Mr. Bryan's Spescti
at Nashville, Tenn.
A subscriber sends us a dispatch that
wus sent out generally ns a report of
Mr. Bryan’s speeches in Kentucky, con
taining this paragraph:
The speeches were in favor of the
alignment of the poor against the
rich rather than in favor of free
silver.”
Our correspondent, Mr. W. J. Teagne,
•f Greensboro, makes this comment on;
the above dispatch.
“I do not believe it. Can yon give
any light on it in your excellent pa
perT’
Happily we can “throw light” on the
eoutinued misrepresentation of Demo
arm cy’s foremost champion. Mr. Bryan
made three or four speches in Kentucky
•n his return from the Nashville Ex
position, where he made an elaborate
address. The speeches in Kentucky
were exactly along the same line as the
•ne in Nashville. We give below a
synopsis of Mr. Bryan’s Nashville speech,
which does not contain a syllable that
•an be distorted by a fair-minded man
aa being “in favor of the alignment of
the poor against the rich.” We feel sure
that every reader of this paper will enjoy
fee speech, the full notes of which are
as follows:
“I want to say to yon that events are
coming to our rescue, and that the plat
form is stronger to-day than it was a
year ago: nod I prophesy that it will bo
stronger a year from now than it is now.
We are not apologizing. We are not on
the defensive. We are on the aggres
sive. We are still pressing the battle
slong those lines and our enemy of last
year is furnishing ns proof that we are
right. Therefore, to-night, I am going
to spend my time laying down proposi
tions for our opponents to meet.
“In the first place I assert that onr
plank in regard to arbitration is stronger
sow than it was last year, and you can
challenge any Republican to dispute that
proposition.
“But that is only one plank. We de
nounced government by injunction and
some said that we reflected upon the
courts. We did not. We simply insist
that even a judge is a. servant of the
people, and the people have the right to
limit the jurisdiction of their courts, as
they have the right to declare that a
man charged with crime shall be tried
by a jury and not by a judge.
“It is for the people themselves to
■ay what jurisdiction their judges shall
ecercise and what shall be the methods
•f trial. The difficulties growing out
of the coal strike have called the atten
tion of the people to the dangers that
Inrk in government by injunction.
"Let me call your attention to another
thing: We opjH)sed the trust last year, j
We denounced the trust. We insisted t
that it was hostile to the genius of our,
institutions. We insisted that a govern-;
ment like ours must be great enough to
suppress a trust organized to drive out
•competition and then plundering the pub-!
lie after competition had been destroyed.
The opposition to trusts is stronger than
it was last year, because the people have
seen what it was to have the trust draw,
a tariff billl in the pretended interest of;
tiie nst of the people. That tariff bill,;
more than any other tariff bill that has
ever been drawn, was drawn by the trust;
and for the trust. One of the members
of Congress called attention to a recent
decision of a Cennan court in which
the court held that the trust was in
keeping with the idea of protection, |
that if you gave a tariff to a manufactur
ing industry, you expected the industry
to take advantage of it, and if it becomes
necessary to form a trust in order to get
tihe advantage of that tariff law, then
♦he trust must have been in contempla
tion of those who framed the law. That
is not the exact language, but if you'
will road the quotation from the German
•ourt you will find that he sustains our :
•ontention, that it is absnrd to give a
trust the protective tariff and then com-!
plain that they did not mean to take :
advantage of it
“My friends, the tariff hill has been 1
written. Congress met. Congress did
not have time to abolish government by
injunction, but Congress did have time
to turn over the taxing power of this
nation to a syndicate of the United
States.
“A Republican in Nebraska was asked
last Monday whether he thought the
Dingley bill had anything to do with the
rise in wheat. ‘Well,” said he, ‘it was
at least a striking coincidence.’ Now, I
don’t know whether you have anybody
in this State who sees a striking co-j
incidence in the rise of wheat just about!
the time the Dingley hill was passed,
but if there is I want to call that per-j
ton’s attention to another striking co
incidence. Wheat has fallen 10 cents
from the highest point it reached. It
was up to a dollar one day in Chicago;
I think it is down to something like DO
cents. It has been as low as 88 cents,
and what worries me is how can the
Republicans account for the fact that
after the Republican party raised wheat
to a dollar, it let it go down again? It
is a striking coincidence. Now, if it is
a good thing to have wheat at a dollar,
and the Republican party put it there,
in the first place, how can it excuse itself
for letting it go down again?
