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COMMUNICATIONS Recent events of interest and Importance re. tall let of political resolutions passed by (he Legislature of 1S43, and bearing the imposing title "Resolutions of Instruction." If instruc tion be used in its common signification, the pro. priety of this title may well be doubted ; unless, as lueus, a non lucendo, it is applied in a ludicrous sense to call attention to its Cramer's genius for detofrhiriifig tlie minimum of instruction possible to be conveyed in two pages of legislation. If in struction here, be technical, even then I hesitate in pronouncing for the beauty of the phrase ; as it Wold seem from the first resolution that its drawer had no.rery cleat idoa of that doctrine as held in tha ranks ofthe Democracy. Supposing his notions of the limitations proper te the right of instruction to be eorrfict, I yield to the charitable hypothesis only (tnder the vulgar protestation that he has a very bad way of showing it. The Resolution is this : . ... ' 1. Rewired, That the Legislating of this Stale have a right to instruct the Senators of this State in Congress, whenever in the opinion of the Legislature thev misrepresent the wishes of the State, or the magnitude of the occasion shall require such instruc tions ; and that it is the duty of the Senators to obey the instructions given, or to resign their seats : Pro vided, the instructions to be given snd obeyed require not the Senator to commit a violation of the Constitu tion, or an act of moral turpitude." It is worthy of remark that the right is not claimed as Constitutional, depending for is exer citt only "on the opinion of the Legislature;" but With a hardihood of assertion much needed by the occasion, wholly unprecedented however, in the annals of the Legislature, and, really, most ex traordinary in the mouths ol strict constructionists, the verv right itself is said to depend on"th opinion of the Legislature." Then, if that Body Is of opinion that a Senator misrepresents a State, it has a right to instruct him; if it be thought that he represents the Slate, and the contingency of " magnitude, &c," do not occur, it has no right to instruct him ; and so long as it is uncertain bow the Legislature will decide, the existence of the tight will be uncertain. The highest toned Federalism never broached a doctrine about the powers 8nd strength of government so monstrous as this child of the Modern Democracy. " l'ar Hanientary magic" in monarchical Countries, shrinks into pitiful imbecility by the side of this dogma uf Legislative omnipotence. Such, how IBVer, is the doctrine solemnly adapted by the Democratic parly in North Carolina at a time when their experience, hopes, and fears combined to impress them with the neccssi'y of rendering their principles rather more tasteful to the (sovereignty. Whigs may well rejoice that it is in the natural progress of political, as well as of moral obliquity, that men become "treacherous without art and hypocrites without deceivirg." The resolution says that the right of instruc tion exists whenever the Senator misrepresents the wishes of the State, or the magnitude of the'OJ cation shall require such instructions. In grasping at the meaning of strict Constructionists io their declarations of Constitutional rights, nothing' can fee more-fair or more natural than jo use their town formula, expressio unius est exclusioallerius. Applying this test to the declaration above, it is obvious to remark that if the right of instruction can be supported -at all, it extends as well to small as to great occasions is as valid when the State is represented as when it is misrepresented. Vhen tha Legislature has personal or local pre-. ."judices to subserve as when it is instigated by political differences. The claim is broad, and it cannot seriously be denied that under it a Legis lature composed in greater part of Western mem bers has all the power to turnout a Senator whose residence is in Ciirrituck, that a Demo cratic majority has to instruct a Whig. Possibly, it is because of this reduclio ad absurdum of the light, that the Solons of 1842 endeavored to uiako a distinction, supply the place of a difference in their persuasion oPthepublic that lhey had 'divided what is, necessarily, an individual. Another Democratic feature about this resolu tion is, that the right of instruction is affiruJed, not when the people are mispresented, but when, in the opinion of the Legislature, they are misre presented. Herein is implied that North Caro lina has appointed the Legislature her attorney, not only to make laws and elect Senators, but also to do her thinking ; otherwise, it is an im pertinent assumption on the part of that Body, conveying some idea on their part that the State is in a condition of infancy or idiocy, or, perhaps, lias unfortunately fallen into her dotage. Of course, as in 194!, this opinion as to representa tion or misrepresentation will depend on the fact of agreement or disagreement between the Sena tor and the' Legislature, and I hope to make it appear in the sequel that the politics of that Honorable Body do not of necessity correspond with those of the State. Here then is another absurditi'aiid it may well be said that the lan- ' guage of the resolution teems with absurdities which are not necessarily incidental te the doc trine of instruction ; it affirms the right when the State and