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2 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS MORE AS TO HIS VIEWS ON THE QUESTION OF SLAVERY IN THE SOUTH. THREE CLASSESOF ABOLITIONISTS Though Mr. Adams Regarded Slavery as a Great Evil he Denied the Right of Congress to Interfere With it in Any W ay in the State—His Contro versy With Southern Members—Sus tained Jackson in his Policy Toward the Indians. [CONTINUED FROM LAST SUNDAY.] Washington, D. 0., July 5. The South naturally took Mr. Adams to be a rabid Abolitionist, but that was not his position. He regarded slavery as a great evil, and was opposed to its extension into new Territories, as was Mr. Clay and other Southern men. He held that Congress possessed the exclu sive right of legislation over that, and all other questions, in the District of Columbia, and the Territories; but he denied the right of Congress to legislate upon slavery in the States, or to inter fere with the institution therein, in any way. He declined to support petitions for the abolition of slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, and thereby incurred the bitter opposition of the Abolitionists in his district. The Abolitionists, and opponents ot slavery were of three classes. There were first, the Garrisonians, or followers of William Lloyd Garrison, who held that the Constitution of the United States was thoroughly pro slavery, and, therefore, “a covenant with death, and a league with hell.” He and his follow ers would take no part in public affairs, State or National. They would not vote and of course they could not expect to hold office, nor did they ever to the last, hold any office. Garrison was mobbed in Boston in 1835, and dragged through the streets. His printing office was de stroyed, and the police locked him up in jail to prevent the mob from murdering him. Wendell Phillips, then a young lawyer, wealthy and highly educated, was a spectator of these scenes, and from that day took the side of Garrison. Some few years later he wrote a pam phlet on the Constitution, and strongly vindicated the right of secession. The idea of Garrison and Phillips, that slavery could be overthrown by re fusing to vote against it, was not unlike that of the man who thought to break the bank by burning its bills; or like that of the Shai ing Quakers, who hope to convert the world to Christianity, by abstaining from marriage. In those early days, at least, Garrison and Phillips held to the doctrine of ab solute peace; and they expected to ac complish the abolition of slavery by “moral suasion.” One of their disei- Sles, old Miss Abbey Kelley, was thrown own by the mob, and, although not in jured, she refused to rise. When asked why she did not get up, she said she would be there “as a testimony against them.” The second order of Abolitionists was represented by Mr. Gerritt Smith, who held the very opposite view to that of iuC Garrisonians. He maintained that the Constitution of the United States authorized Congress to abolish slavery throughout the country, without regard to State laws. He 'was a millionaire, and the inheritor of a vast body of land in New York, which he divided up into SQXty acre tracts, and gave them to a thousand poor families. He was elected to Congress in 1853, but served only one session, after which he resigned. He was on the best terms with tne extremest Southern members and enter tained them at his house. His views were not likely to take root, from their very peculiar nature, and his influence was not feared, although he was an elo quent speaker. The third class were those who favor ed political action on the recognized doc trine that slavery in the States could not be interfered with by the general govern ment -that the institution within the States was exclusively under State con trol. But that Congress had complete control of the institution, as of all other matters in the District of Columbia and the Territories. A party was organized in 1841, upon this basis, which was call ed the Liberty Party—afterwards the Free Boilers, and, eventually, it became the nucleus of the Republican party. The latter party crystalized, in 1855, by a union of all the elements of opposition to the repeal of the Missouri compromise by which slavery had been prohibited, in 1820, in all the Territories of the Un ion lying north of the degree of 36 de grees, 30 minutes, north latitude. Mr. Adams had always held such views. He retired form the Presidency —or more properly, he was retired by the people, from that office, March 4.h, 1829; and having been in the public ser vice from his boyhood, he coaid not be comfortable out of it. So, in 1831, he stood for Congress, and was elected; and ■Contrived to be elected to every succes sive Congress, to