The Weather To-day: \ | FAIR.
The News and Observer.
VOL. XLVI. NO. 142.
LEMS Ml IBHTB MUM BiUES ■ HEWS HID BBBBUTW.
Hr. Bryan Reviews ('rota' in His Outline of the Campaign of 1900.
The Leader Defines the National Democratic Policy as Did
V¥
Mr, Croker in an Exclusive Interview Published
in the New York Journal August 13,
THE DEMOCRATS WILL SUCCEED IN 191
’ T
Fed and Fattened by the Trusts, the Republican Party Will
Not Now Dare to Disobey the Injunction,
“ Remember Thy Creator/’
DEMOCRATIC PRuS'fsTlll: BRIGHTENING.
Declaring Unequivocally for the Ratio of 16 to 1, Mr. Bryan
Exclaims, “ The Question is Not What is
Expedient, But What is Right.”
By JAMES CREELMAN.
(Copyright, 181T1), by the New* York Journal and Advertiser. Published iu
News and Observer by Permission.)
Lincoln, Neb., August 21. —A little
more than a week ago I wan walking
the Ueek of the steamship Si. Paul with
Richard ■Croker, listening to .the tribute
to Mr. Bryan's pow’er and integrity
which has stirred the country. And
here 1 am today, with Mr. Bryan him
self, the most stubbornly sincere ami
convincingly convinced political leader
I have met in tJie whole world.
1 have known Mr. Bryan for many
years, and hi the compaign. of 189(5 I
travelled nearly eighteen thousand miles
with him, although 1 did not support him
with my vote. He is today the same
sober, deliberate, intense American 3ie
was in those blistering days of roaring
multitudes and political upheaval. There
is not a shadow of turning or evasion
in his conversation. Unlike Mr. Mc-
Kinley, he does not shift his ground
to suit the occasion.
1 came to Lincoln to see Mr. Bryan
because Mr. Croker said that many of
the Democratic leaders in the Eastern
States believed it to be desirable that
the ratio should he omitted from the
financial plank of the national platform
next year, and that the question of the
relationship of silver to gold in our cur
rency should be left to Congress. Th i
interview with Mr. Croker was, the re -
suit of a statement made to me by hir t
nearly a year ago in London. He sai L
then that he believed Mr. Bryan to b *
the greatest statesman in America, i '
not in the world.
Mr. Bryan looks older. In a fev
months he will lie forty years old. II
is stouter and weighs 203 pounds. Sine
the last campaign lie has bought a farm
of twenty-five acres just outside of Lin
coln. and every two or three days the
black charger which bore him, as j i
soldier carries him to Iris scented field i
of clover, green corn, rii>»- melons, frui:
trees, potatoes and tomatoes, out
which broods of white chickens go cluck
ing contentedly. The Democratic lea<«-
cr is a good carpenter and makes in's
own chicken houses. 1 saw him- today
carry an armful of melons from the
held to his buggy while his wife and
• children strolled about the scene of
plenty and beauty.
STORI EiS OF BRYAN’S GREAT
WEALTH ARE PREPOSTER
OUS.
I have taken the trouble to investigate
the story that Mr. Bryan is the inchest
man in Lincoln. It is pro|vosferqas.
Mr. Bryan’s wealth does not exceed
$200,000, and half of that Is in real
estate. His first profits from his book
amounted to $34,000. Os this lie gave
$17,000 to various free silver clulns. lie
also gave $4,500 to found prizes for es
says on the science of government in
eighteen colleges. His house in Lincoln
cost him SO,OOO. He could not, proba
bly sell it for mote than $5,000. His
farm near Lincoln cost him about $4,-
000. He also ownw a farm of eighty
acres near his birthplace, Salem, 111.,
and a small house which his mother
occupied in her last years. The story
that Mr. Bryan is Tie’ll sprang from the
fact that he is one of the few citizens
of Lincoln who have honestly declared
their personal property for the purpose
of taxation.
