Newspapers / The Weekly Raleigh Register … / Jan. 29, 1851, edition 1 / Page 4
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f - ' i . '- ill - 1 . ii . . . "'rspEK:oF::'MB.ooDtiN.f , ; tf v. m thU shall Uke4ed I hoped vH4i we should abide by the law and insist on its xeeutnl thenj L, Xr Dorsums iMmiirt rs4oi tatta jSiafiWbdieii4i - t to lawnd3eH tad using all CoaitHaianltf wu re- ; !f Hrf, f wro, if e lal Dbowwilled to abandon iMepe of S the mmittee while I tend abortion. wLtredinlhe House oC.ReraaUv f -Wrt.otfc proposing a Cntion'iof dltfio ' . iTsiiW, and the Resolutions connected therewith, the SnW bouad by every dictate ot duty, and wry M&wnot rfifl estiV to liraonsiraie To these Resolutiooa, they t3 , rw-.;-. - or their owB ntsn, the language TKuiioTiind the solemn and warning admonition, of Washing. SSwdSrJisid or designed, ! the obvious, tendency of proposHwos Brp.Ji.lSnS.nce by fees ifrom JK jW consultation whh' oher;S.ie.,. lo prepare the war P1" . l ,k TTn.n-tha suswestHHl Ol PfCU!f Z Stes of New EngM. opoa the .ubjects of public vSSSS ilia? that .hi N.uon la. not . com- 9ffffiiK JiJoiwi jn p t8' i0", . .irrmentor corosaci with another. !t4 . r. ' thin ttn rltli&ot 'the" consent of onjnw; n, 7- tJdeS bStSpart of New England, . compact for any porp 2meSeZ the propoitkm for iuch conference, is grca. an infrinjremept KaituiioV.a would be the compact , whea made? it cannot he 2d SJibte to Puue mpan. to an end,, which u wrong and fltegal to ffirnoT U there just preteow !f J; S,n.i.uuiu wVly proved for Its -il5f5 Sti t erbwing out of supposed dfecta in the instmmenf, the mode ot SmWnnSy prr-oedTand if in thi way they .W not to be cor, Neither" can they in any other, short c4 a change in the form o f r4meo" ' S n7,o be supposed that the State, rf -the Uftjo. w,U rield to the dictates of . Contention, what they .would refuse to Jha efnnbt disguise their apprehension, that more must be d.gnl than .s Sctly irowed. The reasoDins.of the rep,rt w 8uPponed by the lErming assumption, thai the Constitution has .h.led In it object, wd .u" u r Mechusetn are ahsotved from their allegiance, and at Hibenrio -d pl anoihw, in debate, it has been reiterated, that the Coast tuTmn iaiio lortoberesp and that Revolutioa is no tobe tfep recated i the bond or our political Union is thus attempted to he severed, fcadd In state of war and of common danger, we are advised to the mad experiment of abandooins that protection, which the combined Cereies of the nation might afford for the aelfish enjoyment of our pre sent, thouehfcartial resources. The Resolutions of the Legislature, rt is -to be frsrd, will be viewed by other Slates, as productive of this con$e oeneri lhat Massacliusetts shall govern the administration or the Gov eminent shall not be adminisiered in Massachusetts. Jealousy and con 1ention will ensue, the onstitution hitherto rpecied as the charter or .national liberty, and consecrated as the ark of our political safety, will be violated and destroyed, and in civil dissensions and convulsion, our ifadepeodeoce will be annihilated, and our country reduced to the condi tion of vanquished and tributary colonies to a haughty and implacable foreign foe. ! From these proceedings, it is manifest that a separa ..turn vlrom th Union was contemplated ; ami Irotn the proceedings of the Convent on and the nuinerousdeniands thrttaade for a-mendments to the Constitution and for immediate peace, and on the failure of thesis for another " Qoqvenlion tonsserobfe in Boston in June l815.Jhat they -intended to coerjee the Government in time of difficulty tntcrltheir own terms. iMr. Chairman, what execrations were not heaped upon these dworganizers throughoatthc entire country t Did not the people of the entire South and a large portion of ;he North condemn this movement ? ' Though all admitted that the carrying States, as they ;ere called. jufrered more from the war t&jan others, yet, rii was necessarily so and they should have submitted to it for the benefit of the whole. Indeed ' no policy can' jbe , pected to act precisely in the same manner on the in terests of every section 'of this extended country This Union can . only be sustained by that same spirit of conces sion and compromise that brought it into existence. 'Suppose, sir. lhat the New England States, or even Massacbusptts alone, had seceded in the time of war with .(England and had made; a separate peace and formed an iHtance with Great Britain ; can any one estimate the ixtentof the injury that must, have resulted to the Unt tedStates. Yet we are asked to lay down a doctrine that would justify the step if the State had determined Ytbat it was a fit occasion for its exercise. 'ilrl Chairman, to admit this doctrine is in effect to declare -giai the Government of the United Stales is only to act upon the willing, Thit any State not disposed to allow a law of the Gen era! Government to be executed in her borders, may so declare, ' and by seceding the law is nullified. A law that does not speak -with authority and command obedience of the unwilling as well as 9f those in favor of it, is no law and should not be called a law. v,Xt is an abuse of terms. . f Suppose, sir, that thousands of the slaves of the Southern citi zens escape into Ohio, Pennsylvania, or New York, and the masters in pursuit of litem call upon the authorities under the v , provisions the late Act of Congress, for the reclamation of such .