the day of his death, in February, 1848. It was not by proposing or urging measures lookii g to the abolition of slavery, anywhere, that Mr. Adams be came involved in long years of contro versy with the Southern members; but by his defence of the right of petition as sacred and inviolable, for all sorts of people. He planted himself upon the first amendment to the Constitution, which declares 'that ’‘Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exer cise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.” It was a great mistake which the Southern members made when they undertes k to prevent the presentation and respectful hearing of petitions; and the cous- qnence was that a thousand such peti ions were gotten up, and pre sented and published, where one would have been thought of. It would seem to be an equal infraction of the Constitu tion to prohibit the right of petition, as to establish a religion, to prohibit the free exercise thereof or abridge the free dom of speech, or of the Press- all which provisions are embraced in the same clauses. Mr. Adams, was greatly annoyed by the impracticable demands, and the crit icisms of the Abolitionists. Speaking of Benjamin Lundy, a famous Abolitionist of the time —this was in 1837—he says: “He and the Abolitionists are constantly urging me to indiscreet movements, which would ruin me, and not strength en their cause. My own family, on the other hand,—that is, my wife and son and Mary—exercise all the influence they possess, to restrain and divert me from all connection with the Aliolitionists, and with their cause. Be tween these adverse impulses, my mind is agitated almost to distraction. The public mind in my own district and State is convulsed between the slavery and abolition questions, and I walk on the edge of a precipice in every step that I take.” Mrs. Adams was a Mary lander. In a conversation with Dr. Channing, who was greatly apprehensive that the slave-holders would dissolve the Union, Mr. Adams quotes him as saying that “he had heard it had been remarked by Mr. Cushing [Caleb] that there was a growing coldness on the part of South ern members towards those of the North; and asked me how the Southern mem bers treated me. I said they all treated me as gentlemen, and most of them with kindness and courtesy; that Mr. Cushing had been desirous of a very intimate per sonal intercourse with the Southern mem bers, and perhaps had seen some change in their deportment towards him. I had thought it apparent that they generally held in contempt the Northern members who truckled to them, such as John Ran dolph had nick-named ‘dough-faces.’ One of the curious things in Mr. Adams’ history was the fact that he sustained the course of General Jackson in marching into Florida, in 1817, in pursuit of the Indians, while Mr. Cal houn condemned his conduct, and gave the opinion in Cabinet council, that Jack son should be held to answer for it. Jackson, for years, thought that Calhoun had been his friend, in that affair, and Adams his enemy, and in 1824, Jackson and Calhoun ran on the same ticket for the offices of President and Vice Presi dent. At length, however, the facts came out, when Jackson became the implacable enemy of Calhoun. Benton in his “thirty years view,” has as far as he was able, immortalized this breach of friendship, by publishing a long account of the circumstances, ac companied by the most bitter invective. The account purports to have been writ ten by General Jackson, but was doubt less written out by Benton himself, or by Amos Kendall. The conduct of General Jackson in Florida was gravely debated in the cab inet. Mr. Monroe was doubtful as to what should be done. The march into the territory of a foreign country, and the seizure of the ports; the trial and execution of the English traders, Ar buthnot and Ambrister, looked very high-handed; and it is very doubtful whether we would have submitted to it, if the boot had been on the other leg. But Jackson placed his conduct on the ground that the hostile Indians were making Spanish territory their place of retreat, after making war upon our country, and that as did not keep the Indians at home, it was the right of this country to pursue and punish them. Arburth not and Ambrister, British subjects, were traders with the Florida Indians, and were proven to ' have been engaged in supplying the Indians with arms and ammunition, and with having incited the Indians to make war upon this coun try. Mr. Adams defended the course of General Jackson, and the President, Mr. Monroe, acted on his advice. Two years later, Mr. Adams, as Secretary of State, negotiated the purchase of Florida from Spain. The British Government had great dif ficulty in digesting the arbitrary course of