i:
'!
at . i . t , i. - f r - - - -
.t,thk VAr of titillification jf.notli them TtfBoes not etaie.nuein
fwBBTO HAUGHTON.
'1 lV ti Senate on
ViStl&ys ttoit South Carolina nullification
i jrpniiemjin answer i
to understand cbat
i'LiSlina uafortanately cootencfed: for twenty years
A'rioMf ior hciv' ' i r ...
rerenc6 ' between
ity pro-
not each
right to
5 "SrjvJ y.. AmMrttkerTOCh'aii act houldbewra.
vtvr.r Hf Shaken whereas the
tt!Uficitio,whichhe;Ionprab
fr ' J.. uA itnnb ilia idea that a !
Lt me suppose case.-" Congress declares War,; New
Jbrkftleems the act an oppreiue exerose o( power ; she
ecedes-PeDilsylvania thinks it unconstitutional under
" the circumstances, (for States well astndividaals dif-
fer ih their construction of theConstitation. as the rormer
Tariff excitement proves.) She. nullifies. Now under
such circumstances are the laws-more or less i operative
"tftWthe citizens rof one State than another? U. the peo
ple of Pennsylvania could be punned for resistance to
,;jhe lawsrcStd not thOSe of ew York .likewise !. The
, ciuiens ot each would have precisely the same plea, that
their Stdte&ad decided for Jursep f
ervlf Jilt. SSpeakeChe reseryea rigon oiswe.oMiwwuWr-,
' .l Jr.Lv.r-i,f neBcritifl .-mode and measore of..
...upon mritt Tr'-iv - ... . ,
wWnver tlievconwder themselves ageneTcd.
ihe.wa
, vih:w!sr-ed Hshts iJfaramount to the Conatitu-
jipri U -timm&M principle at war with the
Writ of all writtenargreemerits whatever, that more is
; understood hn expressed fn the instrument. Take the
,VSow, hels'aaw thAt is jsoiijessedly constitutional. one
n passed, fot'the preservation peculiarly of Southern rights.
1 I ask, emphatically asK, ns anyoiaie me ngoun oy
" way to oppose its execufionrf r Will any Southern man
swsay Vermont has this right T if she has. then is the Union
: itr6jy7rrp,'oTnd.'', If a State can. in any manner op
- 'nose the execution efnhe laws passed in pursuance of
- . J. . M
J the ContitUfibn, then, is that instrument which we all
Htave been ta'ujrht to regard ,asl the master ptece of human
; r I jDid the States give up noci of their rights of indepen"
dent sovereignty? What says Gen. Wushmgton. in his
lettVr'tothe States, urging th adoption of the Constitu- i
j - ltoBrjaled I7tb September J7'S7-It is. obviously im- !
rwnpticable said he, in"tlie:Fetleral Government 'of these '
-VStatesitoecure all rights of independent sovereignty to
' each, and yr.t provide for the interest and safety of all H
I wasrsorprised. when the Senator quoted Air. Webnter
. as authority for his doctrineiof Secession. What, sir 1
. Daniel Webster a'Secessionist ! ! The great champion '
- of the Constitution, its greatest enemy !! He. who with
unsGrpa&'edvayewith unequalled ability, has illustrated,
.4 expounded and defended it, be ia Secessionist. (Here Mr.
; Sbepard' interfered and stated that he had not said Mr.
f; Webster ' was a-Secessionist, but that that doctrine might
'ii:'fairlydeo'ucfd-'ir.om his reasoning in reply to Mr.
" Hayne." and thati like an ingenious lawyer, , be had explain
v etf iWayinhls reply to MrJCalhoun Mr. Haughtoo
r.;.res'umed;,Iinsist, .Air. Speaker, that this doctrine can-
iipbt hy-ahy air interpretaiion of Mr. Webster's language
' be deduced ; on theontrary it is evident that Mr- Web
, srfs"spaktribf the natural right of revolution, and
, if the Sejwvtpr-bad tajce the trouble to read only one
shsgle sentence farther he would- have seen that that was
hts-eanfa.'-Ht;!,ays.''1ft thi very next sentence to the
' last one quoted by the Senator "But 1 do not understand
ti the doctrine now contended, for to be that which, for, the
. sake of distinctness, ve may call the right of revolution.
J understand the gentleman (Mr. Hayne) to maintain that
"without revolution, without civil commotion, without re
bellion, a remedy for supposed abuse And transgression
of the powers ol the. General. Government lies in a direct
'jb$&A to:tbeMn'terferene of State Government. If the
gentleman had intended no more than to assert the right
. of revolution' for justifiable cause, he Would have said
only what all agree to. But I cannot conceive that there
r ; ca be. a middle course between submission to the laws,
v. when ;regularly pronoucced Constitutional, on the one
'' band, atid open- resistance, which is revolution or rebel',
'Hoiii,'ohJ(.he other. 1 1 admit that there is an ultimate vio
; lent remJe.dy,i6ot;e the Constitution- and in defiance of
..the Constitution, which may be resorted to, when a revo-
luiioa is to be justified."
