The News and Observer.
VOL. XLVII. NO. 24.
' LEADS ILL NORTH CAROLINA DAILIES IN NEWS All CIRCULATION.
A KING LETTER
BY BAM MUTLER
Giving His Position on the
Proposed Amendment.
HE SETTLES QUESTION
WHILE ATTENDING THE DEWEY
CELEBRATION AT NEW YORK.
POLOGIZES FOR HIS DELAY IN MATTER
Mr. Mutler Declares that he Has Risen Above
Considerations of Race and is Emu
lating the Example of his
Noble Predecessors.
To the Editor: —
During the entire summer just passed
1 was engaged at the University of
I North Carolina in mastering the science
of jurisprudence as outlined by my pre
dcssors, Messrs. Coke, Blacks tone,
Kent, et al; incidentally in preparing
myself to stand for admission to the
bar of the state, and in fitting myself
to pass on certain public questions that
1 foresaw that 1 should la,* called upon
to settle.
» On the sth of •September, 1800, 1
was admitted to the bar by the Su
preme Court and immediately left for
New York to attend the Dewey fes
tivities and relax my mind from the
labors, of the summer. I have found
time, however, during the two days of
the celebration to thoroughly study the
proposed constitutional amendment in
North CarolinUi, and'Si find without
much surprise that it * clearly in con
flict with the provisions of the consti
tion of the United States. I ought, per
haps to have studied the proposed amend
ment and to have settled its fate, one
way or the other, earlier but, as 1
have said, 1 was busy during tin* sum
mer. Therefore, I trust the ]x*ople of
the state will pardon any seeming dere
liction of duty on my part. 1 have
disposed of the matter in ample time
to wave them the necessity of holding
a futile election by indicating the de
cision of the United States Supreme
Court should a question of the con
stitutionality of the amendment ever
come before it. This celerity I admit
to be at variance with the slow and
plodding methods of some so-culled law
yers who must perforce feel their way
with infinite labor, while genius can
grasp the heart of the matter without
taking its eyes off the parade.
1 ain not insensible, sir, that there
are some i>ersoms so suspicious by na
ture that they may question the dis
interestedness of my motives and there
may be some so abject and mean as
to insinuate that my course has not
been dictated by the purest patriot
ism. It will not lie the first time that
my conduct as a public man has been
misunderstood or that I have been ma
ligned because of my efforts to save the
country. Because I found it necessary
to the consummation of ray work of
reform to accept office, and did accept
it after exhausting all honorable mmiis
to avoid a pinnacle so distasteful to a
man of my retiring disposition, I was
accused by some base men >f wanting
office, li should not lie surprised if
these traducers go the length of
asserting that my opinion as it jurist
has been colored by a d Mire to remain
in office, an imputation that I shall
spurn with the lofty scorn that befits
my character and tile falsity of the
charge.
That I shall encounter any difficulty
in maintaining the imsition I have
taken, 1 do not for a moment lielieve
even should some he so rash as to dis
pute the correctness of my conclusions.
1 am sure that the people are with me.
They are not forgetful of the things I
have done for them nor untnindful
of the things I have told them before.
The people know that I have often ex
pos*'! 1 conspiracies against their welfare
and their liberties. The people will un
derstand that in this my judgment is as
infallible as iu the past and my mo
tives a* disinterested. While 1 shall
feel a deep sympathy for any of my
brethren of the bar who undertake con
clusions with me upon the legal ques
tion involved, and should prefer to
spare them, 1 can not allow my personal
feelings to swerve me from the path
of duty when called to champion the
rights of the people.
I trust, sir, without seeming egotis
tic, I may remind tin- public that this
will not be the first time in my career
that 1 have risen above racial divisions
iHid animosities and have felt impelled
to take the side of 'the weaker and
darker skinned of my fellownien. It is
the duty and province of the public man
to ignore the color line. In this i can
not claim to be the pioneer in the state.