- .property. Cannot either of these States secede and say to the u Judges, Commissioners and Marshal, or to the President, that we ' have seceded, and your supposed law is no longer a law in this State ? Then where is the remedy of the owner of this property. '''Sir, have not the abolition societies openly advocated secession and disunion, rather than allow slavery to exist ? True, they have not been encouraged in this madness by many of the States ; but they would no doubt rejoice to see it take "place, and are, doubtless, watching, with much anxiety, the movements of Southern States. Yes, and pray daily, ihat we 4nay all declare the right of secession, and establish the doctrine, that their movements may not share the fate of the Hartford I; 1 Con ven ion in its effort to divide the Union by the means now ' advocated in this latitude. V .-, Mr. Chairman, I am one of those who believe that the rights ; of the South are acknowledged and guaranteed under the Con ; stitution. I believe that our interest and our duty alike, require . of us a cardial support of the Constitution a it is until we find ' that it is insufficient to protect our rights. This I hope we i shall never find. ; We will probably find in the execution of the " fugitive slave law, whether there is strength enough , in the Government, and integrity in its officers, to execute its I own laws and pro ect our Constitutional rights. I hope and be-, , Jicve that we shall find it sufficient, and have little doubt of the fidelity of the present Chief Magistrate of the nation, to "ee that the laws are faithfully executed." I hope that Southern States will not afford a pretext for resistance to the law to those who only desire to break down the Constitutional protection to our j property, that they may, with impunity, seduce away, harbor, or stal it I go further, Mr. Chairman; I think the South should j abide by the compromise measures of last Congress, u ene whole, and I deprecate the effort that ii here .made to dissatisfy our friends at the South with those measures while no remedy is . pointed out for the evils complained of. 1 think that we have less cause Tor alarm or to despair of the Union on the terms of the Constitution tha- when we discussed this delicate subject. Ip," p .two ya a? Then we were threatened with the j Wilmol Proviso, and had little hope of sovfavorab e a law for the protection of slaves as that passed at last Congress. But happily ! . the Country ,there was found patriotism enough- amongst the law ' j abtdmg and Union loving portion of ourKorthern brethren, to give f up the one and pass the other. Though this was the least that we Aad.,a "S11 demand, it was not then believed that it would be - ryieJ.d.ed-i 1 ew at this concession gave me renewed and additional confidence in the Government, and new hope of main- , taioine the Uaion. We have yet to see whether it will be' kept in good faith. That must be the turning point I will hope for the best ; and while there is a hope of sustaining the Government and Union as it is, and of obtaining the protection due us under it, I will be found, advocating it. But we are told that it will notJ 5 wcuted in good faith. Of this there seems to be some well founded fears, but while I see so many meetings of the peo ;Jple, and various sections of the Northern States favorable to law j g and order, led and encouraged by such names as Webster Cass i wiej tt-us, jjanas, ana otner enlightened and in- K fluetitial statesmen, appealing to them and to every portion of the " .V,nV7iw.,ftWjw ad put down the lawless mob. I ffl not despair of the Republic. That them Ka excitement, nd occasional outrage by a mob, led on by bad inea and the law be thusobstructed ia its execution far i,h;i. M f be exported, but1 it is to be hoped that on reflection and after the firovr hrordr heti to explain to the people the importance f of the law and of obedience to it, these outrages may cease or the j otteuuej may pe prppeily punished. But, sir, if in all this we .fibali be d ceived and the law shnll be set at defimce, and if pn proper -application made the President shall not be able to have the laws' executed, or shall be unwilling to do so, and impeach- nent snau jail ; men, inaeea, may n oe saia, iai ine tovern- .is iWi Mnnot affect the action of the tnajoriitv tin, Confess and we are really snbfect t a foreign nation.' It were preferable.&r South Car- . lins to go Tackrand snbject herself to all the evUsf connection, with f . Erijriandj than to be m our present ebiidition. We boast of onr indepen- , ' I Aqb p bat we bav ItecomairassaTa ito a mob of fanatics ; .Arid South 4 QrmeannottadDlgeJntheUeaofsnbmisalou hold the Wow, hoi eomeit must.ViTJiose who haviinasters can rhold ho, wpcrtyiN we hold allwebave at the' pleaware of those 1 who have T the mastery over raw, we are n9w,xnewy, in me rQiiuiuun4iu m- m -' ;quanMf'ln'MB M he revolntkiBi ut this) ia vastly aggravated. I' Ve- hive given bij the Government of England, and jgubatitntc4,te. ty- runny of low-bred men ; the urdoB with Engla; was onegloriona is the , e jauiepf Shakespeare and Oathain, ana Burke; and tbae associations y clang around the hearts of the people of the colonies, arid finally, to cut asunder their connection, required the exercise ofeonrage,' fortitude and ' patriotism. ' Bat, tliey held back until they could persuade their win people that, a nem Union was necessary. 'And this is our reaedy. J We T' must have a Union of the South these twM people lane betcut asun- -er.'