, ..' -The Senator has also called to his aid, the authority
" 6f"Euyafd Livingston, but in this -an examination into
bis argument will shew the gentlemen is equally unfor-
tunate.j- ' After using the language quoted by the gentle-
tnan. to Wit t thotifMbe act be one of those few which,
,'1n it 'Opinion, cannot be submitted to the Supreme Court
- , and . be ohf that will, in the opinion of the State, justify
' iig$$;ti withdrawal from the.Union, that this last
t XrfVojf Remedy may at once be resorted to." Mr -Living-
ittqiltfiei('lfryi next sentence. says : That the right of
resistance to the operntioh of any act ot Congress in the
( extrenre caeS fi boy e alluded ioj is not a right derived
j jom'tbeCbbstit'utioni butcai be justified only on the sup
I position that the Constitution has been broken and the
' State' ab6l'yei from ;tsobligition i and that whenever re
, sorjdjo'dk bi at the rwjrof all the penalties attached
to an uirisuccfssiblj-esistanceito established authority.
I'h'jr.ihsr exercise of the powers last mentioned, would
' introduce a feature in our Government, not expressed in
the Co.nstitufronot implied jfrom any right of sovereign
- - ;tvVertd .th'tati, ' oo'suspeeted to exist by the
t - jfaindiot enemies alike Constitution, when it was framed
.vOtadp-ted. not warranted by practice or cohtempbrane
bus exposlfiWiV nor1 implied by the true construction of the
-,. TSLW resobotions of '08. j
ThaLthe 'introduction of this feature in our govern-
Jent Id totaily 'cjiange Wnaiurt, make it inefficient t
- JrKP. W at no distant period, in separa--.
M ; and that, if it had been proposed in the form of an
, a??tfrovision.in theCoiisiitution, it would have been
)mously rejected, both in the Convention that framed
thatmstrument. and in those I "which, adopted it."
' 'That the alledged right of a State to put a veto on the
; execution of a law of the United States, which such State
; v j -'"'r . c UH"a5uuonai,attended (as, if it exist.
e
e
it must bey with a correlative obligation on the part of th
Itrlfr V :8vryB?..iorelramiroin executing it ; and tb
assktingthr ofinullification sfnothai ofthem?
l- tts shd not; nthis moment, in the language 1 the Uni
yl . rtbealegfd obligation on the part ot that government.
- to submit the question q the States, by proposing amend'
T-ttr"' "ywe uonstuution, nordothey crow
protjaii of the rrerf powers.'.
9Wt ;w;iltpear'from these extracts, that Mr. Liv
...... iirgstottis speaking, like. Mr. Webster, of thj extreme
. V Tf T 7 ' I peK pi me estates, ta- .
her
extreme
ml ram
.1 i ti .1 ' .. tr . u. . ' r . -
oyn tncase Vermont, jor example, should she think
properj lo sedrdN Constitution and laws in pursuance
Ja jfor jnstanee.) can no longer
, opejrate vyiihin hijr limits apd, upOU her citizens, -on
vine Contrary. She jiiepX)H liio support the Constitu
' lion iotbids the general government from interfering with
rfJb.icr,varid diiisthe. Constitution, which was framed to tilt m
, ; more perfectUnion, protects and defends a Slate out
',',-..i'i,?.i,.-.-... :
, pguc cuniiccs wi we penalize that may attach to
t v. """"yj "h yi onsiiiunonat as an
r ,-, remedy ?-,,WBy,".. r, if secession'' be ' Constituting
"fJ-Tfe jadyocatesbftbi theory contend. Mr. Speaker, that
" " sei&&wtiitf because Con- '
i fiiirmLoioaJ. , ftoutb' Carolina has herself furnished a com- J
)let reijutatioo in 1833, and now, to her own theorv.
f J I - am. .tl "t
ne was men preparing-for
Lookai
Jier course in 1833.
.MlfUllt
.V- -f . ', J. i . !
n distinguabed statesman. preparing the nearts o, uer
people for war ": Yes, si drilling and equipping her
military, pfiidlng7Wininons;of war. and Ibrwhat T
Simply to PXercise a peaceful And Constitutional remedy 1
No. sir, not "South Carolina don'believe her 6wn doc
trine. Mr. Sneaker, reviewine the history of the States of
North and South Carol iu a, I havo beerf forcibly struck
with some remarkable contrast in their course. North
" Carolina was thefirsrState to-ecrareberindependence
of the mother countr', and thatmore tban year in ad
vanceof the flther Stated and when it waV proposed . in
the Congress"6fl776, on theIst day of July; that a gen
eral Peclaratiotf? Of Independence sbould be adopted.
North Carolina eagerly embraced iC while South Cafo-'
lina refused to join the other States in Congress, Delaware
and Pennsylvania refusing with heri' At last, on the 4th
of the same month, when the other two States gave in,
she yielded a reluctant assent, as her delegation declared,
for the sake of unanimity, not because they thought the
occasion justified the act.: .
Again, when the Constitution was referred to the sev
eral States for ratification. North Carolina in her Con
vention at Hillsboro', after discussing thoroughly , and
ably the various provisions of the United Stales Consti
tution, .finally by a large Tiajority, consisting' of s 100
members, rejected it, and proposed certain amendments,
some of the most important of which were, ultimately a .
dopted, and now form part of the amendments of the Con
stitution, and even thoe members of her Convention who
favored the adoption of the Constitution-, insisted there
should be amendments, but that they might be proposed
together with' its ratification. On the contrary, South
Carolina readily adopted the Constitution, arid so far as
1 am aware, proposed no amendments, and when General
Sumpter proposed an adjournment of the Convention of
that State to give time for further reflection and delibe
rationi bis proposition was rejected by a very, large ma
jdrity,and the Constitution adopted by a yote of 140 lor,
to 73 against it.