Other wise and patriotic men pursued
the same course just after tin* civil war;
1 do not claim to do more than emu
late their pure and unselfish example.
I am proud to feel that the mantle of
Tourgee. of Littlefield, of Deweese, has
descended iqxiui my shoulders. I shall
endeavor to show. in. the future as in
the past, that I am not unworthy to
wear it. Panoplied in such armour
■the darts of the demagogue and the
slings of the slanderer will be powerless
to reach or injure me.
This much I have felt it my duty to
say now to relieve the suspense of my
fellow citizens. If, as a result of it,
they shall insist upon' my continuing to
serve in a public capacity I may be in
duced U> do so. I have dedicated ni.v-
H'lf to my country, and to keeping
120,000 negroes in a position where
they can vote for me and restore the
kind of government ,wo had in North
Carolina from 1805 to 1800.
Yours for the good of the People,
BA It ION MUTLER.
FOR THE AMENDMENT.
Hon. A. -V. .Campbell Will Inc in the
Thickest of the Fight Next Year.
Murphy, N. C,. Oct. 5. 1800.
Hon. A. Campi'dll, sometime known
as “Iloola Boom.” writes Labor Sta
tistician Lacy that he has sold the
■Murphy Bulletin and retired from
journalism for the present in order
to devote his time to the mining of
copper in North Carolina.
To the Editor:—The above appeared
in the News and Observer otf the 21st
A. A OAM'PBELIL.
i'lfst., and I 'beg to say that t hat purl inn
of it which 'refers to my having soul the
"Bulletin” is a mista/kc. but was no
doubt believed to he correct by the par
ty who gave yon the in formal ion. 1 sim
ply sob! iiiy old (Washington press, bur
did nut sell tin* title of the Bulletin, ami
don't want to sell it either. From pres
ent indications I think it. very jirohabio
thJt I will have occasion to run tho Bul
letfn cm a oyTimdk'r press' in 1900 to ad%
vocate the adoption of the amendment to
the State Constitution, which if adopt
ed will ]«> calculated to elevate and puri
fy itlv’ ballot l*ox of the old North State.
Very truly,
A. A. CAMPBELL.
THE AMENDMENT.
An Important Part That Seems to Es
cape Notice.
Medora. N. C., Oct. 0, 1890.
To the Editor: In renewing my sule
seriptiou to the Iw-st daily in the State
I wish to call your attention to am im
portant part of the Constitutional
Amendment that no one seems to notice.
In my mind all the wisdom of men could
not draw a compulsory educational bill
that would be as effectual as the passage
of the proposed amendment, and if the
white people don’t watch the negroes
will excel them in common education.
Another important part of the negroes’
welfare is do eliminate him from politics;
they are contented and place all confi
dence in the white n»an until election
comes, when they are fired by inflamma
tory speeches almost to rebellion. They
are ignorant and innocently led to their
detriment by men that have no care for
their welfare whatever. They have real
ized the fact that white men are going
to rule this country and treat, them all
right as far as they merit it. With kind
feelings for the negro I would say be
patient and trust to a higher power that
will do them justice.
JESSE BRAKE.
THE TRINITY COLLEGE STU
DENT.
Washington Messenger.
In reading the mammoth edition of
that most excellent paper, the News and
Observer, we have been forcibly struck
at the 'number of students of Trinity
College that have come to places of hon
or and distinction in the State. Hardly
the write-up of a town appears in its
columns but what the Trinity student
appears ami the doings of the boys that
went from *its historic walls are in
scribe*!, and the part they are acting in
the progress and development in the
State. We are not surprised at this
when we reflect in the long ago these
boys have been trained by a man like
Craven, and are now being fitted for
life’s battle by a Kilgo. No one can
read the pages of this mammoth paper
without Wing struck with the l'aet that
the former students of Trinity College
are playing no small part in the onward
progress of North Carolina, and in the
development of his native State. And
' if we are to judge from the present
outlook of this most excellent school and
the increased attendance tin* important
part the college has played for the up
building of the Old North S'tate is to
continue, and it is to he a ixnver for
good in the future as it lias been in the
past,
A GREAT TOBACCO MARKET.