“Well, then, there is another thing that,
to my mind, is a striking coincidence.
Sow, the rise in wheat, unless it is fol
lowed by a rise in other things, might
not be a universal blessing. Take my
own case, for instance. My farm is in
\ corn. I have five acres near Lincoln,
which I had saved. I had saved the
five acres for a damping ground for the
world’s silver. (Great applause.) I had
some Republican friends who seemed
to be afraid that if we had free coinage
our country would be used as a dump
ing ground for the world’s silver, and so
I just saved five acres, and if I had been
elected I was going to surprise my timid
Republicans friends by offering it as a
dumping ground for all the silver of the
world—it would have held it all—
so that the Republicans would not have
been bothered by having it. But the
election went against us, and I saw that
for four years, at least, my land would
not be needed for a dumping ground,
and so I put it in com. But it is just
my luck. I am something like the man
who, after a series of misfortunes, said
if it rained soup he wouldn’t have any
spoon. You see, I didn’t know that
Hanna had planned a famine in India.
Now, my friends, I don’t speak of it
! with any feeling of sadness or disappoint
ment, because I have no right to ex
pect any inside information under this
administration. But, as I cannot expect
to get in on the ground floor when these
famines are going to be scattered over
the world’s surface for the benefit of
the poor people, I have made up m.v
mind to do what every man must do
when he has to take his chances. I
am going to put a part of my five acres
in wheat, part in corn, a part in oats,
and a part in potatoes, and then Hanna
can’t have a famine anywhere but what
1 will be on top.
“But let me pass to another subject.
We said last year that the gold stand
ard was bad and we denounced the gold
standard, said it was anti-American, said
it was un-American, declared war against
it, and announced to the world that it
I was a war which could not end until
j that gold standard was driven from the
1 United States back to England. You
i heard Republican speakers say that the
! gold standard was the standard of civ
ilization. You heard them praise
it, and yet, my friends, the first net
of the Republican present administra
tion was to ask for an appointment of
a commission to go to Europe and try to
get rid of the gold standard, which the
Republicans promised last fall.
“Republicans, yon think a high tariff
is a good thing. Don’t you know that
whenever you have a high tariff you nl-t
ways have some party denouncing it?.
Democrats, yon think a low tariff a good,
thing. Don’t you know that whenever'
you have a low tariff you generally find (
some party denouncing it? And yet we|
had bi-metallism for eighty-one years, j
and no party ever denounced it. That is;
a record which any party can be proud j
of. Ask your Republican friends what
they have to say against so unanimous
an indorsement of bimetallism.
“But there is a harder proposition
thnn that. We have abandoned bimetal
lism and adopted the gold standard with
out any party in the United States ask
ing for it. What do you think of that?
Change the financial policy of a nation
i and go from a system universally com*
, mended for eiglity-one years to an ex
i periment, and no party asking that it be
done. I affirm that the American people
never adopted the gold standard. It
was adopted for them by Congress. I
i affirm next that Congress did not know
that it was adopting the gold standard
i when it did It. Why, the Speaker, ns
; Mr. Gaines has suggested, did not know
. it when he signed the bill. Senators
and members stated that after it was
found out that they did not know that
, the bill changed the monetary system of
! the nation.
I “Well, now, for twenty years we have
;• had people say that it was impossible
! to get a bill through Congress contaln
j ing an important provision without the
knowledge of Congress. Republicans,
did you know that events had robbed
you of this argument that you have
been making for twenty years? If any
j Republican tells you that it is impossible
; to get a bill through Congress containing
a provision of which Congrews is ignor
i ant, you ask him who put section 22 into
the Dingley bill.