.Theeolonies formed i union wi&obatadeins;theie way, of which we can have no conception;; we are ratly superior to them, in power, in 1, telUgence aad wealth. , ,Tbey had, k revolt against England, their reme : : 'dy waa revolution, and every one who revolted did sin peril of the hal ' lef. We are' sovereign and cannot rwoK i we make War. The Constitu "Uoriaf the United States, by itapreviaons, 'recognises 'the right of the - StateJto make war, enter into-alliancea, &c., and only limits in the exer , cise of that power, an we are ?nly prevented from the exercise, of the riwrit hAhn fact that' We have A&recd not to exerciaeitjj The revolution 't was ft atrotoW for frtonfte we hafe more to, unite the South than the , .. Colonies tuaj. i . a.". ? , t,,s-ii, i' : ; - . H Mr. Mi proceeded to discuss the various measures , which had been offered, and ad that secession on the part of this State would, not bring to our aid the other Southern States; such a Step would produce a revul sion, and perhaja reverse the' action of those States. They must not on- ly unite with us to take us out of the dimcelty, but also to assist in fuming another Union. ' ! Though be did mot believe that South 1 Caroli na eouSi be eoercl into aubaiission, yet ahe might, perhaps, after her ;iiecessionj be iuducJ to entering a compromise. This would be a mere patched up remedy t nd secession now cannot effectually remedy the vil, and therefore he tas opposed to'it now. Besides, it would net be in good faith to our aister states,1 for this. State, after she haa entered in- - t eonsulUtion with ber aiater States, 10 depart ff om the ' terms of that agreement and act without their aid and co-operation. If we go for sep arate secession, we feeve the platform of the Nashville conventwn and de- sert our friends in other States, who are still straggling to carry out its measures. Wo are leagued wiih our friends in other JsJUtes, and we must not abandon them now by precipitating measures. . Besides, a po sition hi the Union gives more advantage for carrying on measures of re- , sistance than if we were out of it. Let us, therefore, remain in the Union though we remain only as a fire-ship, ready when the time comes to rush into the midst of the enemy and scatter them to the winds. We have a deep and settled purpose in view, and let us' net be direrted from it by taunts and abuse. By going out of the Union alone, we lose our power to construct thin Southern government, which we all have so much at heart. We are 'not prepared for accession. When we'leave- the Union we claim the right to leave it peaceably ; and if we do ho, ire have no right to retain those arms and monitions of war now within this State, which is the property of the General Government; if we are resisted in the effort, then we would have a. right to retain thia property. We, as a State, are now prepared for war, and because we have not sufficient arms be was in favor of waiting until we could get them. Sir, do? s this look to reconciliation ami preservation of the Union? is it not apparent that a declaration made by us fa. vornig the doctrine f secrssioti, may teud to encourage this hasty and rasti action T Tu speaker says that the spirit of dis union is gaining rapidly. Thai 12 months asro there were few in that State in favor of a dissolution, and that they are now unanimous, and lhat it will coon tie so in othrr Southern States. "Sir,' t hope not. I hpc that the causes of the Southern dissatis faction will ceasH ; and this rxcited state of the public wind in portions of the South, will sunn lie quieted. But we cannot . Itope for that, if we pass secession resolutions, and continue to arouso the passions of the people by dwelling on the wrongs, perpetrated by the lawless and crazy fanatics, whose zeal is nut " according to knowledge ' Mr. Chairman, I ask every Senator on this floor to say whether Jie entertains such sentiments as are expressed In this speech ? , 1 bear no answer in the affirmative. I - was satisfied that no one was prepared for such a step. If, then, we are not, but all ar dently desire to preserve the 'Union, I ask why unnecessarily agitate- the question of secession. We only get up our own feelings of resentment, and excite others without producing auy good retfuli. ' 1 - We i should remember that an excitement is more wisely got ten up (ban quieted. , Some years ago, we saw our visteir State almostas unaniuioua on the doctrine of nullification as they now are on dissolution in another form. But, sir, North Carolma'and other Southern Slates did not concur in the movement, nor did ,( lhe South generally seek to encourage l.he feeling of discontent,, but W the contrary, endeavored rather to allay than to aggra vate the gathering storm; should we do less now to promote harmony than then f . 