(Baltimore Sun.)
iWitbin comparatively few years. Win
ston, >N. C., has grown to be one of the
most important tobacco markets in tne
South. For Pile year ended September'”/*,
over eighteen million pounds of leaf to
! baeco wore sold in the Winston ware
houses, and it is expected the sales next
I year will pass the twenty-million mark.
! During the tobacco year just closed,
i Winston shipped 1d,059,942 pounds of
manufactured tobacco, and the revenue
tax aggregated $1,909,792. The ship
ments' of tobacco were larger than the
year previous, as 'were tbe stamp sales.
The figures for the previous year, on
i tobacco, spirit*, cigars, cigarettes and
avar, aggregated $1,150,579.95.
RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, SUNDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 8, 1899.
BRYAN ARRAIGNS
IMPERIALISM
The Value of an American
Soldier’s Life.
A WARNING FROM FRANCE
REPUBLICANS OBJECT TO BEING
CA LLED 1M PERI A LISTS.
THE REPUBLIC IS RUN IN THE INTEREST OF
Syndicates. They have had Rich Pickings ard
Now are Clamoring [for Pastures
New. Imperialism Means Com
petition with Cheap Labor.
(Speech of Mr. Bryan at the . Texas
('arnival.j
“I want to speak of new issues. If we
could go to the country today on the very
same platform that we lmd in 1890 and
have no other issue presented than ihe
issues then presented I believe that we
could win our tight; but providence has
lnien good to us and in the last two years
issues have been presented to ns in ad
dition to those we had in 1890. Wo have
not only grown on the old issues, but we
havN grown on the new ones.
“The Republican party today stands
for a large army. In 1889 we had 25,-
000 soldiers in the regular army ami iu
December, 1898. a Republican president
asked for 100.000 soldiers in thp stand
ing army, making an army four times as
great as in 1890; and if any Republican
tells you that the President wanted
these soldiers to beat, down an uprising
in the Philippines you tell him that- a
Republican President asked for 100,000
soldiers two months before there was
any uprising in the Philippine islands.
At the time the President sent his mes
sage to Congress in the early part of
DeeemWr there was no uprising any
where. The treaty with Spain was
practically agreed upon, and there was
no evidence of any necessity for a l;« s> *
army, except as a permanent policy of
th*‘ government; so that when Mr. Mc-
Kinley-asked l’or tin* army it was not for
an emergency, but it was for the perma
nent, continued policy of the Unites!
States. In other words, we are to
choose between an army of 25.000 and
an army of 100,000. I will venture the
assertion that in any of the nations that
have gone to militarism s>u can not
find an instance where such a large in
crease was demanded. Consider a mo
ment; Grant an increase of 200 |h*v
cent at the very first, step. How easy
it will be to give them one hundred per
cent and double it, and then one hundred
more and double it and .make it 400
per cent! When you start on the road
from dependence on the p**ople to depend
ence oil soldiers, there is no place to
stop until you reach the endurance of the
people. In Eurojw they have an armed
soldier riding iq>on tin- backs of every
toiler. There were men in the Repub
lican party that wanted a large army.
They have wanted it for years, but they
could not get it because there was no
necessity for it: but 'the moment the
Philippine question came how quickly
did they take advantage of it and. hid
ing behind what they called a necessity,
they then demanded this increase that,
they have wanted for many years. T
don’t believe the laboring men of this
Union will look with favor upon this
attempt to make a groat military es
tablishment which, when created, will
not only be a burden to the producers
of wealth, but will be a menace to their
government itself.
