Newspapers / The Raleigh Minerva (Raleigh, … / April 13, 1809, edition 1 / Page 1
Part of The Raleigh Minerva (Raleigh, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
-3T , , t PUBLISHED (weekly) BY WILLIAM BOYLAN. . T WO DOLL. H X AH " Pfy&ble nA&o time. RALEIGH-,: (n. c.) THURSDAY, APRIL 1 3 , 1809. No. 680. Ms. BAYARD's SPEECH, (Concluded.) h s moilu" w - -- bp Mr. '-jilt's, uy biriKiii.uuv mui luch is n Italics. Delivered in the c .1.- TTnilH StnteS. TlltSllaV. 01 w ; ' . ' Mr. LFlljC-a muHUix . - i i"t9r thp Rpvpral laws laVinc'" cSOiveu) .? MrCQ Oil ail "it " wi.tvvi. ... JIo . . . .r.i...'fi..!....l t K.. rtsanduaruorsoi me uimcu iv iSoii the 4lh day ot lwarcn nexi, m--l) Great -Britain and France and their -and lint provision be made by '.. tnkiblltng all commercial intercourse u- naduis and their dependencies, and ttrbivifh produce or manufaeiure or jihttaid nations or of the dominions of natir ami rtvrtf that Lrutive i not sincerely desirous ot a , friendly settlement ot all tlitterences ,i,ra!in. It ny ue uinicuit 10 irace me uhicti troverns dui i can piaimy ais-. lie same spirit now, which agitated the , 75 i spirit then Mibuued by the y influence of Washington, but vhich jce"ri?en with increased ' strength, and Insulates. Usider, sir, that the "measures ot the isiration have been not bnly isificere, iremely feeble ; the? will not settle (Terences with Lvngwtid, ana yet nave urage openly to quarrel with her ; they noiirimportation act 10 punisn me ira- Leiit of seamen and the aggressions up- carrvine trade ; they exclude, by pro- lion, British armed ships from our wa- avenire the outrage on the Chesapeake , at benefit to ourselves, or detrimental adversary have these measures produc- itv are calculated to increase the ani- beUvcen the nations, but I know of no effttt thev can nroauce. bo lav 'indeed raz-, they beui from consuainTng Britain to toourtermS) tlwt they have rendered Vore. regardless of. our. rights and inter- She has sincenn.ve.il us' new and more t causes of complaint, by her ordpfs in ioflhe 7th of) January, and the llth ember, 1807. -These orders ta&e from trade of nearly all Europe. . They e counterpart of the French decrees, rbid that I should justify them ! I will admit that France or England have a omake laws for the ocean r nor shall ate, when ihey insist uxn the execu- such laws, to declare myself for war. is free as any gentlemen in this Senate, est against submission to the decrees ice, or the orders of England ; but is Mission to the decrees, as disgraceful riusion as to the orders i 1 he eentle- oiaJ&rginia said nothing of the de- nothing of a war with France his re- pt was confined to Britain. have, sir, to choose our enemy be-' these two nations. We are hartily c a contention against both at the same fes the case stand in relation to n'fiie emperor first issues his Berlin werncung our trade to Lngland and ohies. England then gave us notice, allow France to prevent your trading - . 'it a i e win not suiior you to trade witn If you are lame enoueh to sumbit rench deereeryou will suj-ely not be too" !o yield to a British order. ' Assui"e us b will resist the execution of the de- N we will not retort its principles Ui- 1 twsour government declined do aJ left England to pursue her own uer government then issues the or "ttlltb. of November, retaliating the decree. I dn nnt Affrnd thia nrrler t , J'e administration had resisted, as they have done, the Berlin .jdecree, we "ot have seen the; order. What now Fmi? Eneland insists on her oidors. Nasure of retaliation against France. .0I .r ranee to repeal her decrees, or l0 resist the evtrntinn rf thfm ? nrrl if thtn executes her orders, I will be any man to go to war with Jier. 1UC Course li e he ? Laid nrf Fmhnrttn. AnrV fnr ?urpose did :Wq lay the embargo ? This l!)JSCt of meTlt teHs us, ir "was to preserve our ur sailors, and our Mercantile capital. . JZ Said to nrpiiVruH llim fiwri .tUp Li vjucrs in CUUIICII. WliCIl laoarmj Wf.Jij-.l -.1 rm l P orucis in council 101 known in"fhtc-.,f,..,- - act, J Want no ctrnnn.i' nirsr. . rr Can exist, than tKit tKA'Pc;,U. m L i ?e-J Congress, in which he le- jriucea ry theorders in council, 7 thmg-AvMch we heard from Eng.' rv.jr- iidu-iacu uceii recent- Ue1 from Fiance. " - - lU the embargo was to save our ships, our sailors and mercantile capital. I do not believe that such was its' object, but if buch were its purpose, we have been miser ably disappointed. The embargo for a short period, might have been a prudent measure. As a step of precaution, to collect our stamen and mercantile capital, I should never have complained of it. -But it is insulting to com mon sense, to propose it as a scheme "trf per manent security, as it must daily consume, and finally annihilate' the objects of its., pre servation. Your ships once in, and the dan ger known, you should have left your mer chants