11 r. Chairman we are told thst a Southern Congress is called and will assemble. . For what purpose is it In assemble 1 I 'hope, sir, that without stronger cause than now exists, North Carolina will not participate in this Congress We are yet rep resented in the only Congress recognised by. the Constitution, and while we continue to recognise the authority of the Con stitutional Congress, I hope that we shall not concur in crea ting another not recognised by the constitution. I hsve not yet seen the plan of the proposed Southern confederation. ! do not know whether it is to be like the old articles of confederation, or whether it is to be a form of Government like ours under the Concti u tion. m Mr. Chairman, we can destroy our present Constitution ; I have no doubt of that: - but whether we could ever agree upon another. I seri ously doubu . The South is not a unit The interests of the Southern States are as diversified as were , those of the thirteen in 1787 and '88. Sixty years may work as many changes in the lave- holding Slates in building up of new interests, as the same time has in the original Stales, Yes, there would be a North and a South to the new Republic These things must be provided for other interests would expect some prolec tion besides planting. Would free trade be a leading feature of the new Government? or would it be the policy of the oew Confederacy to. build up manufacturing interests, and especially in those portions ot the coun try not suited to the planting of cotton, rice r the ugar cane? These ) i ae questions that 1 want answered, and difficult a bat 1 wish to see u - adjusted; ana in a manner oeitercaicuiaiea to protect Me rigUts and in terests of minorities, and promote the interest of the whole, than the pre-ent much abused Constitution. Before I give up tbe one that has been so long tried tbe on which has carried us successfully through wars with the most powerful enemy, and hss secured jo us a prosperity and growth unparalled in history, and further Mr. Chairman, before abandoning the Union, I desire to be shwwa that our interests will be better secured than they now are. We can destroy tbe present Govern ment, no doubt; but whether we could agree on another, that would unite the Southern Slates, I doubt. Suppose the Southern States re main separate; is it likely that no causes of difference will arise amongst them, and that the rights of each will be respected abroad? No one eould hope for this. Then suppose we are forced for the sake of self-preservation into a Union : will slaves not then escape and cross the line, and will not the Mississippi river cnojinue p flow through the North wes tern and Soaih-western States? Willnot that river be navig ted as at present ; and will the escape of slaveson these boats, and across the line elsewhere, be a continual source of strife t The owner will pursue his property by force, and will be met by force. This must make the line . and border States the theatre of constant strife and blood-shed. VV here Would these evils end ? ; Hr, no finite being can answer. We hear cal culations often made of the value of the Union, and aato the relative de- . gree of independence of the North and the South. But in such caicula tions I become bewildered, and can only see far enough to know that each section could greatly harrassaod annoy each other; aod that in the , .end, nothing but a spiritof mutual forbearance could save both trom ruin. Theu as this spirit at last is the only one that could save both ' sections, is it not better to invoke it before we make the experiment of sep . araiioa - ; Mr. Chairman, I have endeavored to give my reasens for sustaining the resolutions, and opposing the proposed amendments ; and ja doing i so, have candidly expressed my opinion in relation to our rights and duties under the Constitution. 1 have also expressed my decided opin ion in favor of acquiescing io the compromises of the last session of ,. Congress, and in favor of iusisting on their fulfilment; and have endea vored to show that there is no cause of alarm on, account of a want of territory, about the acquisition of which we lake more trouble and care than about its improvement. I have endeavored to show that Ibe iosti tution of slavery was safe irorri successful attack except by occasional escapes; and as a further evidence, that the Southern people so believe we see that species of property now higher in demand, than at anv Be-' nod since the spring of 1837, I have endeavored to show the imptoun. , ( ety ot agtutinz secession or dissolution m aay lbni under exiaiiasr hi V cunwiances. ;! hope that Norm Carolina wiU take no step that w not , prompted by a desire to presem the Unron,r and the righto of alt parties ; y under the t pnsutution as bng as there is a hope: .and in the last iresort. and only tnen, to maintain our rights' at all cosW Buv sir, whatever may be the determination of the peopleof my native Stale, bet destiav ' isminev "" '- ''c' '.-" ; . -" . Mr. Chairman, I owe the Committee an apology for having so' bnr ' occupied the floor; and desire to tender it my thanks for tbelndulirence so kindly extended towards me. ; r v v it- consolation to, knoW that, we, Vatiwtiokol ltrghefi. hop f tirougfeotjt the worti, ani;,ff r grafying, tosf .wjiopok- f ! jealousy on ourgtvwwig and glorious country ,, -...yh'h i , -i. h.'v..!i4;.-,vi''sj:'L'i.i 'tali Mr. Chairiao, .ljtun-r 19'ajiy wiyune oeiiaw up ri" tank, in' liisllties'sfi relation. ta,oiix. ' v,ptjpntmj i"?nii tb - 'W ih tl wKmlaekjroom1.fisourvneeroe8. w The "'rlodmr picture ;y he has drawfe t the creature of his wnagui tion. Nor do I coneu with my, friend .from Guilfonl,i,entire(y Hie fears expressed about the late of hisinstttutton. S'w, It will be seen at a glance that the periods fixed on by the Sen-1 -ator, from Pasquotank to- short the extraordinary increase of the i sUvVi popujatiand ndf ftreseiit 1 Fair :-view of the National id crease, but is calculated to mislead, 1 He tak1?s theeripd ,'from 1790 to I840t rNowlt'win bi,iemembered that bjr the constitur, , ration the slave trade ww allowed lo be continued till J.808, hero is a. period of If year during; chtbe 1 Inirtationof slaves from Africa was'greater than at any former peiod; hor-did,it ep- . 