“Some one has referred tonight to the
case of France. There we find a great
army demanding the conviction of an
innocent man and, my friends, the
French president had to immediately
] air don the convicted man out of respect,
for the protests of the civilised world
against militarism (cheers) and when in
this Union we have a great standing
army we would have a horde of life
holding officers. When we have a horde
of soldiers, we will not only have the bur
den that is borne in other nations, but
a grave menace to the very life of our
government, and also, my friends, if wo
have an imperial policy we will have a
larg*> standing army. You never can
reduce the army below 100,000. It will
be constantly augmented if this Nation
enters upon an imperial policy.
“And let me say a word here about
the word imperialism. Our opponents
don’t like to be called imperialists. 1 aim
not surprised. 1 have known them be
fore to object to words that described
them. I remember that in 1899 they did
not. want to be called ‘goldbugs;’ they
wanted to be called advocates of sound
money and of an honest dollar, but they
did not want to be called ‘goldbugs.’ It
was not until after the election that,
they blossomed out as goldbugs and,
pointed' to 'the victory for the gold
standard. And now they don't want
to be called imperialists; they* say they
are expansionists. Well, they don’t seen*
to be expansionists. The word don't
fit. If wo were going up rn the wiilds of
Cauada and take a stretch of country to
la* settled by American citizens it would
be expansion—it would be extending the
limits of tin* republic—butt when wo
cross the ocean it is not expansion", it
is imperialism. It is imperialism and
no other term describes it.
“What defense do they givt* for an im
perial policy? Not one iu ten will give
aay defense at all. The first man you
meet tells you that it is too lute to dis
cuss the question because tin* treaty set
tled that. The next man tells you that
it is not time to discuss it yet because
the Filipinos have not laid down their
arms and the third one says that while
he does not know what is going to la*
done, that, ho lias implicit confidence in
the President. (Laughter.)
“It is hard to get. a nurti to defend
imperialism, but when you get a man
who has the audacity to defend an im
perial policy you will find that he will
make one of three defenses; I have
never heard but three defenses of impe
rialism. Tin* first is the financial argu
ment; that there is money in it. The
second' is the religious argument; that
God is in it. The third is the political
argument, that we are in it ami can t
get out of it. (Laughter.) These are
the only three reasons that I have ever
heard given.
"Let m<* say a word about expansion.
My friends, I don’t like 'to discuss a
great question on the low plane of dol
lars and cents. If I were to ask you what
you thought of the comimandmenlt,
'Thou shalt. not kill,’ would you get a
lead pencil and paper and try to figure
up the amount to be stolen and the
chances of being caughjt before you
would give me an answer? To me it
seems an absurdity for a man to begin
to calculate in dollars and cents the
wisdom of an imperial policy.
"In 1899 they denounce*! the Chicago
platform. Some ministers denounced it.
One Eastern said that the plat
form was written un liell; another said
that the devil wrote it and the last re
mark 1 felt to la* a little personal, be
cause a part of it I helped to write. I
do not believe that a single plank vio
lates the ten command intents or the
moral law and if you can show me a
plank in that platform which violates
any of the commandments or any moral
precept 1 am willing to abandon it and
never again advocate it. But there is
no such plank in that platform; no mat
ter what you may think of that plat
form the party’s jwisition upon the ques
tions are set forth so that no Republican
can urge that about it. f l he position is
this: That this country can not afford
to sell its birthright for a mess of jKit
age. But if there is any Republican
here who can not climb upon that high
platform I will suggest a low one that
he ought to la* aide to climb on, and
that is that you ought never do wrong
unless if does pay. And then I challenge
you to show that it does pay to carry on
an imperial policy. Any man who de
fends imperialism from the low stand
point of dollars and cents must show
how much it will cost to conquer eight
million Malays seven thousand miles
away from our shores, scattered over one
thousand two hundred islands. living un
der a tropical sun and fighting in the
protection of the jungle. You. must show
how long it will take and how much it
will cost in men and in money, and
then you have got to place an estimate
upon the lives that will be sacrificed.
“You tell me there is money in it!
What is the life of an American sol
dier worth? Conceive, if you can, of
the man who would put a money value
upon the men of his neighborhood and
then estimate there was money in it.
(Wild yells.) How much will itt cost?