' Thus it appears, Mr. Speaker, that North Carolina was
thejffr State tb resist the oppression of the mother couu-
. try, ready to unite with her sisters in throwing off the
yoke ot British thraldom ; and after her liberties had been
secured, still true to her history, true to the interests ol
her citizens, zealous of their rights, and determined to
maintain and preserve them we find her,aLter full and
mature deliberation, rejecting the proposed Constitution
because in her opinion popular rights were not sufficient
ly secured, and proposing nud ultimately succeeding in
obtaining important amendments to that instrument and
refusing to cwpe into the Union by adopting . and ratify
ing the Constitution, until these important advantages to
her citizens were gained. Having been thus guarded in
adopting the Constitution, (the last State but one to ratify
it.) is it remarkable, Mr. Speaker, that our good Old
North State should be careful how she loses or in any
manner impairs the inestimable blessings ot Constitution
al liberty, which she has been so assiduous to secure ? 1
it wonderful that she shall now be as slow to abandon as
she was to adopt the 'Constitution T That, as she "was
before South Carolina, in asserting the rights ot her citi
zens, she will be behind her in surrendering them, and
, that as her Constitution and laws show a greater regard
for the liberty and happiness, and independence ot her
people, or a like regard to those great interests, will re
strain her from following South Carolina in her crusade
against the Constitution and the Union I .
And yet, sir, noth withstanding North Carolina's early
devotion to liberty, notwithstanding the care 'she took to
secure that liberty in , the adoption of the Constitution,
and notwithstanding South Carolina's reluctance to follow
the example of her sister in resisting the oppression's ol
the mother country, and notwithstandrng her eagernees
to come into this Union, by doutiue the Constitution. she
now atfeets to look down . u txpn North Carolina v1in
disdain, because she is not eager to quit that Union. !
Sir, iu view ot the pist history aud present position ol
North Carolina, who is not ready to exclaim, in the lan
guage ot one of her most gifted sons,
' Carolina, Carolina, Heaven's blessing etttend her!
While we live, we willcherih, prutect and (lei end her,'
Though the acoruer may sneer at. and wuiinrs defame ker.
Our hearts swell with gladness, whenever we name her!"
There is another rubject which has been introduced by
the Hon. Senator, and by the minority of the Committee,
to which 1 desire to invite the attention of the Senate for
a short time. .-1 allude to. the question of allegiance.
The minority of the Committee assert, that, "should the
State of North Carolina admit, that she has no right under
any circumstances to withdraw from the Union, but must
rely tor protection upon what has been called her natural
rights, aud resort to rebellion or insurrection, she re
leases thereby her own citizens from all allegiance to
obey her commands." Sir, this I deny, and will endeavor
to demonstrate its fallacy. The idea'is, that by secession.
a State takes with her all her sovereignty ; by revolution
she surrenders all Where then are our natural rights!
Gone with our political and unless therefore a Stale can
get out of the Union by force of the talismanic word se
cesston, the natural rights of her people are: but to be
hung as rebels'and traitors 1 To such straits does a false
theory carry its friends! Why, sir does not every man
Ktiow, mat attnougn we were colonies ot Great iiritain.
at the commencement of the Revolutionary War, cmphat5
ieally a llevolutionaru struggle, yet our officers and
soldiers, when taken captive by British arms, were not
treated as rebels and traitors, but as urisoutrsof War:
and can it be possible that the General Government can
exercise a right towards a State that may be forced lo
I . ;'L:L V. t , . . ii , . .
rctuu, wuicu 4ngianu naa not, ana aarea not exercise
towards her. colonies? Were the colonies
States ? The States, this advocates of secession maiAtain,
are sovereign, ana yet they may noti and cannot resist
as a sovereign State, but may withdraw as one. Sir this
doctrine is at war with the very idea of 5fc ate 'sovereignty.
ior me veriest cpnsouaationtsi mat Das ever lived, never
contended that the States had surrendeied all their sove.
reignty, and that the people of the several States bad no
poliiicaJ rights except tinder the Constitution of the United
States. Have the Stales, as such, no power to resist un
constitutional and oppressive laws by revolution ? : Sir,
this to my mind is,1 an alarming doctrine, for it amounts
to this, that secession is the only safe mode lor a State
to assert her rights, and that one which nine tenths of the
people deny, j !
No, sir, whenever a State sees proper tp resist by re
sistance and bloodshed, the action of the General Govern
ment, and thereby severs the bouds that bind her to the
other Stales of the Union, she thereby takes back all her
delegated yowers; for when disunion comes, the alle
giauce of the citizens of the severaf States must be the
same, by whatever name the act is called. Now, sir, I
answer this doctrine of the minority report, which is
signed by the Senator, by the speech ol the Senator.? At
the bottom of the 11th page of his speech, he employs this
language, rlt the contract (meaning the Constitution)
is vtoluted Or destroyed, the parties relapse back to their
or1fftnal Position and inherent rights?; ,4:"1 : ,
'hSenator attacks the position f one of the dis
tinguished Senators Jrom this State, Mr. Badger. in which
he speaks ot his aMecr'tan tn tU tThit Si-t W.,!
mean siwply this, that es regards the Const iiuUen and
r PSCu , pursuance thereof his allegiance? was
due to the General Goyernnjent. If this be not the ease,
what becomes p that proyisihiphtdecre
Constitution and laws passed in pursuance thereof-shall
be the Supreme law ol the land. How can they be su
preme, if any and every State has the right to require her
onr owe!i herself to the
Constitution andriaws in pursuance
thereof, and caq heceuire resistance
wherershe basipi0'1 dlf n?e
Sir.Hhe Senator (Mrl Shepard) him
self; as berorsbMfirsays that nollifi
catioft is an absurdUy Now. sir. why
is it an absowlitvl beeause, to use the
gentlemah'slow iftngaHgei uw the 7th
baire of his peeK?itWottW be redd
cin gt he Government to the- qld Confede
racy.'' Now, sir, if the States, while
in the Union. eantiotJ resist or oppose
the laws, so neither cajri' they require
or authorise one or more of the citizens
to resist ' dr oppose them, Why, sir.
vou nor I. nor anv Senator on this
floor, could take a seat, till first taking
an oath tosupport the Constitution of
the United States and then the Oonsti
tution of ihf State, not inconsistent with
the Constitution of the United States.