“Let me lay down another proposition,
and, Republicans, this is the hardest of
the three. We had the gold standard
for twenty-three years and in all that
time no political party in national con
vention praised it. Wha t do you think I
of that? Do you know of any other
policy that was ever bad that the people
endured it for twenty-three years when
it had no party defending it? It is
true of the gold standard. Will any ad
vocate of the gold standard explain why
the blessings of the gold (standard were
so concealed that no party discovered
those blessings for twenty-three years?
My friends, this is not fiction; this is
history. I want to ask your gold stand
ard friends why it was that for twenty
three years every party held out the
promise of abandoning the gold standard?!
“If you doubt that we were on the
Democratic side last fall, read what
some of the leading Democrats said af
ter we had instructed a majority. They
went to Chicago boasting that when the
delegates found out how the dog-rates
from New York felt about it that they
would disobey their instructions —actual-
ly boasted that in spite of instructions
to the contrary they would still carry
| the convention; but they did not do it.
My friends* it is bad to have those leave
us who have worked with us, but of all
the Democratic conventions to leave, I
would rather have any pretended Demo-1
crat leave that convention than any oth-l
er convention the party ever held, be-!
cause he cannot go out and say he was
a Democrat.
“According to the returns, seven mil
lions and a little more favored the Re
publican platform. But did- you ever
read the Republican platform? That
was not n gold standard platform, I be-j
lieve it is the same as a gold standard;
platform. That platform declared for!
the double standard. It pledged the
Republican party to do what it could to
secure international bimetallism, and
Mr. McKinley, in his letter of accept
ance, renewed the pledge, and when he'
was elected he started to carry out the
pledge aud recommend the appointment
of a commission. Do you mean to say
that it is a victory for the gold stand
ard to elect a party pledged to get rid of
it? And yet, my friends, that is just
what the American people did. Six and
a half millions of people voted for inde
-1 pendent bimetallism; seven millions for
! international bimetallism; thirteen mil
j linotis and one-half people voted to con
demn the gold standard after twenty
three years of trial.
“There was another platform vote. The
bolting Democrats adopted a platform in
i which they declared that the gold stand
ard was good. Well, my friends, if any
body wanted to vote for the gold stand
• nrd there was a platform that expressed
| his ideas. They nominated their ticket,
! they wont out and made their fight and
they polled 132.(K) votes, or a little less
than 1 per cent of the votes of the
United Stares.
“In that minority report you will find
that the bolting Democrats declared
that they were afraid of free coinage
would interfere with the security of in
ternational bimetallism, toward which
they said every effort should be directed;
so that you see at Chicago they wanted
to get rid of the gold standard and they
THE NEWS AND OBSERVER, OCT. 17, 1897.
were opposed to free coinage for fear it
would interfere with the getting rid of
the gold standard. Now, Ido not know
whether you have any gold standard
Democrats in your town or not, but, my
friends, I want a gold Democrat to an
swer this question: ‘Did the gold Demo
crats believe in a gold standard at Chi
cago?’ If they did, they tried to prac
tice a fraud upon their companions In
the convention, for there they were in
favor of international bimetallism.
“Peter Cartwright wa<s once asked if
he was sanctified, and he said, ‘Yes, in
spots.’ The gold Democrat is honest
in spots. He spends so much time in
talking about honest money that he lias
no time to be honest in his efforts to get
any kind of money. Now, my friends,
you cannot evade the proposition. The
gold Democrat was either a fraud and
pretender at Chicago or lie was a bimet
allist. But I do not want to dwell longer
on this phase of the subject.