You can not tell, but if you could esti
mate in dollars and cents the amount it
would cost to conquer and reconquer,
you would tltm have to estimate what
you are going to get back, the time in
which you are going to get: back more
than you spent and then, you would have
to find out who is going to get the
money that you will take out in return
for the money you spent. If you do
this, you would find that the people that
pay the taxes would spend what you
spend and the people who run the syn
dicates would get back what you get
hack.
“This Nation has been run for the
last ten or fifteen years in the inter
est of the syndicate**. They have had
rich picking in this country and I am
not willing to change our form of gov
ernment in or*ft*r to give those syndicates
pastures green across the ocean. I am
not walling that the people of this coun
try should he bound with an enormous
army and witl\ the expenses of imperial
ism in order that a few syndicates may
be permitted to organize banks, and elec
tric light plants, and street railways ami
factories in the Orient, and if any man
tells you that there as going to be profit
there I want him to know that it will
be capital and not labor that xvill go
to the I’h.ilippine islands. Not an Am
erican citizen will go there to work for
his living. If an American citizen goes
there it will he to work for somebody
else who lives over there. They will
send capital there, not labor, and every
dollar of capital that goes out of this
country to the Philippines lessens by just
so much thi’ capital in this country
to develop tlnis country and give em
ployment to American laborers. Not
only docs it mean this, but it also means
that it will open in this country labor
to the cheap competition that comes
from the Orient.
“We decided that the Chinese were not
good enough, when they wanted to come
iu, but our Republican friends waut to
make the Filipino come when he does not
want 'to come. If we made laws to ex
clude a few Chinese, should we reach
out and force these people there to come
in? You tell me that country will fur
nish a home for our surplus population.
1 tell you that you have not studied the
experience of other nations. Here is
Jamaica not far from our shores with
all the blessings of an Anglo-Saxon dom
ination. and yet there are 900,000 black
people there and only 14,000 white is-o
pb*. Java, under The Netherlands for
200 years, lias 25,000,000 brown people
and less than (30,000 of white people.
Take the Philippine islands with their
8,000.000 of people* 50,000 Spaniards
and 5.000 half-breeds, yet under Spanish
rule for 200 years. Take India with its
300,000,000 of people and 100,000 of
British birth.”
HE LAUDS DEWEY,
’ CONDEMNS OTIS
Mac Queen’s High Opinion of
Our Admiral.
FULFILLED HIS PLEDGES
FILIPINOS SATISFIED WHILE HE
WAS IN COMMAND.
THE “DEVILMENT” BEGUN BY MERRITT
“If Dewey Had Been a Commission of One We
Could have Got Aguinaldo.'' Custom
House Scandals. Autonomy
Under Arrarica’s Wing.
(New York World.)
Somerville, Mass., Oct. 4.—The Rev.
Peter MaeOuoen. who spent several
months in the Philippines among the
leading American officers and civil offi
cials and with the Filipinos, today gave
to The World correspondent a detailed
reiHirt of his investigations and the con
clusions which he has formed.
Mr. Mae Queen has been interviewed
frequently since his return from the
Philippines, but claims that his views
have been nearly always misrepresented.
This is the first statement that he has
given out.
“The people of this country,” he says,
started in at Manila with a sincere
purpose to do justice to the Filipinos.
“As long as Admiral Dewey was in
full charge every pledge was fulfilled,
the Filipinos, were universally satisfied.
With the coming of General Merritt the
devilment began.
"This General is described to me by
the best men of our land as ‘a haughty
martinet.’ lie it was who sent his in
ferior officers to negotiate with Agmnal
do. and then, when Aguinaldo came for
the fulfillment of agreements made by
the officers thus sent, Gem Merritt
haughtily said that he had had no deal
ings with the insurgents.
FIRST POINT OF FRICTION.
“Gen. Merritt thrust aside the Filipino
generals and placed Col. Du B*h'**, of
the First Califomias, in the insurgent
trenches nearest the sea, in front of Ma
nila. Col. Du Boce told me that was
the first point of friction.
