missouri were fixed and resolved in their opposition to the proposed condition, and that they would certainly re ject it, and adopt a constitution without it, should the bill pass with the condition. Such being the case, it required no great ef fort of mind to perceive, that Missouri once in possession of a constitution and govern ment, not simply on paper, butt with legis lators elected, and officers appointed, to" car ry them into effect, the grave questions would be presented whether she was of right a State or Territory; and, if the latter, whether Congress had the right, and, if the right, the power, to abrogate her constitu tion, disperse her legislature, and to remand her back to the territorial condition. These Were great, and, under the circumstances, fearful questionstoo fearful to be met by those who had raised the agitation. From that time the only question was how. to es cape from the difficulty. Fortunately, a means was afforded. A compromise (as it was called) was offered, based on . the terms, that the North should eease to oppose the admission of Missouri on the grounds for which, the South contended, and that the provisions of the ordinance of 17$7;fr th fNUMBERil li tq cd by the United States front Franbe wader I . si v ' . . . t a. a. .-... . ii x- - 1 mc (trvaiy u xxnii&Kuia. ijjiig iiuna Uf uu 30, exsefet the IVortion lyittff in the State of of Missouri. The northern member embraced " or - 1 itj and although not originating wiihitnenit adopted it as their own, It was forced ' ; I through Conxmss bv the almast - united 7 I f f . 7 . I .,fi.. o... be Such was the termination of this "the first J conflict, under the constitution, between the ! ' - j two sections, in reference to slavery in 'oon- nexion with the territories, any hailed ' I -j. -A n 1 l ' t.. - 1 11 a purmanens aau uau auj uauueii malt .1 ..'--!'.!-; ' would prereDt the rawrence ot stmiiar cott toJ buC others, - less sanguine, took the ! j4. i j i - 1 WI,PIH! aiiu more gioomy view, regoruiug as the precursor of a train of etentt which - St rend the Union asunder, and pro trate our political system: One' of these was the experienced and sagacious Jefferson. TIlus far me would seem to favor his fore- bodings. May a returning sense of justice, and a protecting Providence, avert their ' final fulfilment.: ; - . - , . For many years the subject of slarery In reference to the territories cdsed. to agitato ' . the country. Indications, however, ; con nected with the question of annexing Texas , showed- clearly that it was ready to break :"' ' out again, with redoubled violence, bn some i' ' v .: bm. . : j; j u -.. i luiure occaaon. ; lue uiuereuw m of Texas was adjusted by extending the;' 3Iissouri compromise line of 36 30, from ita terminus, oh the' western boundary of the ; Louisana purchase, to the western botandary of Texas. The agitation again ceased for a - short period. s - .-k '-,. The war with Mexico soon fotiowed,and that terminated in the acquisition of NeW ' Mexico and Upper California; embracing1 an ! arfia emal to about one-half of the ntha ; valley of the Mississippi. r If to'this we' add S the portion of Oregon acknowledged to be " . .. , ours5yEe, recent Utaaij, extent but little le than that vast v; naanwiHi fey. The near prospect of so great an addition re- ' kindled the ekcitement between the; North'-' and South in reference to slayery in ita con-" nexion with the territories, which has : be- come, since those on the Pacific were acquire ed, more universal and intense than eyer."' The effectsnave been to widen the "differ-: ;noe between the two sections 'mhU t& give a more" determined and hostile ."char- ' acter to their conflict. 1 The North' no ? long- ' r er respects the Missouri compromisV Imef although adopted by their almost unanimous vote. Instead of compromise, they avow" that their determination is to' exclude shv' very from all ithe Territories of the United ' States, acquired or to be. acquired; and of course to prevent the citiiens of the ' 'south-- era States from emigrating with their -prop f erty iu slaves anto any of them. Their ob- ject, they allege, is to prevent the extension of slavery, and ours to extend it,-? thus ma- ! king the isssue between them and us td; be the naked question, shall slavery be ex- tended or not ? We do not deem, it nee- i essary, lopking to the object of this address, to examine thip question so fully discussed ; at the last session, whether Congress has tho right to exclude. the citizens, of- the South; 4 rom immigrating with their property, intact territories belonging to; the; confederated .1 States of the Union. What we propose in, this connexion is, to make a few remark on . what the 2 orth alleges, erroneously .to be" r the issue between us and them. ; iL r-a , So far,; from maintaining 'the doctrine which the is3iie implies, we hold that the i federal government has no right to extend ; or restrict slayery, no more' than to. estV lish or abolish it: nor has it any nghi what- ; ever to distiiiguish between, ? the ' domestic, .' institutions, of one State or section and anyi other, in order tojavor the one, .andidis-,. courage the pther. . As the, federal ? repre sentatives of each and all the . States, t . w i bound to deal out, within, the sphere of 'its: powers, equal and exact justice and favor, to alL To act otherwise, to nhdertake to dis criminate between the domestic institutions of one and another, would be to act in. total,r subversion of the end for which it was estab- ; lished to b the common protector and guardian of Jill. Entertaining these opin ions, we ask hot, as the, Norths alleges me dap for the extension of slavery Tha J would make a discrtniination in our favor aa unjust and unconstitutional as the disciminatioit e they1 ask against us ' in" their 4 fityof. v, it , w .'.'.I 4 1 . A V - "I.
The Carolina Republican (Lincolnton, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Feb. 20, 1849, edition 1
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