“Now, during the campaign some Re
publicans abused me. Some papers said
hard things against me. If there arc
any Republicans here to-night I am go
ing to convince them I am a better man
thnn they gave me credit for. It is not
worth while for a man to stand out on
a cold night and talk to the people who
went, through the fight lust fall without
losing their integrity. I want somebody
against me. My friends, I want to
convince you that 1 ant a better man
than the Republicans thought I was, and
a better patriot. I was proud of tin
manner in which our people bowed to
the will of the majority. We did noi
know just where the majority came front,
but we bowed to it. But, my friends, )
am in favor of doing more than accept
ing defeat gracefully. I believe it help
mg them carry out every gold poliev
which they proposed. I believe in bl
metallism. From the bottom of in
heart I want it. I am in favor of inde
pendent bimetallism. I would not wait
for one moment for the aid or consent of
any other nation on earth to decide on
the policy of our financial system. Bui
it will be three years before we can get
a chance to put our plans in execution,
ror three years we must wait,and in the
meantime I am willing to help the Repub
.tcans get international bimetallism, ;f
there is any possibility of securing it
I know they will get the credit if they
bring it, but if they bring it, they are
entitled to the credit for it, aud if they
bring it I shall rejoice as sincerely, as
emphatically, as any Republican who
favors international bimetallism. I be
heve that when they try to get interna
tional bimetallism, until we can put our
plans in operation, we ought to help
hem. I am m favor o-f helping Wolcott
to try and scare those capitalists, and
I am speaking twice a day to back him
up He says if they don’t do something
r.ght away the free silver party will
wm and I say so, too. He points out
that the stiver movement is growing, and
I want to make it grow. Well,my friends
I am so earnest In this matter, I am so
anxious to have bimetallism, if the Re
publican party brings it I am willing
to . the Republican party a plan
which they can use to secure interna
tional bimetallism and get the credit for
it. I will tell you what my plan is. We
h«Te elections in several States this fall.
Now. my plan is for all Republicans who
believe in international bimetallism to
join with 11s this fall to muke the vote
for silver as large as possible. I want to
carry every State where there is an elec
tion by an overwhelming majority for
free silver. Then what? The news will
go across tihe ocean; Wolcott will be
waiting to get the nows, and when he
gets the message that everyone of these
States have gone for silver, he will rush
to the big financiers and will show them
tihe telegram and say. ‘Didn’t I tell you
so. If you don’t hurry and send dele
gates to that conference the free silver
party will win. You have got to have
those delegates sent at once.’
I “Now, my friends, reforms come to
get rid of abuses, and Teforms are in
itiated and supported by the people who
suffer from abuses, and every reform
that has been achieved of great benefit
to mankind has come in spite of and not
because of the capitalist. And yet the
Republican party would turn over the
finances of this country—the future of
our eountry and the welfare of our chil
dren, not to local but to foreign finan
ciers. I denounce that platform as -the
most infamous one ever adopted and any
man ought to blush to stand upon it.
| “But enough of that. Let me call your
attention to another fact that has been
exploded in their argument. They said
all we needed was confidence. We had
an election and it went their way, and
according to the headlines, they can
not complain of the size of their major
ity. They said confidence was restored.
They said: ‘Now prosperity would come,’
and did for two months. Why, the trade
papers told 11s how business was look
ing up. The boom lasted nearly a month;
long enough for the people to spend the
money the Republicans put in circula
tion on election day, and then dt dropped
j again.
j “Then times got worse. There were
more hanks that failed within the first
! six months after confidence was re
stored than there had been failures in
the corresponding six months of the
year before. More business houses failed
in the first six’months after the restora
tion of confidence than had failed during
j the same period of the year previous,
j Times got bad and they got worse, and
then they got worse still until they got
! so had that many people concluded that
I must have been elected.
“But after about six months things be
gan to look up. Do you know where the
i first ray of hope came from? It came
from the Klondike. I read yon a dispatch
from London, and since the Republicans
have transferred the legislative power to
the hands of foreigners. London is the
Some People’s Folly.
Why some persons will suffer with
the excruciating pangs of rheumatism,
when they can be so easily cured by
that greatest of pain-cures, Salvation
Oil, is past human comprehension.
That Salvation Oil does cure rheuma
tism is evidenced by Mr. G. F. Schra
der, Fierce, Neb., who says : “I liavo
used Salvation Oil and think there is
no liniment on earth like it. I had the
rheumatism for several months and
could get no relief until 1 used Sal
vation Oil, two bottles of which effected
a cure, and I feel as well as ever. No
home should be without it.” Salvation
Oil is sold everywhere for 25 cents.