“When war begau Aguinaldo besought
Gen. Otis for God's sake to have a con
ference and stop the slaughter. Otis re
fused.
“Be it said on our side, the Filipinos
were very insolent. No other soldiers in
the world would have stood so much.
“Our army, mostly of volunteers, was
one of the la*st fighting machines that
ever went into battle. They were brave,
they were just, they were magnanimous.
But they would pick up things in houses
.and churches just to have for keepsakes.
So the Filipinos got the idea when we
took most of the things out: of their
houses that we were inveterate thieves.
“When Gen. Lawton arrived in Luzon
everybody expected him to assume en
tire command of the army. If this had
been done, there is no manner of doubt
in any fair mind that the war would
have ended pretty quickly.
OTIS MAKES ALL HIS ENEMIES.
“Gen. Otis has the unfortunate ability
of making everybody he meets his
enemy. Lawton does not criticise him,
but any one can see that lie is vexed
and embarrassed by the pettiness of the
palace.
-The Peace Commissioners were very
estimable men, but they came too late.
They were not trained diplomats.
“If Dewey, with his marvellous ge
nius for saying anil doing the right
things, bail l>e**n a commission of one,
we could have got Aguinaldo.
“As it was Otis was too busy, Denby
was too old, Worcester was too much
alter bugs and pictures, Dewey was too
tired, and Sehurmaiui was too er**dulous
"1 went with an army of 1.500 men,
one of whose avowed objects was to dis
tribute peace proclamations. We killed
150 Filipinos, wounded 300, and distrib
uted one proclamation, hut that was to
a blind man who could not read.
"The generals of the Filipinos are
young men. Revolutions build their
nests in young brains. In strategy Pio
del Pilar and Luna have shown them
selves equal to our best men. In diplo
macy Paterno is clearly ahead of any
one hut Dewey.
CENSORSHIP TOO STRICT.
“The press censorship was far too
strict. Bass, Collins, McCuteheon find
all the others who signed the round robin
1 can vouch were careful, honest men.
The whole American public lias been
mulcted of news by this silly censor
ship. Aguinaldo gets bis news directly
from tin* palace. This is cheaper than
by wire from America, and more relia
ble.
“The custom-house is a, seething abom
ination and a scum. I ft 1 ways lost every
thing 1 had coming through it. It is
run by military incompetents. One chief
ran it a few months, and then tried to
start a hank. People say they are not
honest. 1 know they are not polite.
"The Filipinos like their own priests,
hut hate Spanish friars as the gates' of
hell. Every Ih>dy l met among the na
tives was a good Catholic. I often mot j
our American priests on tin* field. They i
seemed to lit* hard wording men and
jtook great care of the wounded and the
SECTION ONE—Pages I to 8.
PRICE FIVE CENTS.
dead of both sides. The American priests
had more power than the Spanish priests
with the natives.
“There are Americans going into Ma
nila who do not represent even the aver
age class of Americans citizens. Take
some of the civilians. There are a Mr.
Brown, whose name is Baranski, and a
Mr. Carmen associated together in the
American Commercial Cone I have
it on the authority of M in and
Timothy W. Coakley, of £ dppines-
Ameriean Company, w* ■*?* men and
Brown sell tomatoes * ° > per ease,
whereas the duty is* o*es as $8 per
case. J
THE PROSJ’ > CARMEN.
“It is said t' .S' 1 Carmen came to
Manila six mom's' /> a penniless man,
and that today he * *s a monopoly of the
Nipa Thatch and the caseos for transi>or
tation of the Pasig river. .Mr. Brown is
often seen with American officers, when
these, officers are. intoxicated, taking
them to their homes. I have watched
him thus again and again.
“Mr. Brown is connected with the sa
loon business, and that is the business
which flourishes best in Manila.