4 tirely increase for years after 1808.? If the Senator had selected ; the time from, 18 10 till the present, a very different result WoUkI! have been formed. But, even admitting that) this natural increase" ; of the Negro race Is as great ai cdnfemied for, there is "fib ground - for these fears. There is a'ready an area f more than 900.000 square miles of slave Urritory, hot We fourth na not tne tenth of which & ye sett eiVJ,Take ibe cape orour own Stale, one of the.oldest, and see what a small proportion of it is, yet, in a, state; of nature -With- fifty thousand square miles we, have a population to less than 900,000 and less than 300,000,-slaves;. whi e .Massachusetts without a seventh of the territory has a large population. , Any one who will travel through this State, will fee that it requires a population greatiy1 increased and 1he number' 6f ' ' I laborers several time Iroultiplied to improve and cultivate it pro perly. Is the samebing not true of ? te other ' four' een South-1 -era States and especially in the ewer States ? ' Take Texas for instance with four times the territory of North Carolina and much r of it the finest planting countrv, you find it almost one unbroken , , wilderaess Yes.ln Texas, ; all tbe slaves in the United Stales ' could be profitably employed and then leave much of it, like the. f most valuable part of the land in North Carolina, remaining un drained and uncleared for ages to come. But, I do not refer to Tex as, because that (he intermediate country is fully settled. Srifar v from it, only. a. few choice spots and those most conveniently . cleared and reduced to cultivation is yet cleared and that portion is badly fanned for want ol laborers. And the same thing must continue to be felt for. ages to 'come. But, this is not the whole case. It is a mistake to suppose negroes only suited to field la bor. . -The demand for them on works of Internal Impiovements, ' in the mines and mechanic shops is great and increasiog. They make as valuable mechanics for most purposes as any people, and are capable of becoming efficient operative in all the man ufacturing establishments destined to grow up in the South.- ' Yes, Mr Chairman, I would like to see this country (as I some- times do in my imagination,) about two hundred years hence, if this Glorious Union shall be preserved. It might in that time be sufficiently peopled to be in a fair way for improving if our people would restrain their inclinations for a continual increase of terri tory.; .. . But, Mr. Chairman, if the gold mines in California prove to be durable and as rich as they are represented to be, slavery is des tined to go there and that at an early day. The enterprising and intelligent emigrants to that country go there to make money Yes, and many miners from the South have gone there and will go. They know the difference between working a company of stout welbfed and well disciplined negroes who perform their la bor, antl retire to rest at night and rise next day ready and at tbeir post cheerful and willing ; and the irregular picked up companies of white men that can be employed about such places. , No oaf is going to be so silly as long to entertain his scruples on the sub ject of taking Slaves out of a cotton or rice field and carry them to the mines in California"? I have never known a negro that would not sooner work in a gold mine than any other employ ment. AIready; this change is spoken of there and ijiave little doubt will be carried out No one doubts the right of the State, to do as the people of the State my determine in this matter. Mr. Chairman, I am one of the class referred to by the Sena tor from Pasquotank, who believe that Slavery is no evil, but a blessing to the South. I do, not doubt that it is a mutual advan tage to tbe master, and the. slave. True, in some sections of the country, like my own, tbe slave has the best end of the bargain ; but even there, 1 find few who do not deaire to own them, even while the price is so high. That there may be cases of abuse forming the exception to the general rule, 1 admit. But this is -not part of the system, but abuses ot it. And what institution wilt not man abuse ? Do we not see bad men and misguided fanatics, even abusing ibe Christian Religion, and.endeavormg te use it as the means of stirring up strife between the master and servant who are happy together, each performing bis duty to, and confiding in, the other? Unless some porton of this numerous race cap be shewn as well off, as happy and 'impro ving in some other portion of the world, as in the Southern States, 1 must insitt, on my proposition that they are benefitted by the relation they bear here to the master and protector. On the other hand, slavery is identified with tbe South, and .especial ly the planting portions of it, and is indispensable to tbe couo : try Who but the African, ean perform the labor in the tic h low grounds of the Sooth and South-west, and especially ' in - draining and clearing up the marshes and swamps? No other. They, and' they alone, must do it, and in turn, must have tbe protection of the master, and have themselves and families pto. vided for ; a blessing that is not guaranteed to the unfortunate free negro, either North or South. - . Mr. Chairman, no consideration on earth could induce me to encourage the bringing of one negro from Africa; but I