The News and Observer
VOL. XXXYIII. NO. 105.
TGOE LftGS®E@T ©OffBSIUILMTOK] .MSY GSI®OBTDD ©/ftMOJSM [MOOT.
IN BEHALF OF GOLD
—..-u > »r w .*
MEH riNG OF THE SOUND MON ET
AT MEMPHIS
YESTERDAY.
■ ■ ■* •«•*'*»
SECRETARY CARLISLES SPEECH.
Say* That the Proposition to Revolu
, tioiiie the Monetary System of the
ftCoantry Will Prove Most Injurious
* to theJMaterial Interests of the Peo
n'll le ol the South—Reviews our Mone
tary System—Meaning of 16 to 1—
(tCheap Money and Payment of Debts,
Tenn., May 23. —Under a
banner with the inscription “Sound
Currency and Better Banking Facilities"
between seven and eight hundred re
presentative men of the Southern States
assembled at the Auditorium this after
noon to express their opposition to the
doctrine of the free and unlimited coin
age of silver and to declare in favor of
the continuance of present monetary
conditions.
The delegates began to assemble at
the Auditorium shortly after 1 o’clock.
When Chairman Crawford, of the local
committee, officially assumed the gavel
at 2 o’clock there were six hundred and
twenty delegates on the floor and fifteen
hundred spectators in the seats in the
galleries.
Congressman Catehings, of Mississ
ippi, was selected as permanent chair
man. On being escorted to the chair he
gracefully acknowledged the honor.
The selection of a committee on reso
lutions was next in order. There was
no response when the States of West
Virginia and North Carolina were called.
Just as the committee had been com
pleted the tall form of Secretary Carlisle
emerged from the stage. In an instant
delegates and spectators, women and
men, were on their feet and a mighty
shout went up.
The ovation continued for several mo
ments. Silence having been with diffi
culty restored, Mr. Carlisle began his
speech, the delivery of which occupied
precisely one and a half hours. He
spoke with unwonted energy and made
few references to his notes.
Mr. Carlisle’s Speech.
Mr. President and Oentlemm of the
Convention:
1 congratulate myself upon my good
fortune in having the opportunity to ap
pear before this large assemblage of
Southern business men, and I congratu
• late the people of the South upon their
good fortune in being able to send here
so many real representatives of their
great industrial and commercial interests.
It has frequently been my privilege to
address commercial and financial organ
izations in other parts of the country,
but nowhere have I met a greater num
ber of earnest and intelligent gentlemen
than I see before me to-day. lam sure
that nothing less than a full appreciation
of the vast importance of the questions
to be considered could have secured the
attendance of so large a number of ac
tive business men upon this occasion,
and the fact that they have voluntarily
abandoned their usual avocations to par
ticipate in the proceedings of this con
vention encourages me to believe that
their efforts in behalf of a sound finan
cial policy will not cease when it has ad
journed.
Effect of Free Coinage on the South.
Mr. President, I do not think the im
portance of the questions you are called
to consider can be overestimated, or that
the gravity of the situation can be over
stated. The proposition to revolutionize
our monetary system and thus destroy
the credit of the government and the
people at home and abroad, violate the
obligations of all contracts, unsettle all
exchangeable values, reduce the wages
of labor, expel capital from our country,
and seriously obstruct the trade of our
people among themselves and with the
peoples of other countries, is one which
challenges the intelligence, patriotism,
and commercial honor of every man to
whom it is addressed. No matter what
may be the real purposes and motives of
those who make the proposition to legal
ize the free and unlimited coinage of
silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, these are
the consequences involved in their
scheme, and, in my opinion, they can
not be avoided if it should be adopted.