Senator are Whig and the Legislature Democratic, and denies it when the State ia Whig and the Legislature and Senator Democratic . Were the vis emetica, contained in this one reso. lution, extracted, and divided into minute doses, there would be enough to nauseate every Con stitutional republican in the world. Having commended to general attention the Milesian elegance with which the Proviso de clares that in certaincases the resolutions "to te obeyed" are not to be pbeyed, a remark or so upon its conclusion will end this criticism on the -language of the Resolution. If an ordinary mean- ing be attached to the expression " violation of the Constitution, or an act of moral turpitude," then this plea for instruction sins against Air. Stephen's rdle about surplusage. It has always been admitted that any law violating a Constitu tion, or commanding a crime, is void. An ex cessive care of the Constitution, or of morality is notoriously suspicious and nooffence is intended by saying in this connection thai I trust the day will never come when Democracy shall so com pletely have conquered every obstacle in North Carolina, as to be allowed to progress to the same unconstitutional and criminal excesses which have marked its dominion in several members of our confederacy. But there is another though a less obvious translation to be given to these words. Were it not for them, some might suppose the theory f instruction to be as promising to the Whigs as the Democrats. These effectually re move such an impression. Instruction. Ifke a ratchet-wlieel, moves but in wis direcii m. Demo, crals, as other quacks, religinu.ly abstain from the in of jtbeir own medicines. The. doctrine operates Hpon Whip; Senators like a charm ; it allslhem from the wstjr deep ; and being call. ed, they come. But under tn nappy tonuence oi the words above, a sturdy Democrat (nay stt on- mrml dorimr tha whole Senatorial term. It nas Ion? been notorious that ill measures proposed by Whig Administrations are UrfamatitUtional ; all opppsition to Democratic policy ft tainted with faction and moral turpitude. Could any thing be more fortunate for the Democratic expositors of the doctrine of instruction! If & Whig Legis ture instructs a Democratic Senator to vote for a National Batik, or a Revenue Tariff with Inci dental Protection, as such measure is unconstitu. tional, the case is clearly included by tie Proviso. If the eame gentleman should be instructed to vote against the admission of Texas, or the pro longation of an unnecessary war, such vote in volving great moral turpitude, he need neither obey nor resign. The mere statement of such doctrines is all that is necessary to exhibit tbeir ridiculousness to the height. Heretofore I have been engaged in cutting off the heads of this Hydra, I will now endeavor to make a moro serious demonstration against that which gives life and vigour to these monstrous developments. . Two important objections may be raised to the doctrine of Legislative Instruction as held in North Carolina. The first is that our General Assembly is not necessarily an index of thepo litical sentiments of our Slate. The second is that, even if the first objection were invalid the right of instruction has not been granted to the Legislature. If the first "object ion be true, the doctrine is in conflict with good sense ; if the second be good, it is at war with the Constitution. I hope to show that it is both. Our system of Legislative representation is based on the three elements territory, Federal population, and taxation. The two first enter into the composition of tho House of Commons, the last alone determines the allotment of the Senate. Every County, as such, is entitled to one member in the Commons; the relative federal population determines the adJition of others. Orange, as "a County, has one member; her federal population, being about 110,000, gives her the other three. The federal population of Hert ford entitles her to no additional member, so in the Commons she is represented by one only. Members of the SeBate are distributed according to tho amount of public taxes paid by the different Counties. Under such an arrangement, Orange and Hertford each have one. Then, with 3500 voters, Orange has fie representatives in the General Assembly, t fiat is, one representative to every 700 voters; with COO Hertford lias two, or one to every 300 voters. Hertford, Jones and Carteret, with 1750 voters, balance Orange, with twice as many ; and over balance Ashe, Cleave land.'Dwvie and Yancy, with more than 4,000. Is not this an expcrtinentum cruets in the in quiry a&Jo the representation of the political opinion of the State by that of the Legislature ! Nothing is more obvious tlan that a minority of trie voters in the Mate fciiU a majority ot the Legislature ; and hence, that those who are in a political minority as regards the people, may be in . a majority in the Legislature. Owing to another defect, inseparable from the system of County representation, our State might be Whig by ten or twenty thousand majority in the popu lar vote, and then never have a Whig Legisla ture. For instance, Guilford, Wilkes, Iredell, Burke, Rutherford, and Randolph may send their eighteen members year after year, by an aggre gate majority of 6.500, but w hen they arrive in Raleigh they would .find their opinion of the re presentation or niispreseutation of the State ef fectually controlled