Could any of Us have become members
of this Senate by simply swearing to
support the Constitution of the State T
And what is this oath, but the oath ot
allegiance ? If In . matters touching
the authority of the General Govern
ment oar allegiance is primarily
and alone due. to NorlhCarolina; this
oath is not only an absurdity, but
it is profanitju; Why. sir,, are we
so studious in til the charters we grant to
companies to insert 1h clause, that they
bal pass no byrliW'inconsistent with the
Constitution of ' this State or of the United
States? Mr. Badger did not mean th -tin
matters purely local, or in those cases where
power had not been delegated to the Gene
ral Government,
his allegiance was not
due
in' the first instance or exclusively to his own
Staie.but that where his State had transferred
power to the General Government, she had
transferr. d allegiance with it. This was the
very idea of Gen. Lee, when he said in the
Virginia Convention, " In all local matters
I shall be a Virginian ; in th se of a general
nature, I shall not forget that I am an Amer
ican So likewise of Gen. Jackson in his Proc
lamation : "The States (says he,) severally
have not retained their entire sovereignty.
It has been shown that,, in becoming parts of
a naion, not members of a league, they sur
rendered many of ibeir essential parts of sov
ereignty, 'herighj to make treaties, de
clare war, layr taxesi exercise exclusive ju
dicial and legislative powers, were all of them
functions of sovereign power. The States
i hen for all these purposes, were no longer
sovereign. -The allegiance of their citizens
Was transferred, in the first instance, to the
Government of '"the ; United StaUs, ihey be
came American.,. .citizen .and owed obe
dience to the Constitution and laws of the
United States, and to laws made in confor
mity with thejkWers it vested in Cengress
How then can that State be said to be sov
ereign and independent, whose citizens owe
ohedience to iiwi'not made by it,and whose
magistrates ar 'sworn to disregard those laws
when they come in conflict with those passed
by another. What shows conclusively that
the Stales cannot be said to have reserved
undivided sovereignty, it, that they expr- ss
ly ceded the right to nurn sh treason not trea
son against thejr seperate power, but treason
against Ihe United States. Treason is an
offence against sovereignty, and' sovereignty
But the.reserv. d rights ol the Sratesare
not lest sacred because they have for their
common interestmadethe Gener d Govern
ment the deposi ory of these powers."
(i Mr. Speaker I regret very much that tho
minority of the Committee have thought prop
er to introduce the question about Se alle
giance at all, for although I impute no such
motive, (as I impeach the motives of no
man,) yet it is, calculated to have the effect
of drawii.g an unnecessary and odious dis
tinctions between those who vote for, and
who conscientiously oppose this resolu
tion. Sir, we who oppose this doctrine are
not to be held up i traitors. While I
conceive it is our bounden duty to do all we
can consistent with our rghts and honor to
preserve the Uiiipn of these Slates as guar
antieing to us the greatest amount of blessings
ever vouchsafed i by a merciful God ; yet if
the Old North State shall ever fin that her situa
tion; in the Union k m0 'longer tolferable consis
tent with her honor and her duty, then, when the
storm comes, we 'will 1ash ourselves, to ihe good
old ship of Statyuei tfnited, voioi to her shall be,
"We wiU shield iKee, asd succor thee,
Or perish there too."
Sir, the presnt:-portion of North Carolina is
peculiar and comroaruling; and such as no othei
State in ihe SouUprpsenis, aud her course will
ha ve a corresponding influence on the destinies of
this mighty Counuy, :She is ihe key stone of the
Southern Arch, a sort Of wall that separates arid
keep apart, the waters of abstraction oh the one
hand from those of ultra ism on ihe other.
, Let her beware, therefore, how she suffers her
self to be hitched on i0 the car of South Carolina,
Sir, it is my deliberate opinion, thai if we pass
these resolutions ef the; minority and declare for
secession, we will lio-mechi very much, to drive
South Carolina ouipt toe Union, and will', by the
act, hate very far cpnunitted our .own State, to
wr mm a iter esaajf..s JLhe.Xuture course of
Doum vrV'wa win depeoa essentially upon ike
coun5 jf her SoujBtiFR sitterf . e Sha is at this mo
mtnt tAiag steps to cet-up. a Southern Congress
to form a Southern C onfederacy , and invites us to
join her. - She )s making . extensive military pre
paiuinsr.;and,sa8 JvbeUeve. eoing. all she can,
ihrouglv her ipfluenualiiten, io,keep up tbeexciie
Dt.J. W AubUc-mfwl, hoping, hi . the mean'
time, thai thevthef SjouDiern States will' join her
in her warfare against die Union ; and if they will
do soj she most assuretlly will break up this Union.
But if, as i hqpe will he the cast, the other .Slates
of the South i retuse to join her she will lelanse
back as she did in 1833..