to their own discretion. They would have calculated the profits arid the perils, and been determined by the balance of the account. No class of society is more capable of taking care of itself. , , It is said we have preserved our seamen. The, President has as gravely, repeated this remark in his message, as he recommended to us to devise 'jg tans to dispose of our over plus revenue, at a moment when it was evi dent that, the situation of the country would drain the treasury of its last dollar. Where are your sai'ors? Theyare not to be s!n in your ports. One half that were employed by you have passed into foreign ser vice, and many that remain, arc to found begging in your roads and at your doors. As to our ships and mercantile capital, the one tenth part of the loss from decays and waste and want of employment, would have' paid for an insurance against every danger to which they would have been '.exposed. '-U-is not my intention, Me. Pre&id&ut, to detain you with any details on this subject, as I should be compelled to repeat the same things which have beea stated by other gentlemen on a former occastotr. But there are some general views of the subject not undeserving of notice, which yet remain to be taken. If the embargo were ever a measure of precaution it certainly has Jong lost that cha racter. As admeasure of coercion it was party to be coerced was partially supplied, the object was defeated. Now I ask you, sir, if yom government ought not to have been acquainted with its 6wn powers, its own people, U its own situation well enough to have known that it was impossi ble for us to confine the whole produce of the country within its limits for ary length of time ? Ought they , not to have foreseen the vast temptations which have arisen and pre sented themselves, as well to our own citizens as to foreigners, to combine in oider to break or elude your laws ? Ought they not to have known thai with our extent of coast and iron- I tiers, with our numerous waters, that a wretched gun-boat navy, aided even by ten thousand, regulars, were not,capsble of cover ing our borders and shutting up the number less outlets of the country ? Could they expect that patriotism was to feed and clothe the peo ple of the north; or that thousands would submit to starve in order to contribute to the success of an experiment ? "T V e all know that the opposition to the. em bargo in tbet&stern states is not the .opposi tion of a political party, or of a few discontent ed men, but the resistance of the people, to a measure which thtyMTeel as oppressiveand regard as ruinous. The people of this coun try are not to be governed by force, but by affection and "'confidence.. It is lor them we legislate, and if they do not like our laws, it is our duty to repeal them. It is madness to talk of forcing submission when there is generaljdissatisfaction. Your government is in the hands 'of the people it has no force but what it derives from them ; and your enforcing laws are dead lettters when they have once been driven to resist your measures. It would, sir, be some consolation, amidst' the sufferings which this miserable system has caused, if in looking abroad, we could discover thar the nations who have offended and injured us felt its oppression only equally with ourselves. But when we find that we have been scourging ourselves for their bene fit and amusement, when thef . can tell us with indifference and contempt, that they leel for us, but that we must correct our own folly ; instead of meeting "with the poor comfort which we expected, we are overwhelmed with accumulated mortification. Was this a measure against France No the emperor commends the magnanimous "sa crifice which you have made of your com merce, rather than submit to British tyranny on the ocean. .- His imperial majesty never approves wnat be does not like and he never likes what does not comport with his' own designs. -I consider it as admitted that the embargo was intended to coerce England ; and the gentleman-from Virginia-How contends that if it "Had been strictly executed, it would have had that effect: Nothing has happened that common foresightvmight not haveforeseen. The gentleman has read to you extracts from an English pamphlet, published before the embargo was laid, which predicts the very evasions of the law, the discontents it would produce, & the opposition it would meet with, wjuch we have all had the melancholy oppor tunity of witnessing. I kfiow the pamphlet was referred to for another purpose to shew that British gold or influence had corrupted or seduced the, Vermontese before the embar go wa-j imposed. The gentleman may be lieve the fact td be so if he pleases; but I , say, sir, that your government here, with all its means of information, ought to have known as much about the condition of Vermont 'as a painpLiettcer on the other side of the Atlan