At this moment Mr. Bryan stands at
the very centre and heart of the De
mocracy, in daily, almost hourly, contact
with the jieople and the leaders in all
parts of the country. lit* rose from ob
scurity to this commanding position by
sticking to principle regardless of conse
quences. As lie stood on the lawn in j
trout of his simple home this morning, j
the incarnation of manly strength and j
courage, proud of his Americanism find
glorying in the rough righteousness of
the masses, I could not help contrasting
him with another figure I saw in (lie j
yellow gaslight of a London night only |
a few weeks ago—William Waldorf As- |
tor, thrilling in the presence of an Eng- j
lisli duke. These two men represent I
tlie two extremes of present tendencies !
on this continent.
UPON THE OLD ANI) UPON THE
NEW ISSUES DEMOCRACY
WILL WIN.
“Demheratic success in 1900,”
lie said, “is becoming more au(d
more certain. On the old issues
we are stronger with the people
than we were in 1811(5. The sentiment
in favor of arbitration and an income
tax is stronger. The opposition to gov
ernment by injunction is stronger. The
l>eople better understand the necessity
for bimetallism and better understand
the danger of a national bank currency
i which places the control of the paper
money in the bands of the banks.
“On the new questions sentiment is
developing rapidly. Many Republicans
who did not recognize the menace of the
trusts in 1893 are becoming alarmed.
They now see the dangers which
threaten the nation when an industrial
aristocracy can arbitrarily control, the
price of raw mat rial, the rate of wages
and the price of the finished product.
“The Republican party is impotent to
destroy the trusts because the trusts are
largely responsible for the success of the
Republican party in the last campaign.
While that party is not framing its poli
tics along religious lines, it will not dis
obey the injunction, ‘Remember thy
Creator.’
“Republican hostility to the masterly
inactivity displayed by the Administra
tion on the trust question will manifest
itself as soon as a clear cut issue is pre
sented by the platform. The Republican
party will thunder against the trusts
with generalities when the Democratic
party will point out specific remedies.
“On the question of imperialism the
opposition within the Republican party
is already manifesting itself, and will
grow as the determination to fasten its
imperial policy on the country becomes
more apparent. There is no real attempt
being made to defend the President’s
policy. Some say that it is too late to
discuss this question, because of ratifica
tion of the treaty of peace, hut the Me-
Enery resolution openly disputes this.
Others say that we cannot tell what to
do until the Filipinos lay down their
arms. But the Republicans cannot long
evade the direct issue between the Eu
ropean idea of force which supports a
war of conquest and the American idea
of government by the consent of the
governed. When this issue is presented
there can be no question where the
American people will stand.
“We are strong in the new questions
just where we were weak in the old
ones. We could not reach our foreign
luorn citizens with our literature on the
money question, hut the foreign-born
citizens are, because of their past experi
ence. if anything quicker than the Ameri
ean-bom, to recognize the dangers of
imperialism and militarism. (
“Tim reports from all sections bear out
what I have said about Democratic
prospects. If any one is inclined to he
despondent, let him compare the outlook I
now three years after defeat with the
outlook four years ago after three years
of victory.”
PROSI’EdMTY WILL NOT BLIND
THE PEOPLE TO THEIR NEEDS. ,
“But, Mr. Bryan,” I said, “it is said
that business is boonif.ng. the country is
rolling in wealth, and people don’t want
to have a change when they are getting
rich.”
“That.” said Mr. Bryan, “is based on
the theory it lea t men think in their atom- j
molls and not in their head's; that men
do not study public questions except
when they art' starving. A few may
refuse to consider these questions save
when pressed by hunger, hut the reform
forces are attempting to apply well set
tled principles to public questions ami
they cannot be driven by accidental con- '
dillons.
“The Republican party cannot claim
credit for the bountiful crops, and it will
hardly claim credit for the famin '- in
Europe, which caused large exportations
of breadstuff's fat an increased price. The
increasing supply of gold from the Klon- ,
dike, the importation of gold to cover
trade balances and the expenditure of
$200,000.1KKl of borrowed money, taken
in connection with the large crop, has
brought a temporary advantage, but in
stead of strengthening the gold stand
ard, an increasing supply of money
proves The quantitative theory that more
money means better prices. There tvere
variations in the conditions during the
RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 24, 189».
WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.
entire period! from 1873 to 189(5, hut
the general tendency was always down
ward. Each, new fall in prices was low
er than before, and each rise was less
pronounced.”
-mid now came the question suggested
on the deck of the St. Raul by Mr. Cho
ker’s statement to the Journal.
“Mr. Bryan, you are a practical man,”
I said. “You must see the importance
of moderating at least the outward form
of the party’s position on the money
question. Why vvoulld it not he wiser
to stand upon a single declaration In
favor of the remonetization of stiver,
leaving the ratio to lie determined by
Congress. Would that not be more ex
pedient? Would it not instantly reunite
the Democracy?”
Mr. Bryan did not hesit. tea moment.
His voice rang with ear.nestir ss.
HIE WILL AC REE TO NO ABAN
DONMENT OF THE RATIO OF lb
TO 1.
“No, you cannot decide public ques
tions upon the basis of expediency,’ he
said.
"The rule with the party is the same
ns with the individual, because a party
is only an aggregation of individuals.
The question is not what is expedient,
but What is righit. That which is right
will ultimately triumph, and that which
is wrong will ulititmiateily fail.
“If the Democratic party does what is
right, it can go before the country and
rely upon the justice of its cause t<>
win success, but if it does what (asms
to be expedient it has no promise of suc
cess, either temporary or permanent. I
am only one member of the Democratic
party, and you cannot tell what, the
party will do miltil you know what a ma
jority of the oiemJberK of the party want.
“As a member of the party I have said
and still say that an abandonment of
the ratio of 1(5 to 1 would lie equivalent
to an abandonment ot tin l money (pies-,
tion, because no free coinage law can
be adopted until a ratio is agreed upon,
and, since tin* 1(5 (o 1 ratio has been
agreed upon, an abandonment of it;
would mean either that the ratio is
wrong or that, although it is right, we
are afraid to advocate it. If tin* ratio
is wrong we ought to select, another
ratio and stand iqion it. I do not believe
tin* ratio to be wrong, neither is the
ratio believed to 1«* wrong by those who
made the light to insert it in the Demo
cratic platform. I
“To leave out all mention of a ratio
would he to return to the ambiguous and
1 deceptive phraseology which charaeter
j ized the financial platforms of both the
j Democratic and Republican parties for
I several campaigns.
i “The men who oppose the ratio of 16
i to 1 have no other ratio to offer. Their
j plan is to invite the iieoplo to have oon
j faience in the party without the party
| taking the people into its confidence.
! “Uncertainty in it platform indicates
I either ignorance or cowardice.
“If a party does not know what to do,
| it should not ask to be intrusted with
power.
j “If it knows what to do, but does not
’ dtire to avow its purpose, it does not de
i serve to he intrusted with power.
“Adhesion to the ratio of 1(5 to 1 is
- not intolerant. It is founded upon tin*
j belief that the ratio must be determined
by the majority of those who favor bi
metallism, and not by the minority-. Ac
cording to some, one man who doubts
j our ability to maintain the parity of sil
ver and gold at the ratio of 1(5 to 1
ought to have more influence in making
the platform than sixteen who believe
in the power of our Government to main- j
tain the present legal ratio.”
No man could lis'ten to Mr. Bryan ns
he said this and have any doubt of the
hopelessness of a change in his atti
tude.
TIIE CHICAGO PLATFORM, lIE
DECLARES, IS AS BROAD
AS TIIE UNION.
“But,” 1 said, “considering the vast
ness of the stake at issue in the com
ing struggle for possession of the nation
al Government oh the very cross roads
of our history., is it wise to rely only
on tlie West and South and ignore tin*
desires of the rich and populous East?”
“There is nothing in the Chicago
platform which cun he fairly criticised
ns sectional, ’’ he replied. “The doctrine
of equal rights to all and special privi
leges to none is as broad as the Union.
If it is less popular in the East than in
the West and South, it is only because
it lias been more violated In the East,
ami that those who profit by class legis
lation are more influential there.
1 “The plain people of tlie East are as
much interested in the triumph of the j
Chicago' platform principles is the peo
ple of any other section of the country,
hut they have not had the same opr-cr
tiiuity to study'them because the news
paiK'ia in the East have boon opposed
to the platform and we have had no
adequate means of reaching tin* people.