doubt, whether itjj would be less cruel to force them away front this, country, in which they hare been brought up, and to which they have almost the'saine attachment that' we have. Sir, I have no uneasiness about the fate of slavery in ifia South, whatever change it may occasion in governments, or however much we may diflur about forms of government, about State policy and national associations; that institution is as j unalterably identified with the South as the climate and the lead ing Southern staples . , ? Mr. Chairman, we may differ as to constructions of Constitu tions, as to the right of secession, consistently with the consutu. tion and as to the policy most likely to secure our rights in the present sspect of the case ; but we do not differ at1 to the guaran- . tee of this -right under the' Constitution. Nor will f vre find division or difference of opinion about the maiiitainaiice of this ' . right, at all events, and under all circumstance. Both races are here, and both seem to be necessary to the country. Nei. tber can leave. Both cannot live together on equal terms. It unequal then, the present is the best relation for both races. It has to be so, and the South alone has and must have the deciding of the question, and will not debate it except with each other. " ' "- :- Mr. Chairman, 1 wish not to be understood to say that we got alt in these compromises that I thought was due to us ; but I do say as a compromise, and a work of peace I approve of it as a whole-, ' , , . Mr, Chairman, we are told by the advocates of secession, that they do not want to secede now, but only wjsh to avow th prin-! ciple. (i Sir, not believing that the right exists, consistently with the Constitution, 1 cannot assent to it. The difference between t us is, that I do not believe the right exists, except as a last resort by tbe way of self preservation, and growings ut of the wrong , and oppression that may render it necessary! I do not claim Uie right to raise my hand against my friend who sits by me. ' Yet, if he were to assail me, my right to repel the wrong, would arise at once, and justify that degree of force necessary to self- ' defence. , j ,; ' , ; . , , But, Mr. Chairman, why assert the abstract right, even if. it I did exist- Is there a necessity for such a declaration, or could' tt do any good ? No but it may do much mischief. While see the South generally disposed to acquiesce in the compromis: es if adhered to and carried out in good faith, this feeling, ' regret to see, is not universal. ' Our sister State of South Cam- T Iina whose legislature has just adjourned, haa called i ConVen.4, , tion of the People, and appointed Delegates to Southern Con- . greea. to be held at Montgomery, and the alavebolding States are : " requested to unite inthi measure. And 1 fear from the Ian- '' ' aa.1ed by;any of the leading speakers,Uhar thsfobjeeref.-- " !?gJee,in i8 I UBioo w States. 'I have before me1 ' the Charleston Cotmer,-eontatniog a report of speech of one , ; of the leading members, Mr. Memioger? delivered in tbd House of Kepresentauves; from vwhicli allow me to read few senten- j jaW rfWfiaW i Great Rfaigas is nightly performing at Boshei's HalCfcorner of Mam and Ninth streets,) are irulj exiraordinary, and sbeuld be , witnessed by all who can ppreciatesuchlhinga.H.ert.inly ' pushes sword ,JUde,:lwentyfour inebes, in length down hist throar, and there lets tl remain for a few moments !There it L t , deception about tu; He equipoise,, vertically oy(meerf muskTi -be sharp point bf ihe bayonet testino im. Ki- ji.I V' : then transfert.ihe.musket'to his teeth, and makes it whiri iSI V 'U . topi see! SPEECH OF -, iTiisaai iiirai sMua On (he svbject o JVegro Slavery, delivered in Commtlee oft He x vhole Howe, January m 1851. j, Mr. Chairmaiv : I rise to address ibe cornmittee with feelings of unaffected em- harrasment. I am to follow the distinguish-' ed gentleman from Cumberland, (Mr. "Dob bin) whose-reputation is not confined to the . limits of this State, a gentleman , . . , -f - m rf- j : a . 1 1... " n ptercinjr wit anu preeisani tnouni. ; Endued by nature and by learning taught To move assemblies. y, -j TiYhil I am not gifledf with the power of, rpeech with, which to stir meos soul." ' I Again, sir, the subject is one of such mag- nitude that it towers above me as a mountain 1 from which an avalanche is about to be hurl ed 'upon the plain beneath. Here, I would gladlypause, but a sense of duty impels me to ascend it and view the prospect which lies beyonrl. . ' Mr. Chairman, I am no alarmist ; my im agination is not prolific in conjuring 'up 'Gorgons, Hydras and Chimeras dire," with which to frighten men from, their propriety, but I am rather disposed to gild the future wi h golden colors and to strew its pathway with the richest flowers. '" What I am abojut say, therefore, is not the fruit of an overheated and excited invagina tion, but. the result of calm and seripu re flections, convictions which have been un willingly forced upon me by ihe events of the day. , ye have arrived at an eventful period in our country's history which requires the exercise cf all our patriotism and firm - ness. ' No man can shut his eyes to the fact that a dark cloud is lowering above us, from ' the bosom of which are heard those mutter- 1 ing tbonders and from the surface of which are seen those' vivid - flashes of lightning which threaten to destroy t.hat beautiful tem ple of liberty, which was erected by our fa thers