by the voices of the twenty three members from Orange, Surry, Stokes, Granville, Wake, and Robeson representing an aggregate majority of 500. Compare the popu lar vote in the twelve Counties, and there is a majority of Bix thousand for a tariff; yet in the Legislature, a majority office would say that " in its opinion" a tariff Senator misrepresented the wishes of the State ! Such is the theory with regard to the relative composition of the Legis lature and the voting population. It is natural to inquire whether we have no history in correspon dence with such hypothesis! For the last six terms our elections for Governor have occurred at the same time ith thai for members of the Legislature. These elections have invariably turned upon the divisions in politics. Since 1840, both candidates have been required to canvass the Stale, and publicly declare their several opin ions on every matter within the range of either Stale or National politics. Partisan presses and stump speakers of every grade of ability have taken care to inform the people of the exact issue pending between the candidates. This issue has been decided invariably in favor of the Whigs, by majorities ranging from three to ten thousand. Another fact bearing upon the question, of rela tive importance as tests of the political wishes of the State, between the elections of the Legisla ture and that of the Governor, is that local matters are far more apt to disturb the former. In 1842, although a Democratic Assembly was elected, yet Gov. Morehead, a warm partisan in the ex citing contest of 1810, and weir known as a sound Whig, received a majority of more than 4,000 vot es over a deeply dyed Democrat of great "repute with his party. Kach hud been nominated by a forma, political State Convention ; both canvassed the State ; they met at several places, and freely discussed the merits of their respective tenets. Both made favorable impressions from the stump, and local or personal causes influenced the result as lit I Jet as was perhaps possible. Un der such circumstances nothing is more probable than that tho result proved the State to be Whig. The Legislature however, owing to causes re ferred to above, was Democratic, by a majority on' joint ballot, I believe, a little exceeding thirty. Of this majority : Ilurke, .vhich rave Morehead a thai, of 1 1 15, sent 1 i liainain " " Orange " " Granville " Surry ' Northampton " " Currituck & Camden " Hertford " Moore , " " Jones &. Carteret " 285, l " 1(14, ' 4 43. 4 " 34, " 4 " 102, " 3 " 82, l Gl, l " 17, 1 " 128, ' 1 That is 12 Counties giving Morehead a ma jority of nearly 2,000 votes, sent 21 Democrats to the Legislature. Each of the Counties gave a majority for a Whig, Tariff Governor j ihe re presentalivcs of the Counties voted resolutions condemning a Tariff, and expressing "an opinion'' that the Slate condemned jt. To say the least of this vote, it was a farce. Had the Democratic legislators, above enumerated, been chosen in conformity with the apparent politics of the several Counties, the Legislature would have been Whig, and the Resolutions would have been laid on the table., After what has now been said, it is unnecessary to observe that the doctrine of Legislative instruction Is practical absurdity; ationof the politics of our Senators, w should and) that if ever the peculiarities of an; one oc- not accuse the Democrats of too much kindness casion could lend it an additional linge of ridicu- towards these gentlemen, but rather suppose, a lousness, that time was, the era of Democratic theory supported by the partiality of the Democ supremacy in 181'2 emphatically, as has since racy for English, that our Legislators had some repeatedly been ghown, the winter of North Caro- Vague notion that instruct, tcqUisl stoi require lina's discontent. , j conveyed essentially the same meaning. How. But, even could we suppose that . the Legists- ever that may be, it is no portion of the defined tore always represented the political opinions of duties or privileges of the Executive to play the our people, it is contended that Legislative in- part of Postmaster to the General Assembly ; if struction is not a Constitutional right. The doc- it ever has acted under Resolutions similar to trine of instruction is well known to the Consti- these, it was because a request has been treated tutionof North Carolina. The eighteenth section with corresponding courtesy. Surely, it is an ex of 'Cut Bill of Rights provides " that .the pidple ercise of some courtesy for a Whig Governor to have a right to assemble together to Consult for . be an agent in giving solemnity to an act he be. their common good, to instruct their representa- j lieves to be of questionable authority. If circum tives, &c." This species of instruction is Simple, stances could confer additional Unpleasantness on well defined, and in perfect harmony with the j the agency, it would be when a Governor, tender spirit of our institutions, It says, in effect, that t ofthe reputation of the Commonwealth over which those who are to feel the effects of any lino, of ( he presided, was required to expose to the criti policy have a right to give direction tothat policy; cisra and ridicule of the Union, a set of badly that the right to exercise ail act of sovereignty, shall reside with the sovereign power j that, if the people have representatives, whether in their individual capacity acitizens, or their collective capacity as a State, whether for State or for Na tional objects, ihey have a right to gie them in struction. I see IK) where that the representa tives of the persorts have any right to instruct the representatives of the property, or the repre sentatives of the Stale; or that the representa tives for State matters have the power to instruct those, who are entrusted with the concer of the Union.