“The abuses referred to are undoubt
edly epused by the fact that we retain
the impractical duties of the Spanish
regime in force. These duties are levied
not only on foreign nations sending in
produce, but also upon the produce of
Spain. Heretofore everything in the
line of Spanish groceries and provisions
came in free of duty; hence table living
was cheap. Now we have ungodly du
ties on condensed milk, canned tomatoes,
etc.
“There is no use* in any American citi
zen trying to get into Luzon just now
to start in business, lieeause, if he takes
in his merchandise honestly through the
custom-house, it would be* impossible for
him to make a living.
“1 know that some of our soldiers
oftentimes levy black mail on the people
of the city, going, for example, into a
Chinaman's house and charging him s•>
for the tax of his piano. So much is
this carried on that tt day or two before
I came a.way the walls of Manila were
plastered with a proclamation of Gen.
Otis calling attention to the that
no citizens should,pay taxes to any one
except at the places established by the
Government.
NATIVES WANT AUTONOMY.
“I think the people in the islands- gen
erally would rather have an autono
mous government under an American
protectorate than anything like a colo
nial or annexation arrangement.
“I am inclined to think that their na
tional aspirations art* very much strong
er than most people imagine. However,
it looks reasonable to nn* that, with a
large and efficient army, order can he
restored and Aguinaldo’a army captured.
“Then it will depend upon how justly
the iH’ople we send there treat the Fili
pinos. Nobody could justly have the
opinion that either the American Gov
ernment or people mean to oppress the
inhabitants of the Philippines, hut many
of the agents sent there are undoubtedly
corrupt.
"For instance, I saw on the books of
the Red Cross Society of California an
account of how two young fellows, one
an army officer and the other a Red
Cross officer, had stolen tin* supplies of
the Red Cross, sold them, and had gone
into business anil were now prosjierous
business men in Manila. As long as
such dishonesty and cruelty are possi
ble with our soldiers and civilians, I
do not think there will be any lasting
peace in the Philippines.
‘"But I do think that if the campaign
was given into the hands of one man
who was convjxdent to run the army, and
another man who was competent to run
the civil administration, we could have
peace. *
“There is a good deal of jealousy be
tween the high officers of the army, and
that makes it difficult to force matters
to a focus with the Filipinos.
"If the dispatches are true that Y\ hca
ton, Lawton and Mae Arthur are to have
separate commands, each one with full
power, 1 do not think it is in human
nature that they should work in har
mony.
OTIS sfIOULD GO.
“It seems unfortunate to retain Gen.
Otis in command of the Philippines. Ho
may have all the qualifications and have
the confidence of the Government, but,
inasmuch as he has entirely lost the
confidence of the soldiers and civilians
in the Philippines, I think we will find
it more difficult to handle things with
him as Governor-General than we would
if we had a new man—a man like Gen.
Leonard Wood or Gen. Irving Hale.
"1 do not agree witll Dr. Sehurmanui
if he thinks that the sphere of hostility
to America in the Philippines is a small
one.
“The natives of all tin* islands 1 visit
ed. Cebu. Negros. Pony, Sulu and Lu
zon. seepied to feel that we are the ag
gressors, except the people of Jolo. who
do not believe that we are going to es
tablish a very firm government over
them, or one distinctly American.
"Towards the end of July in Manila
the soldiers seemed to degenerate. Ihe
war began to assume the ugly phases of
a race war. The new regiments do not
have the calibre of men which the volun
teers hail. They are much apt to kick
and cuff the natives. Langley Jones, of
the Associated Press, assures me that In*
saw on the Kscolta, from his rooms in
the English hotel, over a hundred un
justifiable assaults by Americans on the
Filipinos.
“An American chaplain in Malahon,
whose name I withhold, told me that in
his first parish work he had been told
bv the natives of Mala bon that their
wives and daughters had been assaulted
by our soldiers. He could only authen
ticate five cases.
A PSYCHOLOGICAL QUESTION.
“We need to study the question psy
chologically. These people are not as
our people. Our very voices rasp them.
(Continued on Second Fage.)