tic. ' It seems now to be admitted, and th,e fact is too evident to be denied, that the embargo has failed in its coercive effect upon Britain. The want of bread, cotten, or lumber, has neither starved her subjects, nor excited them to insurrection. Some gentlemen havehad the.. shrewdness to discover an effect in an English price current, which might to be sure have been owing to the embargo, or might have been produced by the operation on the market of. ..some jiriyatc nieculaiions. But it has enriched Canada, and has taught the isl ands their policy' and ability to live without us. Would to God, Mr. President, that the embargo had done as little evil . to ourselves as it has done to foreign nations ! It is ourselves who are the icfims of the miserable ex pedient. Your treasury will lose at least fifteen millions of dollar, ; and your country in addition not less than forty. This tax has nut been so much felt, though it has not been in fact less paid, because the em bargo has not taken the money out of our pockets but only prevented it from going into them. This. measure has been not only ruin ous to our interest, but it is hostile to the genius of our government. It calls for an iicieai.e of your regular t.rmy, and a vast. augmentation of your military force. Ten thousand bayonets were not sufficient to en torce it, but fifty tl-.oi'sand .volunteers as I have sten by a bill on the uIjIvj) weieto be- invited to assist in its execution. The effect is also to be; deprecated, upon the spirit of your military. They ate called upon to execute laws they are unable to con. stiue, and in obeying their orders are txpos ed to the commission to murder.: r Your naval forces are sent out to cruise, not for enemies, but for denceless fellow citizens, and they return to boast not of a gallant battle, but of a. miserable seizure which may bring poverty upon some wretch ed family in their own country. It has been often said in defence , cf the embargo, 'that the nation had i.othing left but that measure, subinisVion or war. Can you distinguish between submission or war ? Can you pretend to say that U is u voluntary telf restriction impost d as u matter of choice ? Can it be denied that it has been forced upon us byi.he conduct of one or of both of the bel ligerents ? And with a full knowledge of the fact, can you describe il as any thing but vile abject submission ? Fiance ulis you, you shall-not trade to Briiairvj you obey hei Britain then tells ymi, feu shall hot trade to Fiance; you submit.' You have, not resisted 'the decrees or orders, but have coninlied with the object of loii). We have home-the burthen of the embargo till it las almost broke our backs, and even when wc i.re sinking 'un der it, we pretend to say, it was no task to bear it. In this case it is then said, there, only remained submission or war- Submis sion Iput out of the case. I trust in God it Uevevi enteied into the head of one American 1 But I deny that war is necessarily the aker- native; and I never will admit it till I see sincere efforts made to accommodate our dif ferences with England. The President in his message at the opening of congress, would give us the impression that Britain had re; fused the last and the fairest offer it was in the power of government to make i in order , to preserve peace. -Jit will be impbrtant lor us to understand the nature and extent of that offer. The proposition no doubt wasv made by Mr.'JPinkne'y, in. conformity to his instructions. - To avoid error, I will take the liberty of reading to the senate the words of Mr. Pinkhey to Mr. Canning on the subject, in his letter of the 2 Sd of August last : ?, I had the honour to state to you, . sir, that it was the "intention of the president, in case GreaF Britain repealed her orders, as regarded the United States, to exercise the power vested in him by the act of the last session of congress, entitled " An act to authorise the president of the United. States, under certain conditions, to uspend the operation of , the "IT Slates, andr the several supplementary acts theretcy1 suspending the embargo law and its supplements as regards Great Britain. am tin a u thorj sed to give you this assurance in the most formal manner." Now,. sir, whaTis the amount of this boasted offer ? .. Nothing more than the assurance of our rnioister ofaiii intention of the president to remove the embargo in case the orders in council were actually repealed. Great Brilwn j was to repeal her orders, allow the president to make the mostof that act, with her ene my, and trust to his executing his good in tention when it should suit bis good pleasure. The offer. to England related only to the em bargo, when this experimental measure, so iar irom Demganjurious to her, was adding to her wealth and strength. It leaves her navi gation without a rival on the oceah, and has iesiored to her more seamen, than