and at the al'ar of which - we have so often bowed. Every gale that comes from the North brings melancholy tidings. Wise and patriotic men take counsel of each other and anxiously enquire what must be done. With all these lights before them, however there are some whose buoyant hopes lead . them to believe that all's well and that no Sorts on their part ate required to secure the perpetuation of pur Un ion and liberties. As well might the mariner, when old ocean i tempest tosed.' fold his arms and trust to the strength of hi gallant bark. Ours is in deed a noble ship, she walks the political waters like a thing of life, she is freighted with the richest hopes of the world, but in order to insure' a successful voyage she must be manned and the crew must be loyal and united. If there be en individual here who entertains an opinion of entire security, I beg him 10 dispel the illusion ; he may be calmly reposing above a volcano which may startle him with its deafening explosion. Dangers, in order to be successfully m t, must be. seen at a distance and carefully guarded against , Tbe subject of negro slavery has been an embarrassing one from the foundation of the government up this time and it is to be greatly feared will continue so. In the con vention which framed our federal consti u tion, there was a controversy between the different States, in regard to this matter one insisting that s'ave property should be represented and another urging with equal seal that it should not. This question was ultimately settled in the adoption of those provisions which are found embodied in our constitution. The slaveholing States assen ted to the first clause of the ninth section of the first article, which provides that "the mi gration or importation of such persons as auy of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the con gress prior to the year ne thousand- eight hundred and eight." When the South yiel ded this right of importation, the North as sented to 'he adoption of the third clause of the second secUon of the first article, which provides that "representation and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several St ies which may be included within this Union, according to their espective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons; and the third clause of the second section of the fourth article, which provides that "no person held to service or labor in one State under the Laws thereof, escaping in o another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of ihe party to whom such service or labor may be due." Th controversy , was then settled by this fair and equitable arrangement. No man then had the hardihood to oppose these pro visions as uujust either to the South or the North. Years passed away and we were moving harmoniously to that h gh and com mon destiny which wise statemen had rea- on to suppose 1 would be the result of our form of government, when the voice of fanati cism wasagain heard wi-hin our happy bor ders, falling heavily upon e ear of our pub lic sentinels "like a fire bell at night." In 18 1, Missouri applied to be admitted at a S ate into tiie Union. Upon this appli cation it was s ronglv argued by certain men, that congress bad the right to require Mis souri to insert a c ause in his constitution abolishing slavery within her borders, as a condition of her entering the Union. This doctrine was then-controverted by ihe ablest minds of the South. 1 1t led 10 an angry dis cussion which threatened the destruction of the Union, but wise counsels prevailed and the controversy was ended by the adoption of the Missouri compromise which abolishes Slavery North of 36 301 North latitude and leaves it to the people South of that line to establish i,as they may think proper. This compromise was acquiesced in by the w hole p-ople and peace Was again restored to a distracted and siivided country. - Whether Congress had the power to make such a restriction, it is now too late to en quire. It has been acquiesced in by all parties and all sections and has furnuhed a basis up on which other compromises have been at tempted to be effected. Thia Missouri Compromise settled the question of alavery, so far aa the then territory of the gov ernment .was concerned. , The originators and ebamniona of thatmeasure were every where ra- ( eeived with smilek of approbation, and their hearts 4 w5re ghiddened with the thought that the horrors of civu strife wej no longer to be feared. How ' delusive was thia hope. TTie discordant notes of ' fraternal strife bad acarcely j died upon the ear, manV of the gallant champions ' who had fought that battle were stiR npon the theatre of action, ready to do goodaervice in defence of our rights, ; i "ban another occaaion ia presented for this mental onflict , An opinioa. was-promulgated that our cre too c4rcunnribed, that the "area of . ;f?0Q? bould.be extended," In opposition to . 'tJua-jioetrlriQwe this City a warning voice, telling the Country that, !s ''Extended Empire, like expanded gold, ; rfcxehangea solid strength for feeble spendou" n"-"fenwpiaee, wrote " Am, these emnhntL. j w1etfc .vW .1 of Texas at tV ' . .c"nskuV, K co, as a mea.n3 1" the, e N volving f with ot - prooaoty with other tos r e inteffr tv of th- tsT" "Wto. a. v c . "Willi called for by any Z LH inion.". ifLJ&ftEii pose of addi :nu"' now.M al,oro which encircl h u'aT le attempt TeZKfil I can rier add to it 2u fame Uintiniatelv blent M ' eountrv, ll5s namVi, fi never .hall ,ik while bWOl J M-r a?'"