; Until the Chicago convention, for ir
, stance, the newspapers of the East told
their readers that the silver question was
| dead. When tin* platform was adopted
, many of the leading Democratic titws
! papers bolted tin* tiexec and assured?
their readers that, tin* platform was
!an anarchistic dote nation, emanating
from the forces of wies.sne.ss and dis
; order.
j “In tlu* heat of the campaign there
was no op'i tort unity to counteract this
j prejudice. During the three years w!'*eit
I have- elapsed since the election of :i
' Republican President events a'e *»-
! strip ted the people in spite of the gold
newspapers.
“The people have seen the President
sending a commission to Europe to se
cure relief from the gold standard, and
they have seen the Administration help
less to relieve the country of the g T!
standard because English financiers op
posed bimetallism.
“They have scent tlu* American finan
ciers’ plan to make all contracts paya
ble in gold and to retire the groen
i backs.
“'t hey have seen trusts organized with
greater rapidity than ever before, and
that, too, under the very eyes of an
Attorney-Gene ml selected l from Ne*.v
Jersey, the hotbed of trusts.
“They have seen the National Admin
istration embark upon a war of conquest
and adventure in violation of the prin
ciples set forth in the Declaration «*f
Independence.
“lu 180(5 the Republican party posed
as the conservative element <<f the coun
try, But it has become apparent in the
past three years that the Democratic
party is really the conservative party.
DEMOCRACY. SAYS THE LEAD
ER, STANDS FOR THESE
THINGS:
“It. stands for a financial system
which will furnish enough money for an
independent limwWial policy.
“It stands for industrial independence
timl tlu* overthrow of the trusts, which
are tlie fault of our overgrown corpo
rate power.
“It stands for a homogeneous republic
as against a heterogeneous empire. ’
“The business men of tin* East were
arrayed against us in 1890. Every man
engaged in legitimate business wn is
rid simply tt speculator or stock gambler
will tiind it to his interest to favor :Ik*
double standard, which will give a sn.'tl- •
JE FIVE CENTS.
dent volume of full legal tender money
to form tlu* basis for a safe commercial
system.
“He will find it to his interest to assist
in the overthrow of tin* trusts, which
are driving the small business men out
of business.
“He will find it to his interest to op
fiose a policy of hiqierialisni wit a i-s ac
companying militarism. The man en
gaged in legitimate business will find a
large army an expensive luxury. lit*
will also find that a colonial policy, be
sides endangering the doctrine of self
government at home, will Involve tlie na
tion in frequent foreign, complies t ous
mul disturbed business conditions.
“The Republican party promised .In*
business men of the country a busi
ness administration conducted on busi
ness principles and run in tin* interest
of business men, but it furnished an ad
ministration which has put the dollar
above the man, and has sacrificed the
interests of small property owners to
tin* demands of the great corporations.
It is aggregated wealth against tin*
plain people, whether they are engaged
on the farm, in the workshop or in the
store.”
“But how do you suppose a gold
Democrat can return to the party?”
“'The door is as wide open anil it is
as large as it was when the gold Dem
ocrats went out.
“Some will come hack because they
have been converted to Chicago plat
form principles*; others will conn* hack
because of tin* new issues. All that
is asked of those returning is that they
shall remove their pistols from their hip
pockets before entering the ilix>r.
“Men support a platform as a whole,
often dissenting from particular parts.
To a large majority of tin* party the
plat form will he entirely go*ul; to some
it #ill he bettor on tin* whole than the
Republican platform. In a battle those
an* on our side who art* aiming at the
enemy.
“Just now tlie Democratic party is re
sisting a ixdicy ruinous to legitimate
business. We are exchanging the cer
tainty of peaceful progress, pros|H*rit,v
and continued development along legiti
mate and reasonable lines for the uncer
tainties of a policy of spoliation and ad
venture. I believe that liberty, individ
ual. civil and religious, is tin* crowning
idea of civilization, and for this section
to turn hack to the European idea of
force it nil conquest is fn reverse the
Bible phrase ami make tin* immortal
put on mortality.”