In no part of the country will the con
sequences of such a policy prove more
injurious to the material interests of the
people than in the undeveloped and pro
gressive South. When the great civil
war closed, your industrial system was
destroyed, your commercial relations
were all broken up, your currency was
worthless, your farms were devastated,
your mines were closed, your forests
were untouched, your water power was
useless, and your railways were unsafe
and inadequate, even for the limited ser
vice they had to perform: but your great
natural resources were still unimpaired,
and upon that foundation you have con
structed, and are still constructing, a
system of diversified industries and inter
state and international commerce which,
if not disturbed by unwise experiments
in financial legislation, must attract to
your section of the country all the active
capital and skilled labor necessary to
make it the most prosperous part of the
continent. Your magnificent deposits
of coal and iron, ycur fertile soil, adap
ted to the growth of cotton, sugar, and
many other products which no other
part of the country will yield, your un
rivalled facilities for the manufacture of
iron and steel, cotton goods, lumber, oil,
furniture, and almost innumerable other
articles which can be cheaply produced
from the raw materials within your lim
its, constitute the elements of a marvel
lous growth and prosperity which noth
ing can prevent if the people of the
South will continue to exhibit in the fu
ture the same spirit of conservatism and
the same devotion to principle that have
always characterized them in the past.
The world has never witnessed a grander
exhibition of courage and fortitude than
was presented here when ,a defeated and
impoverished people, without money or
credit, and almost destitute of the tools
and implements necessary to the per
lormance of manual labor, went uncom
plainingly to work to re-establish their
social order, renew their commercial re
lations, and reconstruct their industrial
system; and lam unwilling to believe
that the same people can now be so dis
couraged by a temporary business de
pression, or so moved by appeals to their
prejudices, that they will hastily resort
to new and hazardous experiments with
the currency in which all their transac
tions must be conducted.
I do not charge that our fellow-citizens
who propose to revolutionize our mone
tary system by a sudden change in the
standard of value really desire to see the
business of the country ruined, or even
injured, or that they believe any injuri
ous consequences would folio >v the adop
tion of their policy, but, in my judg
ment, the results would be most disas
trous to the material interests of all the
people in every part of the country, and,
therefore, I shall appeal to them care
fully to review the grounds upon which
their opinions have been formed before
it is too late to correct a possible mistake
upon a subject of such supreme import
ance to themselves and to their posterity.
It is not necessary to impeach their mo
tives in order to answer their arguments,
nor would it be wise or proper to under
estimate the intellectual and material
forces behind this great popular move
ment in the South and West, a move
ment which now seriously threatens to
disrupt existing political organizations
and reform party lines; but, no matter
what may be the motives or the present
numerical strength of our opponents
in this controversy, the merits of the
jxfiiey they propose to inaugurate must
be subjected to the tests of reason and
experience, and if it is shown to be im
practicable, or fundamentally wrong in
principle, we may be confident that it
will not finally command the support of
a majority of our people.
History ol Gold and Silver as Money.
Before proceeding to the discussion of
the main question presented, it may be ad
vantageous to state as briefly as possible
a few admitted or well established facts
having an important bearing upon it.
From the earliest times gold and silver
have been used as money, not because
there was at the beginning any law de
claring them to be money, but because,
by reason of their limited and regular
supply, their great value as compared
with other things in proportion to weight
and bulk and their durability, they were
more stable and convenient than any
other commodity as measures of value in
making exchanges. Consequently, these
metals were used as money by common
consent of the people for centuries before
there was aDy law upon the subject or
any coins in existence; they passed by
weight, and their values in effecting ex
changes were determined by the quanti
ty of pure metal contained in each piece.
Each metal bad, a distinct value
of its own, and when it was used in trade
neither the buyer nor seller troubled
himself about the ratio between it and
the other metal. The laws of trade
fixed and regulated the actual aud rel
ative values of both metals in the pur
chase and sale of other commodities,
just as they do now. They had been
used as money several centuries before
any government undertook, by royal
proclamation or statute law, to es
tablish a ratio between them, and,
when this character of legislation was
first begun, the public authorities did
not attempt to estabbsh new values or
new ratios, but accepted those already
fixed by the laws of trade and the cus
tom of merchants. Coins were made,
not for the purpose of attempting to add
anything to the intrinsic or exchange
able value of tbe metal contained m
them, but for the purpose of atte sting, by
public authority, its weight and purity,
thus avoiding the delay and uncertainty
resulting from the practice of weighing
each piece as it passed from one
to another. That the coinage of the
metals does not now add anything
to their actual value in the commercial
world, is conclusively proved by the
facts that, in all the great transactions
between the people of different countries,
the coins are accepted only at their bul
lion value, determined by their actual
wejght and fineness, and that bullion
itself is still us d in making paymenis,
just as it was thohsands of years ago.