she could have impressed in ten yeurs. Well may Mr. Calling say, there is no assignable relation, between the removal of. the embargo, and the repeal of the orders in council. The President had instructed his minister to assure, the. British government, that the embargo was designed solelyras a municipal regulation, and not as an act in any degree hostile to them. " The orders in council vi er a- measure -of ; hostility against France ; and we offer tg re- V vokera municipal regdatt'jrauiig;V''i'if vor of Britain, if she will relieve lis front llil -pressure of a measure adored! against ' enemy. But let me ask, wai there aoy.ojSer; 7 made to rescind the proclamation 'or to repeal ike non importation ' law ? Two measures, much more offensive and hostile to Great Britain than the embargo. With these laws in force, it was a' mete mockery to offer the .removal of the embargo. What more prof do vve Want, . than this transaction affords, that the executive has not been smcere in his en deavors to restore a good understanding be tween this country and England. And there fore it U that 1 conteud that war is not una voidable with that nation. I confess, sir I, should think a war with England, one of the greatest tviis which could befal this country not only from the sufferings-which it would inllict upoii it ; but also from the fatal con nexion with, France to which it would give Lh ih." v ' - ----- - ""Wc have seen what has been the course oC government in relation to' Britain ; and I will eg -a .. le w-nlom eits ex amin wffat'hai" i)een its conduct in regard to France? The lust proposition made to Britain is well knowji the documents fully disclose il; but what at the same time was proposed to the French government? This we know little of. We have - not been furnished with the correspon dence with that government on the subject. The transaction is covered with a dark end impenetrable veil. The President tell us in his message that the same proposals were not made to the two belligerents, and it would seem from what he hints, that the offer to France in case she repealed lier decrees! was toj')in her in the war against England. It cannot be denied that vve have ''lost more by the spoliations, and have been more harrass ed by the arbitrary edicts of France than of England. By the treaty of 1800, we gave up more than twenty millions of dollars which had been seized, and against all tight confis cated in France. Since that time we aie of ficially informed that art amount ntaily equal has been seized, confiscated or sequestered. She has wantonly burnt 'our ships "on the ocean, and made no compensation. Her Ber lin decree of the 21st November, 1806, com- v meneed the present system of outrage upon neutral rights. In t fleet it interdicts all trad with England and her colonies." -'This is fol lowed by the Milanecree of the seventeenth of December, 1807. Under this edict aa X American vessel which has been searched or visited against her will, by a British cruiser or is proceeding to, or returning from England is liable to be captured as good prize. And finally to complete this monstrous system comes the Baybnne decree, the 17th of April, 1808, which declares every American vessel iound upon the ocean, liable to seizure and confiscation. Opposed" to these accumulated violations of our -neutral rights, vhatstepi has our government taken against France i Have they passed a non impor.ation act, issu ed a proclamation, or imposed an embargo ? -The last measure is gtneral in its terms, but . is avowedly -against .-England alone. . No, they have contented themselves with memo rializing, remonstrating, and protesting. A-' gainst England we took every step short pi war, against France vve have employed no-" : thing" but gentle words. Has yohr govern ment then shewn an equal resentment against the wrongs suffered from these two powers ? It may be from the habit of enduring; but ye do not feel an aggression from France with Jtbe same quickness and sensibility that vve do from England. Let us see, sir, the same conduct observed with regard to both belligerents ; let us see the impediments to a act laying an embargo on alF ships aud ' ves '"ifiiendly-seUlement with Britain removed ; let sels in the ports and.horbours of the United us vvitnessjasinceje effort made, to regulate theinterccursa-of the two nations by a treaty formed oil principles of rnutual concession and equal interest and T wilFanswer fat it, if G. Britain persists in her order's-thyou will - find no division in this conntry on theQNuestipn whether we shall submit to them q& resist.' their execution. - .V - Permit me, Mr. President, to detain you t few moments longer. I am sensible that 1 ' ( See last page.)
The Raleigh Minerva (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
April 13, 1809, edition 1
1
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75