Jackson, in hanging her subjects. But she did digest, it. Mr. Rush, our Minis ter to the English court at the time, says that the people, and parliament were clamorous for war, and he was told by Lord Castlereagh, the Prime Minister, that if he had raised his little finger, war would have followed. But they remem bered New Orleans, no doubt. It was about this time that Mr. Adams proposed in Cabinet council, that General Jackson be appointed a minister to Mexico. The President thought that the General’s rash and hasty temper unfitted him for the diplomatic service. Mr. Adams replied that “although the lan guage of General Jackson was sometimes two impassioned and violent, his conduct had always appeared to me calm and deliberate.” # Amelia Island, a small Spanish posses sion, was captured during this Indian war. It had become a haunt of pirates, who greatly annoyed American com merce, as well as that of other countries. Spain complained of the seizure, and demanded its return. The President, with "Messrs. Crawford, Wirt, and Crowninshield, members of the Cabinet, favored its surrender. Mr. Adams and Mr. Calhoun were for holding on to it; and it was agreed to hold on until Spain would send a force to take possession; and thus keep it out of the hands of the pirates. In this connection Mr. Adams gives his estimate of his colleagues: “If I understand the character of my col leagues,” he says, “Crawford’s point of honor is to differ from me, and to find no weight in any reason assigned by me. Wirt and Crowninshielrt will al ways be with the President’s opinion. Calhoun thinks for himselt, indifferently of all the rest, with sound judgment, quick discrimination and keen observa tion. He supports bis opinions, too, with powerful eloquence.” Mr. Adams was taken to Paris, by his father, when eleven years old, and was put to school there. He was afterwards taken to St. Petersburg, by our Minister there, at fourteen years of age: and when twenty three or four, was appoint ed by President Washington, as Minister to Holland. This, however, was after he had spent some years at home, and graduated at Harvard. He was Minis ter to Russia, and to England, later and was thus a trained and accomplished diplomatist. The following incident will interest our people, particularly. His Memoir, or Diary, which he kept from his youth until his close of life, is a most interest ing and valuable depository of facta, dotted down at the time of their occur- The News and Observer, Sunday, July 7, ’95. rence. They fill twelve octavo volumes. One difficulty you have in finding what you are looking for, with the aid of a copious index, consists in the fact, that you stumble upon so many interesting things, that you are apt to forget what you set out to look for. January 12, 1823, he says : “I went to Dawson’s, and saw Mr. Ma con. In making the appointments to the South American Missions, the wishes to distribute them to citizens of theditTerent parts es the Union. He wishes particularly to take some distinguished notice of North Caro lina. It happens that the weight of tal ent in that State is with the Federal ists, so that the politics counteract the geography. Among the persons recom mendod to the President was John Lewis Taylor, now Chief Justice of the State; and the President had requested me to call upon Mr. Macon and make inquiries concerning him. Last evening I received a note from the President saying it would be proper in these inquiries to as certain if Mr. Taylor is of the Republi can party. I made, therefore, that en quiry among the others. Mr. Macon spoke of Mr. Taylor as of a man of ac complished manners, but said nothing of any more elevated qualifications; and as to his politics, he had understood him to be among the warmest Federalists in the State. But he added that, politics bad never been so hostile between the parties in North- Carolina as in either of its neighboring States of South Carolina or of Virginia, and that Mr. Taylor had been elected to the office of Chief Justice of the State by a Legislature of different politics from bis own.” Mr. Adams reported to the Presi dent what he had learned from Mr. Macon in regard to Mr. Taylor. The President replied, that “it would not do to nominate him. He added that it had been a great object of his administration to conciliate the peo pie of this Union towards one auother, and to mitigate the asperities of party spirit. But in effecting this he was obliged to consider how far he could yield to his own dispositions without losing the confidence of h‘s own party. He would go as far as the public senti ment would support him, but to over step that boundary would be to defeat bis own object.” It would seem from this statement that “the era of good feeling” failed to