Whatever effect legislation upon the
ratios, in connection with legel-tender
laws, may have had upon the use of the
two metals in the payment of antece
dent debts, it has never had the slightest
effect updn the actual or relative values
of the two metals in national or inter
national trade. For many centuries,
even after the commerce of the world
had grown to enormous proportions, the
propriety of making any given quantity
of bullion, or any particular coin, a legal
tender was not even suggested, and up
to the present time there is no legal
tender in international trade. Whether
payments are made in gold or silver
coins, or in gold or silver bullion, actual
intrinsic value determines the amount or
quantity to be delivered, no matter what
may be the legal tender laws of the dif
ferent countries, and no matter though
they may have the same or different
ratios of value between the metals within
their respective limits. Tbe law of
France, for instance, places a higher
value upon silver relatively to gold than
RALEIGH. N. C., FRIDAY. MAY 24. 1895.
is placed upon it by the laws of the
United States, the French ratio
being 15 1 2 to 1, and ours being 16 to 1;
but if 16 pounds of our silver, coined or
uncoined, were sent to that country to
be used in the payment of a dubt or in
the purchase of commodities, it would
not be accepted at the ratio of 15 1 2 to
1, or at the ratio of 16 to 1 as compared
to gold, but only at the ratio of about 32
to 1, which shows that neither our ratio
nor the French ratio has any effect
whatever upon the value or purchasing
power of the metal itself. Coinage is
free in Mexico, and the dollar, which is
full legal tender, contains 377.1? grains
of pure silver, while our dollar contains
only 371.25 grains of pure silver; yet
Mexican silver dollars are sent into the
United States and other parts of the
world and sold at the price of the bullion
contained in them, which is about one
half their nominal or legal value in their
own country. The legal tender laws
affect the debt paying power of the coin
itself in the country where the laws pre
vail, but the laws* establishing ratio do
not affset the value of the metal con
tained in the coins either at home or
abroad, because it is the metal that fixes
the value of the coin, and not the coin
that fixes the value of the metal.
For a long time, during the early his
tory of the world, and even during the
mediaeval age, gold and silver, in bul
lion or in the form of coins, constituted
almost the entire circulation among the
people, even in the nations most advanc
ed in trade and civilization, and, conse
quently, the quantity of these metals
that could be procured and kept in use
was a question of far greater importance
then than it is now or ever can lie in the
future. When life and property had
been made reasonably secure by the es
tablishmer 1 -of stable governments, aud
regular processes were authorized for
the enforcement of pecuniary obliga
tions, credit or confidence largely took
the places of bullion and coin in the
commercial transactions of the people,
and a much smaller amount of metallic
money was required in proportion to the
whole volume of business done than had
been required before. The nse of credit
in the form of bank note 0 , checks, bills,
and other evidences of debt has so in
creased in modern times that in all
highly organized commercial communi
ties tne use of coin, except in making
change, has been almost entirely dis
pensed with. The percentage of coin
actively employed in conducting busi
ness in this country is so small that it is
almost inappreciable; so small, in fact,
that its disuse in our transactions would
not be felt if we had a substitute for, or
a paper representative of, the subsidiary
pieces. In England, France, and some
other countries, a larger amount of coin
is used, because they have no very small
notes.
Financial Condition of the Country’.
Although we have the gold standard,
or measure of value, in this country, our
actual stock of gold bullion and coin
amounts to only about one-third of our
actual currency—a condition of affairs
which would have been inconceivable a
few centuries ago. We have about
$825,000,000 in gold, $397,652,873 in
full legal tender silver, $346,681,000 in
old United States notes, $149,584,471 in
Treasury notes issued in the purchase of
silver bullion, $209,719,850 in national
bank notes, and $76,169,569 in subsi
diary silver coin, making in all $1,804,-
707,763, exclusive of the minor coins,
and every dollar of this vast volume of
currency is kept equal in value to the
standard established by law, so that
every man who receives a silver dollar
or paper dollar in exchange for his
products, or in satisfaction of a
debt, gets just as good a dol
lar as the man who receives gold.