- The attention of one set of officers is directed exclusively to affairs of the State ; that of the other to the affairs of the Union. The Leg islature lias as much to do with the Tariff, as Congress has with the mode of administering justice in the County Court In accordance with this view 1 contend that the Legislature has no right as such to pass Resolutions on tho Tariff; il is a sper.ial agent of tho people and suCh act is extra official, and must be held to resolve it into 'a self constituted political Convention. Jn the election of United States Senators too, the Geaeral Assembly loses its Legislative character in that of an agent. The agency is . limited to the case of a vacancy, and the right of criticising the conduct of nil elected Senator can ho pointed out nowhere. Surely, this fart, unaccompanied by the reservation in the Bill of Rights is de cisive of t lie claim in the opinion of all, and es pecially ofthe disciples of strict construction. When to this it is added that the Tight is, as quoted above, expressly reserved to the peOplp, I hope that no offence is committed against tftith or propriety in saying that nothing out of Euclid is more akin to demonstration than this argument against the doctrine of legislative Instruction. This claim, stripped of i;. unnecessary forms and fictions, is that of a right to turn a Senator out of office. ' Such an act, in its simplest form, all agree to be unconstitutional The Q,uacks4sn of Democracy, however, warrant their pill to be sn innocent, vegetable compound, incapable of in juring the Constitution ; they have a pleasant way of getting in the field by going around the fence; in hunting phrase, they bark their victim no mark of a ball can be discerned, not a hair is dis placed, nor a drop of blood seen to pollute the bo iy, y et energy and life have vanished. Members of the Bar will understand me when I say.-that "the right of Instruction" is a sort of constitu tional fine or common-recovery, by which the for mula of some jargon of right, instruction, duty, obedience, and resignation being duly observed, a State Legislature is enabled to over-ride the re quisitions of the United States' Constitution. I object still further to this doctrine of Instruc tion, because, if it were Constitutional, some me thod of enforcing it would have been provided. To every Constitutional right is attached some method of enforcement. I believe that the advo cates of Legislative Instruction have not yet so completely burlesqued it as to put forth this addi tional claim. To recapitulate : the people of North Caroli na have not delegated the right of Instruction on the contrary, they have it expressly reserved ; the right as claimed, is not such in fact, being, no toriously, unaccompanied by a Constitutional rem edy ; if the grant was contained in the State Con stitution, es conflicting with the United States' Constitution, it would he void ; if the grant was common to both Constit utions, nothing could hin der its exercise from being frequently a practical absurdity. : So much for the doctrine of Instruction, as commonly understood, I have had occasion to remark before, that it is not intelligcntlycontend- cd for, in the Resolution before us. I have been forced to make allowances for the well known antipathies of Democrats to every thing English, and make a violent presumption of intention. As regards expression, the Resolution is a labyrinth; in politics, it is an ill-digested farrago. If the word instruct, in the first part of the sentence, mean instruct, as commonly taken, then it is obvious to remark on the ridiculousness of contrasting the known duly, with Ihe apparent ability of the Le gislature ; the mere absence of presumption too, would have suggested the insertion of the words attempt to before instruct; the same trait, too, would have prevented that amiable, but by no means brilliant, body, from pressing a claim to be he"Srd tipon any occasion of magnitude. Lastly, it is worthy of observation, that if such be the meaning of instruct in this place, the" high sound ing claim sets forth only ihe right of the Legis lature to pass political Resolutions or, more sim ply Resolved, That we have a right to resolve. But I suppose instruct here to be technical ; as such, comprehending the whole doctrine of obe dience or resignation, it renders the second part of the sentence clumsily unnecessary so that in truth, the first" nineteen words are all that are re quisite in asserting the claim; the other six'y eight being not only an inelegant addition, but also pro ductive of confusion, apparently to writer as well as to reader. The Resolutions themselves, re quire but a passing notice. The second, third and fourth, against indirect taxation and the Ta riff of 1342, have been commented on at the ballot-box, and with some force too, on the first ThursdafoTAugust 1844, November 1844, and August 1840. The last Resulution, in which the Governor is ''required" to forward these Resolu tions to our Senators in