M cpacyr.'&U. Speaker, in the n?ain, with the
rest.uuons ofthe roHjonty. except that one which
proposes a laX on Northern merchandise. That,
1 think, UDconstitutiooaJ and inexpedient, and I
shajt, ; at the proper tm.t offer as a. ubstituie. a
resolution decfahhg uncompromising hostility tu
any and every species of protection to Northern
nianoractires; so long as the agi:aiion of Slavery
continues at the North, with a request that our
Seaators and Represenuuivea will conform their
course thereto.
I heartily approve of that resolution of the ma
jority, which makes it idcurnbent upon the Gov
ernor to convene the Iislature in the event of
the repeal or essential modification of the Fugitive
Slate law, Sir, shotifJ the North (which I do
not behtve,) beromeiioreckleas to her obligations"
to the piru of cbmprtmweunder Which alooe the
Constitution warlormed, as to intefrere with that
law Winch is but an ekianatton - 6f the iCoustitu
tion itaelf, or in ajffjr Aheijray Interfere with or
disregard our rights, ihe rnfe wilPhave arrived for
iheptopfe not thfcgisWtjrs of North Carolina, to
decide as to "the mode and ' measure of redrem "
aud it Will be tlsaotr 6f ihe Legiilamre to. take
!he necessary stepsrioreref ihe whole matter tb
the fountain head, the people themselves, for their
decission. I prefer thts cuMe,' Mr, Speaker, lQr
several reasons j iD the first place ihis u a matter
that peculiarly and exclusively belongs to the peo
ple and Bat to, politicians, and jo the next place
1 desire that every resource shall first be exhausted
to preserve this glorious Union before any violent
or final step is taken for its dissolution.'
MR; BARRINGER'S RESOLUTIONS i
' Whereas,' the Southern States ofthe U-
nion have lortg acquiesced in a revenue sys.
temj on the part of the Federal Government,
which it was believed ould promote the
prosperity and independence of the country
at large 1': but which was understood all the
while, as peculiarly fayring the mining and
manufacturing interests 6f the North. And,
whereas, the advantages accruing to that sec
tion, by thissys'tem, hav seemed only to in
crease the disposition artd. ability of the non
slaveholding Spates to persevere in their un
constitutional, unjust:, arid fanatical aggres-
sions upon tne aomesuc, institutions oi ine
South, ' 'i y : -! I ' . ' - ,
lst. Be it therefore Rhsblved, that it is the
true policy of the slave Holding states hence
forth, to oppose any and; all increase in the
present rates of duty onjforeign imports, be
yond what may be absojut ly necessary for
an economical administration ofthe General
Government. . 1
2nd. Be it further Resolved, that a copy
of the foregomg preamble and resolution be
transmitted to each of ofir Senators and Rep
resentatives in Congress, with the request,
that they use their best; efforts to carry out
the principle herein setforth.
In submitting these resolutions, Mr. Bar
ringer enforced their propriety, substantially
as follows : j
' He commenced by begging the pardon of
the Senate for troubling them with these res
olutions. It was not ins original intention
to have said any thing on the slavery ques
tion.' But he feared the L gtslature had
been.lulled into a false; security by the ap
parent calm at the North. That calm is de
signed, delusive, deceptive. He felt that
the agitation would go on. The South would
ultimately have to repel-aggression by action.
He was for doiSg it nop. He was for the
Union and the compromise. He applauded
the efforts of Mr. Webster, . Gen. Cass, Mr.
Dickinson and others iu the late crisis. But
they had scarcely been able to stem the
swelling tide. What must we expect, when
that class of statesmen shall have passed from
the scene of life ? vve have no hopes in the
rising generation in the free States of either
people or politicians. The great masses there
would have to be ultimately driven into a sense
of returning justice. The South would have
to do this bv retaliatory measures a sys
tem which would strike at the prosperity of
all their great leading interests.
This could be done in part by, congression
al legislation on the tarii" and such is the ob
ject of his resolutions ;1 to this policy there
could be no serious objection. But Mr. B.
himself went further and was for non-in er-
course by this Legislature, as recommended
by the committee on Slavery. It had been
said that non-intercourse would be unpopu
lar at home. Suppose it were so, be solemn
ly believed that the impending danger was
such as to require us all to make sacrifices to
avert it, to do our duty aud risk conse
quences. But he entertained a different o
pinion. He thought a small tax would be
so equally divided between the Northern
jobber, the home merchant, and the purcha
ser, that in a pecuniar' point of view, it
would never be felt among the mass of our
people ; and yet it would be the most sure
and efficient means of bringin? the North to
its-senses. Lvery merchaut and trader who
went there, with a copy of the law in bis
hand, would do more practical good than a
host of Union orators or a cargo of congres
sional, speeches. Such a law could be as
treWnWjr enTorceLasTne act of' the last
Legislature taxing money at interest". He
had no doubt as to its constitutionality. This
will appear by various decisions of the Su
preme Court of the United States, some of
the m referred to and appro ied of in a case
in our own Court (Wynne vs. Wright 1st
Dev. & Bat's. law.)i
If therefore we wish to perpetuate the
Union, we should act. If on the other hand,
we believe ha f ot what we hear and see in
regard to disunion, it is high time we were
preparing for the dreadful alt n.ative. Non
ntercourse would stop aggress on. ' If it fail
ed in this, it would jprepare us f. r the worst
contingency, by arousing our people and
building up our interests at home.