This is the monetary system and this is
the financial condition which the advo
cates of free coinage Jat the ratio of 16
to 1 now propose to revolutionize at once
by a change in the standard of value, so
that the whole mass of circulation lei t
for the use of the people would be re
duced to about one-half the purchasing
power it has now; or, iD other words, so
that it would require about double the
amount of currency that is required now
to perform the same service Id the ex
change of commodities. But the con
summation of such a policy would pro
duce results more far reaching and dis
astrous than the mere reduction of the
standard of value, because, for a long
time, at least, credit, which constitutes
by tar the most important factor in our
financial and commercial transactions,
would be substantially destroyed by the
confusion and uncertainty necessarily
following such a great and sudden
change in our monetary system.
A Doable Standard Impossible.
But it is contended by a large number
of the advocates of free coinage—per
haps a majority of them-that the effect
of their policy would be, not to abolish
the present standard of value and sub
stitute the single silver standard in its
place, but that it would establish what
they call bimetallism and a double stand
ard. I confess my inability to under
stand what is really meant by a double
standard or measure of value; the idea
is incomprehensible to my mind, because
l cannot conceive how it is possible to
have two different legal aDd autborita
tive measures of the same thing in use
at the same time, as, for instance, a
pound weighing sixteen ounces and
a pound weighing eight ounces,
or only half as much, and both
declared by law to be legal pounds. I
agree entirely with Gen. Jackson’s Sec
retary of the Treasury, who said, “The
proposition that there can be but one
standard in fact is self-evident.” The
proposition to establish aud maintain
two different measures of value to be in
use at the same time, and to be applied
to the same things at the same time, em
bodies a physical and metaphysical ab
surdity, and this is so evident that the
ablest thinkers and writers upon the sub
ject have been at last forced to abandon
it. Prof. Francis A. Walker, one of the
most distinguished bimett alists in the
United States or in the world, in a care
fully prepared paper recently published,
says:
“But one thing m >re remains to be said
in this connection; that is, in reply to
the allegation of the monometallist
writers that the course of events in
France which has been recited did not
constitute a genuine ease of bimetallism.
If these writers may be permitted to im
pose their own definition upon us, their
contention can to a considerable extent
be made good. What they say is, that
France from 1803 to 1873 did not enjoy
the concurrent circulation of the two
metals, but only an alternate circula
tion, now of one and now of the other;
and this, they declare, is not bimetallism
at all. Therefore, according to their
view, there is no great historical in
stance of the success of bimetallism.
“If, oh the other hand, we may be per
mitted for ourselves to say what we
mean and propose by bimetallism, the
criticism in question does not touch our
case at all. We flatly deny that bimet
allism necessarily involves the concur
rent circulation of the two metal 3. There
is some reason to believe that the French
statesmen of 1803 really expected that
coneurreut circulation would result; but
no bimetallist nowadays makes the con
current circulation of the two metals in
the same country a necessity of that sys
tern. If it results only in establishing
an alternating circulation, the chief re
suits of bimetallism will still be achieve I,
as they were by the action of France.’’
This is intelligible, for we can all un
derstand how it is possible to have an
alternating standard and circulation,
sometimes gold and sometimes silver,
and the monetary history of the world
proves that this is just what happens
when the two metals are freely coined
in any country and made full legal ten
der. Values will always be measured
by the kind of money in actual circula
tion, no matter what the law may de
clare, aud, therefore, if the free and un
limited coinage of silver at the ratio of
16 to 1 should drive out gold and sub
-1 stitute silver and paper redeemable in
! silver in its place, we should have a
single silver standard and actual silver
monometallism. Instead of using both
gold aud silver as we do new in larger
amounts than ever before in our history,
we should instantly expel the more valu
able metal from the country’ and make
the other the sole basis of our currency.