Congress, displays wan ton insolence to that Officer.: especially as the word require, used in reference to him, is con trasted with that of request to the Senator to lay the Resolutions before the Senate. However, it is natural for North Carolina Democrats to dis like Governors: in 1848 our State will have had but one Democratic Governor (and he but for single year) in sixteen years ; so we will pardon their impudence, to human nature. Again, they felt they had as much right to require the Gov. ernor,as to instruct the Senators) and in this they were undoubtedly correct. Lastly, in consider- written and badly conceited political Resolutions. As 1 remarked at first, recent events have call ed the doctrine of Instruction to our attention ; as the Resolutions of 1842 contain the latest ex position of that doctrine in. our State, that atten tion has been more particularly directed to them. I could wish that these were more obviously the offspring of industry and acuteness. In themselves valueless, the Resolutions obtain importance from their attempt to express an extraordinary political doctrine ; fioin being adopted by the oracles of a great parly and from their bping appealed to in difficulties with an habitual deference. I have scanned these relics of a departed power, with feelings similar to those with which an antiquary may be supposed to criticise an ancient penny, newly turned up near what was in old time, the seat of feudal splendor. As money, its constitu ent brass or copper renders it worthless ; as a specimen of the art of coining, it cau only excite laughter ; but the rude figure, and faintly traced motto, compensate a thousand fold its meanness in other respects. This shapeless peice ef cop. per, perhaps, displays the countenance of that en ergetic defender of his country, well known in English History as the " Unrnady ;' here, again, may live in brass the features of the lovely IJar dacantite the accompanying motto may refer to his chivalrous revenge on the dead body of his predecessor, or that briJIiant festival where he suddenly dropped dead in his drunkenness It is so, in some measure, with these Resolutions Besides their exoteric display of inability and ar rogance, open to all at the first perusal, there are esoteric phenomena of Democracy, Latitudinari anism and Progress, with a markedly utiamiable designation to the only period for twelve years in which Locofocoism sat uncontrolled in the Coun cils of this Slate. FALKLAND. LATER FROM MEXICO. By our correspondents at Pensacola we learn that the Steam Frigate Mississippi, Capt. Fitz hugh, arrived at that port on Wednesday, the 19th inst. She left the squadron off Vera Cruz the 13th inst., and made the run to Pensacola in four days and a half. By this arrival the news which we recently received irom Vera Cruz, rta Havana, is fully confirmed. All Hie troops in the Caslle, the City and the neighborhood of the City, have declared for Santa Anna.; By this arrival we learn with pain of the loss of Midshipman WingatMlsbury. of the Missis, sippi. He was drowned on the 24th ult., with one of boat's crew, while in. chase of a strange sail. The boat in a-squall capsized, and all hands were compelled to save themselves by clinging to the sides of the boat. While in this situation, Midshipman Pillsbury, observing one of the hands nearly exhausted and about to let go, cheered him up and surrendered to him his own place. While looking out for another for himself, a heavy sea struck him, carrying him off from the boat, and he soon sunk to rise no more. Midshipman Pillsbury was from the State of Me., and had been nearly five years in the service. Picayune, A Ludicrous Mistake A Cincinnati groce ry house, finding out that Cranberries command ed six dollars per bushel, and under the impres sion thai they could be bought to advantage at St Mary's, wrote out to a customer acquainting him with the fact, and requesting him to send "one hundred bushels per Simmons," (the wag oner usually sent.) The correspondent, a plain, uneducated man, had considerable difficulty in decyphering the fashionable scrawl common with merchant's clerks of late years, and the most im portant word '" Cranberries," he failed to make out, but he did plainly and clearly read one hun dred bushels Persimmons. As the ariicle was growingall around him, all the boys in the neigh borhood were set gathering i', and the wagoner made his appearance in due time in Cincinnati, with eighty bushels, all thai the wagon bed would hold, and a line from the country nier chant that the remainder would follow the next trip. Anexplanationsnofi erfsued but the custom er insisted that the Cincinnati house should have written by Simmons, and not per Simmons. The Arkansas Intelligencer reports that Capt. Le.avitt and his frieniln, eleven in number, who started for California last April, have been mur dered by the Camanches. A party of those sav ages was seen in possession of their guns and other arms, and the traders of Little River, in the Seminole country, believe them to be murdered. Some of Mr. Leavitt's friends tried to persuade him to return, as his party was too weak for so hazardous a trip, but he refused, and determined to proceed at all hazards. ' "WHIG ORGANIZATION.'