In regard to the various resolutions before
the Sena e, he had but little to say. He
thought that at least an idle mode of warfare
on this momentous question. The huge
number now before the Legislature (some
70 odd) made the subject in his eye almost
ridiculous. When 'a member of the oilier
Hous- two years sipce, he predicted that the
resolutions theii parsed (and, for which he
voted,) would produce no effect on the Free
States. He was iji hopes North Carolina
would pass no more such resolutions. If she
moved at all, let her act. But he would de
fer to the better judgment of Senators and
concur, in the passage of such resolvetas
might be thought just and proper. He would
produce no division in this body.
As to secession, he thought it unconstitu
tional. And if there' was a distinction be
tween thai doctrine and the right '.f revolu
tion or rebellion (which he did not care to
argue,) for his life he could not see the prac
tical difference ia their consequences. His
idea was, that even if the doctrine of seces
sion be declared, so attached were the people
of North Corolina to the Union, that they
would never give it up except as a last al
ternative ; and when that dread day comes,
it will make no difference io them whether
their remedy be .called secession, revolution
or rebellion.
These resolutions (said Mr. B.) are so
framed as to involve no party feelings : if
they did not accord with the views of the
Senate, he had no disposition to press them.
His object was to express his own senti
ments on this alarming and momentous ques
Thomson's Bank Note Reporter cautions
the public against receiving Spanish silver
coins. Spanish dollars are in circulation
which, are such excellent counterfeits that
the ordinary tests with acjds are of no avail.
They are of copper, thickly coated with sil
ver and can only be detected by filing.
That Cankok. Vye are imformed that a gen
tleman wlio lately arrived from California brought
with him a veritable tannon. whether of gold or
brass, the report" has mn yeibeen made koown.
There is said io be something remarkable in the
history of that cannon, which" we are aot al Uber
ly now to make public. We iniy state, however,
that the owner intends presenting it either to
Barnucn or Gen. Quiultbum. Let all concern
ed look out. ;
Zeb," said chap io his chum ti e other day,
eeuia tome you didn'j av long at Squire Fol
ger s laat Bgb,r -No. wk. ihe repl, '1 was
y itt a lew pleasant thing, to the d-hier, a.ui
I.A k i,,Twi"tt !,d me' hmi to go.
A hint, Zeb; what ;ori ahint1' -Wbr. he
Kl!'dTiA V' 'pe,,eJ ,h .K,r, and j.t In h.
: w J fvv OOl. I . had llmiKrhi
that I
leave
my
i: InaugnraT Adcbreasj of Gov Reld.
Dehvered" before the two Houses of the Gen
V eral Assembly of I North Carolina, the 1st
day of January, 1851.
Senators and Members
tfthe House f Commons :
Impressed with a deep sense of gratitude
to my fellow citizens, I enter upon the du
ties of the station to. which their kind parti
ality has called me, with the earnest invoca
tion.to Alraighty God so .to direct my official
conduct as to promote the. welfare, the pros
perity, and the happiness of ' the people of
the State. The duties of the Executive, at
all times delicate and responsible, are mag
nified by the importance of the crisis'; and
I should approach the fearful task assigned
me with greater reluctance, were it not for
the fact that I find mvself surrounded by tbe
Legislative authority of the State, confided
to gentlemen whose wisdom and patriotism,
I doubt not, will be found equal to the emer
gency. The misguided fanaticism of Abolitionists
at the North threatens the overthrow of the
Constitution and a dissolution of the Union.
The Slavery question is one of momentous
importance to the southern Mates of the
Confederacy, involving an incalculable a
mount of property, as well as the domestic
peace and security of our people. In the
formation of tbe federal Constitution the in
stitution of Slavery was recognized and pro
vided for in a manner just and satisfactory to
all the States. Subsequently, this question'
deeply agitated the country, and the South
made concessions lo the North aud submit
ted to the Missouri compromise, with the as
surance and expectation that this exqiting
element of political stri e was to be forever
put to rest. After availing herself of all the
advantages derived under that compromise,
the North urged exorbitant demands, which
led to the enactment of the series of compro
mise measures passed by the present Con
gress, by which the South lost important,
rights by again making concessions to the
North. The North, having availed herself
of all the advantages under this compromise,
does not cease to agitate the subject ; and
now threatens to repeal the only one of the.
measures which enured to the benefit of the
South, accompanied, in many instances, by
violent threats to disregard the Constitution
and the laws, and to fstcibly resist their exe
cution. We have not been indifferent to the en
croachments that h ive been "made on our
rights, yet we have patiently suffered them
with the hope th-y would hot be again renewed-
We now have just cause to fear
that this hope waj illusive. North Carolina,
one of the last States to enter the Confede
racy, yields to none of her sisters in ardent
auacumeni to me union, one wouia re
gard its dissolution as an awful calami y
which she would avoid at any sacrifice con-.
sistent with her rights and her safety. She
came into the , Union to be governed by the
federal Constitution, and to secure herself
against tyranny and oppression : and so long
as the Constitution is faithfully adhered to
and her rights respected, she will be among
the last of the States to desert the Union.
But she never gave her consent to enter into
a Union which would overthrow the Consti
tution, violate her dearest righis, and mana
cle her with the fetters of oppression. To
such a Union she. owes no allegiance. A
solemn sense of public, duly impels me to
declare, that the encroachwmats o iAJtfarlk
on the domestic institutions of the Sonth, have
already proceeded to the furltest , allowable
point. Entertaining this opinion, 1 regard
it as due to candor that we should make that
fact known, that our brethren at tbe North
may be fully informed that "we know our
rights, and knowing, dare maintain them" ;
and that if they proceed in their aggressions,
they must expect to meet the consequences.
laws in force for carrvi .