., sir, that I makeb no view nf nnU:-: waethii . as an .rM3?.W?t , experience entitle their oni, kij and confidence. P"1,0r k Jf H wumiiuj . mat n Msvu.n in . .... J TOui.j - ir'?rn of tcyi i-.cn uvruica was m nrU "wwr , jons of the SouUt. T.H siun 01 uie aionttfzumag. "p wtJ try was oome tnumphantlv tK ofr lory, wrucn tm give,, fm to home from controversy i r ' jiurj UIIP J "'irni 1,.,, I A erateful dcwi,'. ..t. . . u&niriJ poat of honor, that bmve old jj? f first decisive blow in that ,, 1,0 M v...,gvu we scene un. ' eyes were called to look. I u J N led to glory and victory a anlted ij? animaUni by one thought, 011 , of ; of the countrj-; at home be prL and destructive people. scrnnKi- 0Ttt A tory wluch his ZhH?1, State aat hMvilt- i.:-. ' burth,, . --j -""""". and h th. kJl w no wwitt nnu ana unsli.-.L. , .... of arms and the dread shiir yielded to the common eneim- 7 nations. 1 hat gloomy fore no man can tell, bnt death there was hihitl s-T i" ."dsJ upon which his disembodied iniri l ?' looked w.th plsosure if n3 terest in thealT.irs of men SnT4 irj-men were shedding tears of srnJL ' KU"" "rouim nts tomo a nob .,rj I who there buried their tJJM and renewed pledges of union JuT! tachment 1 es, sir, a noble band of vr3 Washington, looked forth attH Utrohbmg hearts npon the agitated o if J opinion and sought some measure m mvJ bled waters; Among them atood Clay, Cass, and VV ebster. itain. ,.f i.r tury.who encircled withUeireonrattoBi J vi me vouiun-, and bravehj 1 tnetr bosoms to the shiifts of those fanstid., uo nuuia cximgatsn we name that buna nf nnr fruaAm Tk-.. r of measures which they fondly hojd wonU'3 peace and confidence. Whether web sill W result is yet to bt seen. If thev ihonld f,al ever, they are the fruit of an enlarged patnol mm i mwse nooie spinis i.ui in tnetr tffortij should be cheered and animated with the tk: that "If there be on this earthl v snhere. A boon, an offering, Heaven holds dear, its tne last libation liberty drawi From the heart that breaks" and bltedi cause. The compromise or adjustment eonsiitea five separate and distinct measures. First, the mission of California ax a-State in the t'nioa ' a clause in her Constitution prohibiting iivl beeondly, a bill granting temtonil goveruM to Utah and New Mexico, without the Will Proviso. Thirdly, a bill settling tbe boundwv betw een Texas and New Mcsku. Fotirthlr, abolishing thesl tve trade. in the District of umbia, and lastly, a bill more tffectuallj protil for the reca nture of fugitive slaves. ItjsnK purpose to discuss these vorious bills ortcn into a detailed history of the manner in which ll wrw. lutnntoil - npirhpr I pnlpr into uea .. r-. - , . - --j rate argu ment for or apui.st tk'in .is separate at sures. Some of them do not entirely accord my views, but I regard them as a eomprotf adopted for the patriotic purpose of presemn Union, and a such it is the duty of every f citizen to obey them ssthe supreme law land, aod if either a citizen or State resiststh it is the duty of the Executive to enforce their ecution. The first four bills seem to have a acquiesced in by all sections, notwitltstandtrj remonstrances mnde nsrainst their adoption. gentleman from Burke, (Mr. Averyjsjytihatl South baa snbrnitted with a sense of dfOTsdstii Sir, I was surprised to hear such ad!aRtk How can the gentleman, jealous as he sap hi Ar$Snlkorn rirrlita ml vise S snbtDHSlOD toll which he sa vs is deerading? If I thougMmUl gentleman, t would advise resistance. 1P .K.lr ka.r nn innra nf "submtsiionui. ' quarter. Mr. Chairman, the South has been wi cd but not dishonored. No, sir, we are a I will not be dishonored. Southern men "Have souls to whom dishonor's breath terrible than death." Ti. f,in.;ii.o l..ivA law is now the onlyaat of difficulty-the South centering tlwtiij be faithfully exeauted, and a portion ofW. insisting that it is unconstitutioual, andtw impediments in the wnv of its extj is tbe Gordian knot which baffles tbeAJ j wisest1 He who shall succeed in iM obstacle, will deserve well, of h receive her richest blessing. ized bodies of men in the ISortbern ' are constanUy making war P Jrf South in regard to her "'"'JliU moUves prompt them it is needless- nrj The practical enquiry is bow can fully resist their machinations, ana t qutry I shall confine myself to-oav. J 4 All of us, Mr. tltalnnsa, I hop . kjg the same object-the proteetwn JJ .hTdifferwi union, u, uicreji-, . mMtaiff9r gentlemen, in regard to the "f?" thU end, I am not to be T, to the South than they are. Ti the loudest profeftons of meiam wave the last to desert you u wed i the oflherightofa''Sta.ea.anoS The first remedy propu - - ve i ..: iprerle 01 he Union." We will first exarn.ne power exi.t., and if so, fbl piixucu uy '" , .i;tutinl port of,fhe right) Jts! Siates reserved to themselves aM r.k- p--ral constitution, tnen- j but if they simply intend to which V preisive and tyranical ly, .hen we agree U w?6 A u., . uuAnui from tbe tnio" i have simDlvan a Lance, s , , sovereign States which may vVreBtfr cs.a. or enemies accordi nB y go or caorice of one State, tw feder . government differ from j :iance;au v..-- -- - , t t,v0, - in which they declare tbtf m M . . . c.,t in order . - ini P"? ..iltt v. provide lor- sr mes'ib """ t" general . defence, promote the gc it Iss tc K VERY TIGHTLY ROIITJn T
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 29, 1851, edition 1
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