!1 Tho Union says " the Whigs will no disarm or disband." No, indeed, they will not. Of that the Union may rest assured. They stand anivnis opilusque jarati. Their principles are immuta ble, and will last as Iftng as the constitution of their country. Their task is to defend and to pre serve. It matters;. not to them in whose hands the Executive power of the Government may be placed, their duty is still the same. Alexandria Gazelle, Extract from a speech delivered by George M. Dallas, from the door of his house, Lthe Demo cratic procession, on the evening afterihe Presi dential election, in favor of the tariff of '42 : " Gentlemen : The Tariff of '42 is a Democratic measure J it was passed by the Democrats, and it will be safe in the hands' qf James K Polk. If the Ta riff is not high enough, we will make it still higher. Extract from a speech delivered before the Senate, on the 28th of July, 1846, previous to giving the casting Vote to destroy the Tariff of 42 : " The responsibility is great, and I feel it deeply-, but, whalevvr may be the consequences, it must be men" Railroad Trais STorrnO by Grassiiowkrs. The New York, Mirror says, that about a fortnight ago, Monday night, the trains on Ihe Erie Rail Koad were topped by grashopperi- there beiug such Dumben it them ou the track as to grease it as effectually as though lard had bees placed on the rails. A Country Editor very colly throws out this valuable hint to his readers ChickenB will fatfen on tomatoes. If your neighbors have tom atoes in their gardens, now is the time to turn out your poultry. They will help themselm.'t We It now hot, we ask not, we care not, what other may think of Mr. Haywood's address We view it as an able and triumphant vindica. tion of the purity of his motives in pursuing the course he did. We look upon bim as a Statesman, not as a party tool and political scavenger. His Address shows him off as. a Statesman and it stops even the clamorous nioutlf' of the " Wash ington Union" dumb as an oyster We have heafd with pain and trtortification Mr. Haywood charged by many of his democratic brethren in this section with being bribed by the manufac. turers I Had the charge or insinuation been pre. ferred against him by ihe Editor of the Union, it would not have surprised us but wevtartle we stand amazed when Carolinians insinuate such a charge., What! Mr. Haywood bribed ! A Senator frorn faorth Carolina bribed ! It is false it is false Carolina has never yet sent a heart to the United States Senate suscep tible of bribery and we deplore the party idola try the party rancour and madness- that raises the wrath of infatuated man so high as to prompt ; him to charge a Senator of his party ith bribe- ry, because, forsooth, that Senator crtuld not act and think with his parry iff every thing. Who ' will read Mr. H's. Address and then say he did not act honorably I Who can think otherwise, ! and think candidly sincerely 1 No man that1 knows Mr. Haywood. For our part we conceiua , this act immortalizes his name; we would ra-v ther be Wm. H. Haywood, in exile, than James Knox Polk, the President of the United States. And gladly proudly would wff See linn returned , to tne Unitfid States Senate for he has shown himself to be "the noblest work of God," and who shall hesitate to trust him ) If those democratic, hifmbers of Congress in the House, from North Carolina, who denounced Mr. Haywood so vehemently, had resigned their seats before they voted against allowing the scar: worn soldier, who is periling his life In war for his country, $10 per month instead of $7, we think they would have immortalized their names Ah ! gentlemen gentlemen this thing will rise up in judgment against yon when you come be fore the people again, begging them to return you to Congress, where you can sit on cushioned mahogany chairs, or lounge on sofas drink spark ling Champaign and dance the Polka with pretty girls while you receive EIGHT DOLLARS A day, and vote against allowing the Soldier, who is fighting for his country, the pitiful sum of $10 per month ! ! I Away, say we, with every man, Whig or Democrat, who voted thus if our fa ther were of this number, as God is our judge, we would say, awav with him. What ! a rm ber of Congress getting Eight Dollars a day, vote against allowing the poor soldier who fights beneath a burning sun in Mexico, for his Coun try, ten dollars A MONTH I Who inn it? The Democratic members from Norih Carolina ! iMilton Chronicle. MR. HAYWOOD. The reasons assigned by this gentleman ought, it appears to us, to screen hiin from the imputa tions so unmercifully cast upon his motives at the time he resigned his seat in the Senate He was then denounced as a traitor to his coun try and an apostate from his party, for doing what he has clearly shown his conscience and his oath dictated. His views on the Tariff were at variance with his party, and rather thangive offence to his friends ou the one hand, or violate the sanctity of his oath on the other, he retired from his elevated position and. surrendered' his commission to tho power that granted it. It would seem that the intolerance ot modern democracy can neither j?xcuse.or appreciate such a course. What does the tyranny alluded to demand 1 Must a man commit perjury, violate the constitu tion, and knowingly ruin his rountry, ft the bid' ding of such inexorable party despotism, and may he not be permitted to retire to private life rath er than incur tho fearful responsibilities of such conduct? If such is the spirit of democracy, it is even worse than we had believed it. Mr. Hay wood, good, true and devoted