We ha*e now practical bimet dlistp —the
use of both metals as money; we should
have then practical monometallism—
the use of only one metal as money.
This is neither speculation nor prophecy,
' but only a conclusion based on facts es
tabiished by the experience of all na
‘ tions in all ages.
What 16 to I Really Means.
In order to eliminate all irrelevant
matter and simplify the argument, al
low me to state exactly what the propo
sition now pending before the people is:
It is proposed that the United States,
without the co-operation or assistance
of any other government, shall provide
by law that all the bullion, or foreign
silver coins, that may be presented at
[ the mints by individuals or corporations,
foreign or domestic, shall be coined, at
the public expense, into silver dollars,
at the ratio of 16 to 1 with gold—that
is, tin* sixteen pounds of silver shall be
considered equal in value to one pound
of gold*arid the weights of the coins
shall be adjusted accordingly—and that
the coins so made at the public
expense shall be delivered to the
owners of the bullion, or foreign
silver coins, as the case may be,
and all the people of the United States,
but nobody else, shall be compelled by
law to receive them as dollars of full
value, in the payment of debts due to
them from their own fellow citizens and
from the citizens or subjects of other
countries. It is not proposed that the
citizens or subjects of other countries,
with whom our people trade, shall be
compelled to receive these silver dollars
in their transactions with us, because
that, can be done only by international
agreement, and our impatient free-coin
age friends declare their determination
to proceed at once independently of all
other governments. All who are indebt
ed to us are, therefore, to have the privi
lege of paying in silver, while all to
whom we shall become indebted are to
have the privilege ot requiring us to pay
in gold.
Measured by their purchasing power
in the marxets of the world, which is
the only real test, the relative value of
silver bullion to gold bullion is about 32
to 1; that is, it requires in all countries,
silver-standard countries as well as gold
standard countries, about 32 pounds of
silver bullion to procure the same quan
tity of commodities that one pound of
gold bullion will procure, and, therefore,
the proposition to authorize the free and
unlimited coinage of silver into full
legal-tender money at the ratio of 16 to
1 means, under existing conditions,
that the intrinsic value of the silver
dollar shall only behalf, or about half,
the intrinsic value of the gold dol
lar. My own opiuion is that after we
had passed a certain limit the more sil
ver dollars we coined the less they would
be worth, because the inflation itself
would still futher dimmish their pur
chasing power. Such legislation by the
United States alone would not reduce the
value of the gold dollar to any extent
whatever, because, as already stated, the
value of that metal in commercial trans
actions all over the world is estimated
according to its weight and fineness, and
will continue to be so estimated, and
(CONTINUED ON SECOND PAGE )
STATE NORMALSCHOOL
PROF. BUTLER SPEAKS ON THE
GRAVE PROBLEMSCONFRONT
ING THE PEOPLE.
THE PRESENTATION OF DIPLOMAS.
State Super interi dent Scarborough’s
Opening Address—Chief Justice
Faireloth Presents a Copy of the
Constitution, and Rev. Dr. Carter
a Copy of the Bible to Each Member
of the Graduating Class--President
Mclrer’s Speech to the Class.
Special to the News and Observer.
Greensboro, N. C., May 23.
The exercises of to-day were in no
particular inferior to those of yesterday.
Those who went to hear something that
will instruct, uplift and bring mankind
nearer to perfection, were not disap
pointed in the splendid address by that
learned young man, Dr. Murray Butler,
of Columbia College.
The exercises of the morning were
opened with a song by the school. State
Superintended Scarborough introduced
the orator of the day in a short and ap
propriate talk, telling something about
the improvements in our own State in
the line of education, referring to the
recent act of the Legislature crippling
the schools as a “turning back or the
hands." He then paid a high tribute to
the learning, ability and worth of the
speaker whom he was introducing.
The speaker began his able discourse
with a reference to the grave problems
I and dangers that confront the people of
j the United States. No country having
a Republican form of government has so
long held together without serious trou
ble, and we should not think ourselves
secure. Something is necessary to pre
vent the people from revolt and anarchy.