Improvement already provid!! .0rb
si i - "-CU IAi
as the Legislature in
lie m.' i ilUt..
provide for, so far as deD70n, ?.N
Executive, shall be foi.hr T uPoiIn' fi
-InaSutelikeours,whN.
recta and ffovema nnKiu . "VPoi.
therefore the policy ctheT?l8?0,
proveoutjryateni r of Comin i J.H
wbkh it I. intended. iB
setting apart certain sources ' ,
tnonarid convenient SchooliTJJ'fr
dlstobutibnor iu nroPrife!?.
Counties ift proportion to t!ieT tte
tion in each, whenever in the J?
isiamre vne same naa siinv.if.Ji tL
. ... ouuiticniiy jrmi
into operation a system f rLHt
the State received a considr
deposite act of Congress, tli b2L H
together with stocks belonrin
transferred to, or invested fm tk Suu
erary Fond. The State tZ? , ?
from the General GovernmSul 3
al population, and the AsmblSj
transferred these nw acqui8if,-:w( 'Sl
Fund, expressly stipnffedljp
"subjt at all times to the di 5t
the General Assembly." Tvr,nd,0S
had, in the opinion of the LerH.u
. Juo"iyuie
act waa accordingly passed, ti,' a Ml
L''t annual lncom. Z fiy
Fund should be divided ucXSwLl
lniirm. S5ha tlint t?m o . 'S l0J(m;
frequently reviiied and re-enscu l u
retaining th pnnciple of distrfbu" "1 M
leucnu popuiauon. Human inKnpittlt:
no plan for the distribution of thi fj"
not operate mor favorably to som. r 4
to others. Hucfi a result is insenaMj141"
condition of the State ; and it U Ll"1 V
present mode of distribution :. ?.'ti
perhaps as just as any that could
The difference in the amount JWJ
number of Counties inth Si,t.
tribution bo according to fed-,? T"
tion, would be very inconsiderable t1
All-nn1 ivi nvnMt n xt r, ' Oul
Vj.ucu.u CTctjr iv oi me State, and fhn
shares abke in the distribution i?6
federal population. Federal w..1p?011,0iiJ
made the basis of education. ho T
tion ofthe fund for that purm,. H
otdiatnbutionhas, in a commendlht
compromise, been time after time JLVA
Legislature. Is the atrib,tioB SZ. W
The. : T" 'iu;n Urn
to cease !
at ineonvetiwu.. ... .
encounter in relation to our Sskm a r '
hools, I apprehend, i. not to f
Oioda of fTlMtinhntinn V.nt ; .1 ,
fn,l ,nit --1 "Z " "WMequscyrfiJ
In view of all the circumstances, I re
spectfully recommend to the General As
sembly to provide in the event of a con
tingency arising to justify it-r-for taking the
necessary steps to maintain tbe Constitution
of the United States and the rights of this
State ; that we may co-operate with such
other States as may determine to stand by a
Union governed by the compromises of the
Constitution. Pursuing this course, we shall
feel a proud consciousness of the rectitude of
our cause, and be justified in the estimation
of all impartial minds ; and then, if the awful
calamity must come--which God forbid !
let the consequences fall upon those whose
madness and folly have provoked it.
That the rights of the Stales may be res
pected, the Constitution preserved, and the
Union, according to the Constitution, per
pelua ed, is my ardent wish ; and the Leg
islature and the people of the State may re
ly upon my hearty co-operation in such mea
sures as may tend to the consummation of
these desirable objects.
It is well worthy of consideration whether
odr police regulations in relation to slaves
and free persons of color are sufficent ; and
also, whether the public interest does not
rehuire further legislation to more effectually
ensure the apprehension and conviction of
persons who endeavor to excite slaves to re
bellion or insurrection, or who kidnap or
persuade them to leave their owners, and
more especially in cases where such offen
ders flee to other States.
A judicious system of Internal Improvements
by the State has ever been regarded as an object
of importance worthy o the consideration and
action ofthe Gereral Assembly. Cheap trans
portation could not fail to add to the wealth aud
conveuience of all classes ef our citizens, and lo
ihe prosperity of the State. There are various
objects which claim ihe consideration of the Leg
islature. Feeling deep interest in the prosperi
ty of every part of the State.Vnd believing that the
members of the General Ajssembiy, residing as
they do in the various counties, wtil lie fully pre
pared to give due consideration to the claims of
every portion of the tatei I do not feel myself
called upon lo decide between the peeuliar merits
ofthe many objects of public improvement which
uciuauu me patronage oi ine stale. In carrying
oul a system of Internal Improvements a large
expenditure of money is necessarily required, and
it is not 10 be expected that a State cau at once
embark in .all the schemes, thai are desirable.
Work of this description should be undertaken
with due caution in regard to their practicability
and the adequacy of the means of the State io
complete iheui.: As a geueral rule, think the
Legislature which authorizes the construction of
works ol Internal Improvement ought, at ihe same
time, io provide, for raising the means Tor their
completion. W hether. public. opinion or ihe con
dition of ihe Treasury will justify tbe State at
ibis time in embarking in other and new objects
ol improvement, and if so, lo what extent, is a
question which is submitted to ihe prudence and
wisdom of the General Assembly. W hile ajudi
cious system of Internal Improvements whlun ihe
means and resources of the Slate, is desirable to
bVyet a wild and extravagant one, involving tbe
Stale in a large public debt without the prospect
of a return ol adequate advantages to the people,
w to be deprecated. Such a system would, for a
time at least, paralyze the spirit of improvement,
and, with it, the prosperity of the state. The
Schools are rejmlated. And I .,k,;, ..l..7ri
stead of continuing this agitation, hi,h h hUi
other, our attention may not be more propH
reeled to the enlargement of tie fund L
per investment ai,d to the improve MQ
regulation of the Schools theojeJ.