partisan as he is, could not support the Tariff, and his reasons are, for the most part, such as present themselves to every patriot and friend of (lis country. Culumbus Enquirer. The National Intelligencer contains the Ad dress of William H. Haywood, Jr., to the poo pie of North Carolina, in vindication of his con duct in resigning his seat in the United States Senate. We consider that Mr. Haywood very triumph anlly sustains himself in regard to the Tariff, and proves conclusively that the bill which he was called upon to vole for was not such a bill as the people of North Carolina had ever sanctioned or ever will sanction, lie contends that North Ca rolina has ever held a. medium position upon the Tariff, neither approving the free trade notions of South Carolina, nor the doctrine of tho North, of Protection for Protection's sake. He sustains this position very fully, and then gives elaborate quotations from every President, Irom Washing ton, down, in favor of the doctrine that, in laying duties for revenue, due and adequate regard and protection should be given to domestic inantifac tures. We only wonder that Mr. HayWood, with his views, did not remain in the Senate and vote against the bill. He says, however, that he had distinctly ascertained that the bill would pass, even with his vote against it, and he preferred resignation to voting against his political friends. Lexington Observer. MR. HAYWOOD'S ADDRESS." We publish to day full extracts of the address of the Hon. Wm. H. Haywood, our limited means not allowing us to publish it entire. We ask for it a careful perusal by our Whig and es pecially our Democratic readers, as Mr. Haywood in our humble opinion completely clears up all bhme or cpnsure cast upon him for not voting for the Tariff. Old North Slale. ' . . The abuse heaped upon Mr. Haywood by the pressee of the administration cannot affect his fame, or tarnish the reputation he will enjoy, in the estima tion of all honest and intelligent men of all parties, of exhibiting a rare-instance of patriotic devotion and stern integrity, transcending all that we have heard or witnessed in the present day ; the glories of which are not obscured by comparison with any act" of pa triotism recorded in the whole history of the country. Such will be the coloring which the impartial histo rian will give to the splendid picture of grandeur in the political panorama. Commercial. Gen- Jacksou, when he so peremptorily de manded of France payment ofthe claims of Amer ican citizens for spoliations committed by France subsequent to 1801), very properly lajd great stress on the length of time payment had been with held.. But Mr. Polk pleads the length of time the United States has withheld payment for sim ilar spoliations committed prior to 1800 as a bar to the payment Louistille Journal SUPERIOR COURT. Our Fall Term ofthe Superior Court is novv in session. His Honor Judge Dick presiding. On Wednesday morning sentence of deU wa passed upoh Jefferson, a slave. He i to be hung on the 25th day of September next. On the same day Jeremiah Rainey was put upon his trial for Burglary. After patient examination of the case the Jury retired, and after being out a short time, returned with verdict of Guilty. . CwWofe Journal fWlLMISGTO CottMSaCIAL ExniA. l August 30fA. 1841! HIGHLY IMPORTANT NEWS From - the N. O. Com. Time, 34th iust K,. PltOM MEXICO. " Overthrow and imprisonment of Oen. Paredes (i .... j j J Anna Annexation of the California ta the Unitti Through the politeness of an eminent t6mm...:.i house, we have just been biased in possession r ,l. a, i : ... : ...... . .in t ..vl Minuting uiuat impviiBu Hiieiiijreuco iroin Mexico The news was received by a British jnan-of w.i. mi,..!, tm'.h.j , i run- .!..., S , --r - ".""? uCTjou.-ues irom the British IHfnvler at Mexico for his Government. The purport of these despatches is that the Vnitl States have taksn posaessian of the California; and mat tne resolution in Javoroj Santa Anna tsr.ompltt,. We subjoin the following letters, from which it vnii beperceived that the steamer Arab, with Santa Ainu on board, was in sight of Vera Cruz on the 16lh inst. Vsra Cruz, AiieJC, 184G. Availing ourselves of the opportunity by a British man-of-war, we have just time to state that Mexico and ruebia have since pronounced for federation and Santa Anna. Uravo s Government, hardly establish ed, waa overthrown, and Gen. Salas has put himself at the head of the movement until Santa Anna may arrive. . TV nmiilil v nMRruiti reclnrpH. linniA Vnrine ol.l . ed the partisans of Santa Anna to bring about Ilia revolution. His eons have come down here to wel come Santa Anna, who left the Havana on the Htli, in a British Steamer culled the Arab, accompnnieil by Almonte, flara y 'I'ainiiriz, Kejon, and Uoves, and thus ought p be here every day . (Jen Parcles wns taken prisoner, and is kept in the citadel of Mexico. Gen Salas has issued el. ready a letter nf convocation of Congress, on t 8 principles of 1824, and the members are to assemti, at Mexico on the 7th December next. The present conveyance carries the new of tliy annexation of California to the United States, receiv ed last nijjht by express at the British Consulate. Vkka Ckuz, Aug. 16, 184(1. Advices have been received by express of the for. mill annexation of California to the United Stolen! and tliis vessel o( war tukes tire British Miniater'n despatches to New Orleans and