Here Butler referred to the time when
Prussia was over-thrown, and it
was predicted that this proud
nation would sink into oblivion, but in
humble and dimly lighted rooms all over
the land, the voice of the faithful school
master was heard, and from an humble
beginning have arisen the most magnifi
cent universities in the world; so in this
country, if we wish to continue to be a
great nation and avoid the dangers that
threaten us on every side, we must edu
cate, not only the mind, but the charac
ter of our people.
As Dr. Butler had no manuscript or
notes your, correspondent is unable to
I give even a ! n attempt at a report of this
: excellent speech. So pleased were the
audience with the splendid treat that it
only needed the suggestion of Major
Finger that we “pass a rising vote of
: thanks to our distinguished visitor,"
ever> person in the vast audience arising
simultaneously.
At the close of this address the treble
| cleff rendered delightfully the cuckoo
song but it was not the practical cuckoo.
Diplomas of proficiency in stenography
and typewriting were presented to those
young women who had reached a speed
of eighty words to the minute. One
young lady Miss Harriet Hammond, of
Mecklenburg, having reached a speed of
120 words per minute, and Miss Buie, of
Robeson a speed of 136.
Dr. Cbas. Mclver presented the diplo
mas to the graduating class and made a
feeling speech of several minutes. He
referred to the first day of the arrival of
the members of the class, of their hard
ships at first owing to the incomplete
condition of the buildings, he said that
not one of the class had ever given him
a moment’s trouble or anxiety. He told
them that in the future they would
receive a warm welcome cn
their return to their old alma
mater. He gave them excellent
advice as to how they should conduct
themselves in after life, closing with
warm words of good wishes to all.
Chief Justice Faireloth made the
speech on presenting the class with a
copy each of the Constitution, and Dr. J.
W. Carter, of Raleigh, presented the
Bibles, both making very sensible talks.
After a song by the school the au
dience was dismissed by Rev. Dr. Car
ter, of Raleigh, and the third annual
commencement of the Normal and In
dustrial School was a thing of the past.
The Alumme Association of the Nor
mal and Industrial College elected the
following officers: Miss Rachel Brown,
of Newbern, president; Miss Zella
McCulloch, vice-president; Miss Mary
Applewhite, of Scotland Neck, secre
tary.
Mr. and Mrs. Josephus Daniels, of
Raleigh, have given one hundred dollars
to be used as a loan fund to young wo
men who are unable to pay their ex
penses in the Industrial and Normal
School, to be loaned by President Mclver.
It will be known as the Adelaide Worth
Daniels fund in memory of their little
girl who died two years ago.
Virginia Elections Yesterday.
Richmond, Va., May 23.— Elections for
town and county officers were had
throughout the State today. Re
turns are coming in very slowly. There
was a light vote as a rule and in many
instances party lines were not sharply
drawn. The indications at mid night
are that the Democrats have about held
their own.
The Lenoir Topic says that there is con
siderable complaint in regard to the
apple crop. Bome trees which gave prom
ise of bearing a large yield have no
apples on them. The same may be said
of the peach crop, but the Topic thinks
there will be a fair crop after all. The
frost damaged the fruit crop very little.
PRICE FIVE CENTS.
THE WEARERS OF THE GREY.
Convention ol Confederate Veterans
at Houston Yesterday.
Houston, Texas, May 23.— The weather
continues inclement and dark gray
clouds lowered over the city and a nhilly
rawness pervaded the atmosphere, but
the joy and enthusiam of the veterans
continues unabated and when Gen
eral b Gordon cslled the Conven
tion to order at 10 o’clock this
morning the auditorium was again full
to overflowing. The meeting was much
more ordorly to-day than yesterday, how
ever, and the business of the meeting
was conducted more satisfactorily. Chap
lain General J. William Jones invoked
divine blessing on the deliberations of
the meeting.
In was understood that Mrs. Chapman
T., the daughter of Gen. Leonidas Polk,
was in the audience and the chairman
asked that she come to the stage if sh»
were present. She did not respond,
however, and it was announced that she
would be expected on the stage whenever
she reached the hall. A similar invita
tion was extended the daughter of Gen
eral D. H. Hill and Mrs. J. D. Peahill.