The question of Equal Sufra?e ln,fWjJ
lieved that a large majority of the ptoolt
tnisionsniutional reform. Tkiula embrace
the plain proposition, whether the nhtmoteloi
the Senate shall be extended to such ptnoniu
mc i pirscui eniiuea to vote lor the Hw
i-ummons. it is not doubled but such ToW
fully competent" lo exercise ihe righiofSuffi
in cnoosing both branches of ibf Gnml Asmtl
oiy. 10 withhold Hi is invaluable pnviWc
. k t :. i . r
iuuw wuuhi u is proposea to place upoo lenms
equality al ihe ballot box, upon ihe cround
they enjoyed the right liiey might abuit,
onjusi reflection upon iheir virtue anil iniellij
and is denying the fundamental principle
which all free governments are based. This
lion embraces no proposition lo encroach
rights of the landholder, but to extend lo i
merous and meritorious class of telluw d
one oi me oearest risnis ot American irwon
It is gratifying to know that this question ofn,
tending the right of Sua rage has not arnjedtlii
landholunx affamsi ibe Don landholders, fiw
outp
t is ihe love of liberty and equality amon t
pie, that both classes are found activelv tot
ting in their efforts to carry oul ihuquediw i
lonstituuonal reform. Moris hare been i
to connect with this question crane iu tbe fa
sis ot representation. I do not think thai ei;l
justice or public policy demands such achaajJ
1 be Convention of lo35, in a spirit of cumpr-j
miseanu concession, adopted taxation u the b
sis for ihe Senate and lederal population ;
basis of representation for the House of Cuma
Ihe Abohiionists at the INorth wish mi
the basis of ftueral population upou which vet
represented in Congress. Their count oa tw
subject is viewed as dangerous and mischieTovj
and 1 regard a similar movement in realm 1
our representation in the State Legislature,
ever well intended, as fraught with equal m
and dansrpr The federal basis consuls ofthn
fifths of the slaves added to ine whole number o
free persons. The white basis would wholly ex-j
elude the cnmntitatinn uf slares io reoreseoiaiweJ
Persons other than voters are prpperly represesiwlJ
Although federal nonulalion nrerails U BWJ
yet slaves do not vote, nor (fo white lemilj
minors ; still they are reprefeuted. Slanes, i-j
ihough properly, are persoos, and subject to kj-l
islatiou io lhal two-fold chancier.
JKvery county in th Bute n imeresied
slave question; and tne Sstase lwuW have but
voice on this important subject. EipereDcew
but loo rcceiitly shown us the sad consequent!
resulting trom ihe agitation of the tlarerr qn
tion between the different States of tlieluK
Are these exciting scenes to be broufhuw"
ii'iue to us to array one section of tbe
.ri nal .n.tih n.wl ik PJtri.V Hie FHW W"'
delink I
af tfcs I
f
Ihe ueace and frieudshin which H
loculiivate I.eiweeu the various por,lon'
State ! Let us forget that we rc ft
bury this dangerous element of "C1"
the determine iou to un:ie our9Mi e
to promote the honor and prospeniy oft w
Engrailing the whiie basis ou Lq" JJ
woulJ be so indirect, but a most ceruia im
tual mode of defetmg ihe Utter quest j
mus: be obvious to erery fefleclint Jjj
Suffnige, connected with a clnge.0
must fail ; Handing by itwsslr it ma$lLp.
This amendmeiit to the Coiwiiiut"'" "
sed by the present and sutceeuius
and submitted lo ihe people r Tanficaii
manner provided in the Constuunon. ),
currine ihe expense of cailmg Uu,e" frS
the initiatory siep, it requires a larj (
the member.- t tlieLAi-seinoij rQJti&
iiou than to pass the anii ndmeni. ,,111
tionl mode of effecjmg te0,ia Vi
qu s ion, while the Iil"v0 ,n?T t
and iherelore the latter is preferable
lieved that the success of this ""' -
promoted by being submitted and roi $
so isolated question. wii bout bemj;
any other Const itolional aij.eod"'01- rf
The election of Judges and JT lkaBK
Peace by the people, and for env'T,
lite, are ouestions ol Const it UiMnir' jfc
I reroniinend to the favab ecoiisiuw ,
- rtllLVI W
oilier
General Assembly. 'I here ars "
n.ents to I lie Const it u : ion -ifcsi .ilttiriil(i
hcattenlion, to which, Oouw j . tap
thai deuree of consideration whicn
tance demands. , .k tb1
In cnclusion, permit ie
General Assemoly may rety vp . tbe
orjeration In aucta ' measures " te9(
pnwperiiy awl hsppmew of iw f-r
5Uie.
CLOTHS, CABW--.,,
At JVo. 9 F
iLACK Frencb Cloth,
I i.vm Skin jai'aer,
Good and Common Yesimg. w , UtnTW.,
Silk and VVor-.e4 ."'J'.UUe,
Bed Blanket, vsiiou. li,
W bite .nd Black CoUoa J"g0-fc-
Var wile low, 7
Raleigh, Oci Wih, S)-
VPRY TIGHTI Y ROlttin
s