to England. The whole country has declared in lavor of Suni Anna, who left llitvutiiia for here on the Ami, steamer, hut has not yet arrived, which mattes ha friends rather anxious fur his safely. P. S. The Arab just in eight.' The New Orleans Picayune of the 24th ult. in a, postscript says that the British brij of War D.irinj arrived off the Balize last eveni urr from Vera Cruz, and two of her officers earne op lo town this mor ning with a mail and despatches. The Sieamer Aral) an iv d'oil' Vera Crm on tin J6ih inst. with Sania Anna on lonrd. He iirnrietl, alely placed limisell at the head of the moA'emem m lhat deportment. The Deparnnen's of Puehln and Mexico have de clared lor iS'ania Anna, and i'aredt'8 ha already lieen lulien prisoner. The revolt ui the Capital was bend ed by Gen .SUlas. -I j - " "'vi From the Charleston Courier. CA M UK. AMD RALMGII. The connexiim brlwen the North Carolina aid the Strulh Carolina Roads. Thisis a question ..fvitil importance to Charles ton, and one which it behooves her? torevolvo deeply before taking any decided, step. There are two lines of Railroad in North Carolina pro. posing to form a connexion, .njrjth us; the one which now terminates at Wilmington and the one ti'rtiiinating at Raleigh. The Road from Wilmington, along the sea-board to Charleston, could uotibe expected to bring any Ireight to tin; citv nor increase its trade in any respect. TLo t ransiiortiition of freights between tho city and points along the coast can always he made cheap, or by water than by Railroads. " IT the tiuvft ifu. thurilies should lite the precaution to keep tbe'j Depots half a mile apart, there will bp'Gcctiisa head on the passengers secured to t ho -.omnibus owners, and should the hour happen to suit, the tavern keepers will have fifiy cents per head lor a breakfast or dinner. A portion of the travel 'trointr to the South West will continue lo ho, aa it now is, diverted at th's point and carried by way of bavannah on this portion the tavern keeners and omnibus owners will be certain ofat least 75 cents per head. These are really and truly the only advantages which Charleston cm derive from this road. But suppose that the Road from Wilmington be made to terminate at some point on the Railroad between Charleston and Columbia. The only difference would bo that nei'her the tavern keeper nor the omnibus owner would make any thing out ofthe passen gers, and still not one pound of freight nor one dollar's worth of trado would be brought to Charleston by il. On the contrary, it is evident that some smnll amount of trado Which now goes to Charleston, would be carried to Wilmington. Now let us see what will be the effect of ex tending the Road from Raleigh, through Fayette' ville and Cheraw to CamJen. It must, inevitably secure to Charleston the entire trade of that whole country, at least as far as Fayetteville, ami frcun the country West of Fayetteville. Tins trade would add greatly to the prosperity ot the r-itu and m the. revenue of the Railroad. The travel from the city of Charleston North nav a revenue to their own road. This line hfiiiu throuuh a healthy country, will belter an swer the purpose of general travel, and bem? sustained by the local business ot uaieign, raj- ettevllle, Chor.iw and Camden, will be more pro fitable than a line nearer the sea board. The great stream of travel would then be se cured to the South Carolina Rail UdatTwith"'Jt competition. C Columbia, August 27. The first bale of new Cotton was received in this market on Tuesday last, from ihe plantation of Mr. Jamb Davis, of Fairfield. It weighed up wards of 400 lbs. and was purchased by Jno. S. James, at 9J cts. Tho quality is highly spoken of. Carolinan. A Mrs. Robison, residing in Jersey City. ai'-minislprr-d laudanum to her child throU2ha mis take, on Wednesday week, from which it died the same night. 'The Sentinel says this should "prove a salutary caution to mothers who, in many instances, are too ready to dose their little ones with laudanum, paregoric, &c. UNKIND. The Raleigh Standard, whose editor WQm tof be something like the double distilled essence oi locofocoism, in its deep and bitter sorrowings o verthe deleat of its .party in North Carolina, charges the most untoward disaster among other things, " to the existence of the Mexican War. -t How did the existence of this conflict affect tne democracy of that good old State 1 Are they displeased at the manner by which the President has plunged the country into it without seemm? to know exactly for what 7 Are they weary al ready with bungling management exhibited w every stage of ita progress, by the government i Are they alarmed so soon at the prospect of sua ling the country with untold and unitnagili"1 millions of public debt to gratify the poor ambi tion of the Executive 1 It seems that they are The Standard, the organ of the party and nodooM understands (heir feelings, has made theavowa.. Thirtarks unkind towards the men in high quar ters, especially as Coming from their friends. But come it will, sooner or later. The peo may bear for a while with minor evils, but wnei war and debt are forced on them and the mean taken away to meet these national calamities, the whig and the democrat alike feels the injury and resents tne imposition. ! Volvmh Enquver, i
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Sept. 4, 1846, edition 1
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