Gen. S. D. Lee, of the committee on
constitution reported that they had unan
imously agreed on a constitution.
They have fully accepted the old con
stitution formulated at Jackson. This
constitution continues in force the com
mittee on history which the Birmingham
constitution dissolved. The principal
amendment to define the duties of offi
cers and instead of only two depart
ments east of the Mississippi and trans
, Mississippi there shall be three depart
ments as follows:
The department of the Army of Vir
ginia, composed of the States of Virginia,
Maryland, North and South Carolina and
Kentucky. The department of the Army
of Tennessee, composed of the States of
Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee, Missis
sippi, Louisiana and Florida. The trans-
Mississippi department, composed of all
of the States and Territories west of the
Mississippi except Louisiana.
There was a movement on foot to fix
the same memorial day for all States,
but the new constitution provides that
each camp may fix its own.
The constitution was then adopted
amid loud applause. The report of the
committee on credentials was then read
in full.
The number of delegates was shown to
be as follows: Louisiana, 176; Tennes
see, 89; Florida, 36; Alabama, 191; Mis
sissippi, 123; Texas, 654; South Caro
lina, 86; Indian Territory, 15; Missouri,
67; Kentucky, 67; Arkansas, 57; Wash
ington, I). C., 11; Evansville, Ind., 2;
Virginia, 64; North Carolina, 21; Geor
gia, 76: Maryland, 2; Oklahoma, 2;
West Virginia, 2; New York, 1. With
some subsequeut names the number of
voting delegates was 1,502. The report
was adopted.
The special order of the morning was
the report of the Jefferson Davis Monu
ment Committee. Chairman Cabell in
troduced Chairman Taylor Ellyson, of
the Richmond Committee, whose report
was made a part of that of the commit
tee from tne United Confederate Veter
ans. Mr. Ellyson stated that on June
3rd {next, Davis’ birthday, a collec
tion for the monument would be
taken all over the South, and the
present prospects were that at that time
there would be a generous response from
all the Southern States. When suffi
cient funds were raised the corner stone
of the monument would be laid at Rich
mond. It was thought that this could
be done next spring, and it was hoped to
make it a great occasion.
Gen. Cabell then followed in an earn
est appeal to the veterans to respond on
the appointed day to the call for a col
lection. In seconding the motion to
adopt the report Chaplain J. William
Jones delivered a brief but eloquent ad
dress on the subject which was greeted
with applause.
An elaborate reception was tendered
Miss Winnie Davis at the Capitol Hotel
by Mrs. W. M. Rice between the hours
of 11 and 12. Gen. Ross and staff
called officially on General Gordon and
staff at the Hutchin’s House. A recep
tion was tendered the visiting Generals
at the Light Guards’ armoiy from 12 till
2 o’clock to day, and a reception was
tendered the visiting ladies at the Capi
tol Hotel and Hutchins House by the
Ladies Reception Committee of Houston
from 10 to 12.
The vote was taten to decide the next
place of meeting, as follows: Richmond
780, Charleston 444, Atlanta 208, Kan
sas City 40.
Major Barker moved that the vote for
Richmond be made unanimous. It was
seconded bv Gen. Evans and carried
amid applause.
Gen. Wise expressed thanks in behalf
of Richmond.
The Convention then adjourned till 10
c‘clock to-morrow.
DEATH OF MRS. J. W. FRY.
She Was One of Greensboro’s Most
Popular and Lovable Women.
Special to the News and Observer.
Greensboro, N. C., May 23.
Greensboro was greatly saddened this
morning to learn of the death of one of
our rncst lovable and popular women,
Mrs. J. W. Fry, wife of the General
Manager ot the Cape Fear and Yadkin
Valley Railway. Mrs. Fry was a daugh
ter of the late Julius Gray, and a sister
of Mrs. Dr. Hodges, of the Medical Col
lege of Virginia, and Mrs. Geo. C. Heck,
of Raleigh, N. 0., and Mr. Percy Gray,
of this city.
The deceased leaves three bright chil
dren to mourn their loss. Mrs. Fry had
been troubled with her lungs for over a
pear.