efface party lines, and to remove party prejudices. Daniel R. Goodloe. Did Y'ou Ever Try Electric Bitters as a remedy for your troubles ? If not, get a bottle now'and get relief. That medicine has been found to be peculiarly adapted to the relief and cure of all female complaints, ex erting a wonderful direct influence in giving strength and tone to the organs. If you have loss of appetite, constipa tion, headache, fainting spells, or are nervous, sleepless, excitable, melancholy or troubled with dizzy spells, Electric Bitters is the medicine you need. Health and strength are guaranteed by its use. Large bottles only 50 cents at John Y. Macßae’s drug store. Neuralgia Is the Prayer of the Nerves For Pure Blood Pains Relieved Flood I'uriflffrt and Nervor -ie Ct’ong by Hood’s rsapuiifla “It. gives me great to stats What Hood’s Sdone for me and my wife, bi-.e he.. » e octed with hearalgis pains in ! • • 1 fo* ai» van re and it -Jed in l - ». - A t tirof“ “he would be to ally bii.cu anti u * to r s '• . s s’-o-t t--re / u* \ p ~ n ’" I4U / ** M . mooo'H / p \ '' r 9 •'"■rulo “'>d I i. * i • - i nan •< V \ i y)>< j r i ilH /i ! Mr.*3Sre.Y®-«- j • Kc’iamaker t ■' ’ H ArV \ Jj I to alien t to her | f ' r " . : bottsci.oid •’ ■ .U- , which the : _j previously done for J years. My own case was soar-v.hat simi lar, and since Uking Hood’s Sersapa ills the inflammation h lo't my crc~ end my nerves have become q..; i;.- •• My h‘ a‘h today is oetter timu u, has be m ior sev- Hood’s s £> Cures erul years. lam gaining in strength, and I feel like a new man.” WinniAH H. N xaiiaklk. Judsonia, Arkansas. Hood’B PHIS are hand matte, and perfect In proportion and appearance., zse per box. Great Sale of Copyrights, Hook Plates, Manuscripts and Also the Name and Good-will of the Old Firm of Alfred Williams Ai Co. 0 We will offer at public sale for cash, at the Alfred Williams & Co.’s Book Store, in the city of Raleigh, N. C., on Wednes day the 7th day of August, 1895, at 12 o’clock m. , , _ , The copyright and plates of Moore s School History of North Carolina. The copyright and plates of Spencer’s First Steps lu North Carolina History. The copyright and plates of Williams’s Reader for beginners. The copyrights of the North Carolina Speller; the North Carolina Speaker; Hymns and Songs for North Carolina Schools, and Bus bee's Justice and Form Book. 1 A manuscript revision of Moore’s Schoo History, by the late Prof. F M. Hubbard, LL. D. The name and goodwill of the old firm of Alfred Williams & Co. Also the stock of books on deposit with the University Publishing Company, un der agreement with the Education Board; various other books and articles of interest to the trade will tie offered at the same time. . Most of these school books are on the State list. A. W. HAYWOOD, T. M. PITTMAN. Trustees. Raleigh, N. C., July 4,1895. INJ7. 1895. Davidson College DAVIDSON, N. C. Next Term Begins Sept. 12th. Ample Laboratories, Apparatus, Cab | incts, Libraries, Reading Rooms, Gym- I nnslura, Ball grounds. Tennis Courts, etc. Cla sica! and Mathematical, Literary and Scientifin, Biblical aud Commercial. Send lor a catalogue. J. B. SHEARER, President. "" ADVENT TERM QjjFTHE FIFTY FOURTH ANNUAL S ESS'ON ST, MARY'S SCHOOLS Raleigh, N. C. TSFOINS September 19, 1895 Address t c Rector, REV. B. SNIECES, A. M. IIORNER MILITARY SCHOOL OXFORD, N. C. The Fall Term begins September 3, 1895. Boys receive careful training; Intellectual, Meal and Physical. Catalogue sent on application. 9 OLD. 158 PUPILS. 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We’ve simply put the existing conditions before you, just as they are, and you'll appreciate the situation and eagerly grasp the opportunity. We Have Still Too Many Suitsats2s, $22.50, S2O and $lB ’ t 0 keep them is out of the question. The only alternative is to sell -offer them at prices that will clear them quickly, and completely. If it costs a failure-all right—it carries a point. We don’t know when we’ve fathered a sale ot these proportions. The finest suits at ruthless reductions, sacks and frocks, at rgrrn r l l gSTBSiRT tpxp>TLJT^i The Finest Suits .... This is a natural consequence sale. Wo can't “count noses,” so at the beginning of the season we provide all styles in all sizes, and a surplus is unavoidable. Every garment is first class and of this season’s stock—honest in quality, correct 111 ,UHti We’i^gkeCyou l one more week to make your selection. Tue earlier in the week-buyers will find the better variety. Mouey back for any unsatisfactory purchase. S. & D. 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The News & Observer (Raleigh, N.C.)
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July 7, 1895, edition 1
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