When dealers offer a substitute be
ware, you’ll bo victimized. Insist on
having the best, Salvation Oil.
place whence cometh their hope; and the
first ray of hope came from the discovery
of gold in the British possessions at
Klondike. And they rejoice, and men
who had beeu silent for six months ac
tually laughed on the streets. Many men
who had not been able to give an ex
cuse for wliat they did last fall put on
spring clothes and came down town.
But what right did the Republicans
have to rejoice over the discovery of
more gold? Didn't they tell us there
was enough gold in the world? If there
was enough gold, any more would lie too
much. And yet the Republicans actually
laughed to find out it was well to have
more gold. We were not so particular
about money as the Republicans were.
They insisted that we had enough gold
in the world and enough money in this
country. We wanted more gold to be
found and more silver to be found, and
we had a right to rejoice in the discov
ery of more gold. We insisted that more
money meant more happiness, and if you
doubt it, see how happy the Republicans
were when there was more gold found.
“Where did the next ray of hope come
from? From the wheat field. What had
gone up? Why, my friends, dollar wheat
is on our side. We wanted dollar wheat.
What the Republicans said we want is a
dollar to buy more than it ever bought
before. You read the pamphlets sent out
to railroad sound money clubs, telling
them what would be the effect on those
who were working for wages to have the
products rise, and yet you find them re
joicing in the rise of products, and thus
they find their second inspiration. Take
what the Republicans said last year
about having money enough and what
they are now saying about the advan
tage of rising dollars and what they now
say about rising prices. They remind me
of a man who was traveling in the moun
tain by a path that was so crooked that
lie often met himself coming back,
(Laughter aud applause.) I want to ask
you, are not the Republicans meeting
themselves coming back? Why don’t j
they admit it? It is because they are so!
ashamed of what they said last fall that
they will not recognize themselves face
to face?
“I submit to you that the Republicans
are today answering their own argu
ments. Why, I noticed the other day up
in lowa a paper said to be patient, prices
will rise, and so will wages. They said
last year they would now. We wanted
a general rise in prices and we insisted
that the wages and all other things
would adjust themselves to the new lev
el, and yet now they are trying to get
credit for the spasmodic rise in certain
products, but tell the laboring man to be
patient, that prices will rise, and his
wages will rise, so he will not suffer any
thing. Well, they are learning. It is a
slow process, but they are learning. Last
year was the first year that they ad
mitted anything was wrong. Before that
they said be contented with our lot.
When we said anything was wrong,
they would point to some other nation in
Europe and say we were better off than
they, and ought not complain. Up to last
year they said be content. I believe in
contentment, but I think it can be car
ried too far.
“But my friends, I have now stood
here in this night air and kept you here,
calling attention to these evidences of
the fact that we are right and our opin
ions are right. You tell me that the sil
ver craze is going to die out; I tell you it
will not die out as long ns it is being
vindicated as h is now. You cannot kill
n thing by proving it is right, and the
Republican party is admitting now T near
ly every important position we took on
the money question last fall, and in
stead of being ended, the money question
is just being begun. Those who began
last year the warfare for financial in
dependence are waging it this year, and
I want to warn you, my friends, that
this contest is not over when we secure
merely financial independence. It will go
on until that doctrine of equality before
the law, of equal rights to all and spe
cial privileges <0 none, is inscribed upon
the walls of every executive office, of
every legislative hall, of every room
where a court meets, from justice of the
peace to the Supreme court of the
United States. It means that the people
who constitute this nation, those de
scribed by Carlisle in 187 S as the ones
who produce the wealth and pay the
taxes of the country, can make, their
wants felt in legislation, and that the
non-producers of this nation shall not
longer have a monopoly on the produc
tion of laws. It means, my friends, bet
ter government, more economic adminis
tration of government, more justice in
the levying of taxes; it means that this
shall be a government of the people, for
the people and by the people, and this
government shall not perish from the
earth.”
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