Newspapers / The Weekly Raleigh Register … / July 23, 1884, edition 1 / Page 1
Part of The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
fa' $ By P. K. HALE. . office:: " Faytteville St., Second Floor Fisher Building. RATES OF SUBSCRIPTION: ( i w copy one year, mailed post-paid . .... .$2 00 ( u' copy six months, mailed post-paid.. . . 1 00 I-f No name entered without payment, and in "paper sent after expiration of time paid lor ADVEHTTSING RATES. Advertisements w ill be Inserted for One Dollar j per square (one inch) for the first and Fifty Cents ' for each subsequent publication. Contracts for advertising for any spare or time , may be made at the office of the v RALEIGH REGISTER, Second Floor of Fisher Building, Fayetteville Street, next to Market House. VOL. I. RALEIGH, N. C, WEDNESDAY, JULY 23, 1884. NO. 22. i Mi : . an '. - I s .i VOTJ OR I. From Every Saturday. If we could know W hich of us, darling, would be first to go, Vho would be first to breast the swelling tide And step alone upon the other side If we could know! If it were you, Should I walk softly,' keeping death in view? Should I my love to you more oft express? Or should I grieve you, darling, any less If It were yoa If it were I. i Should I improve the moments slipping by Should I more closely follow God'j great plans. Be filled with sweeter charity to'inan--' . If it were Ir If we could know ! We cannot, darling; and 'tis better so. I should forget, just, a I do to-da. And walk along the same oid stumbling way If I could know. , ' ' I would not know Which of us, darling will be first to go. 1 only wish the space may not be long Between the parting and the; greeting-song! I'.n: when, or where, or how we're called to go I would not know. j TAXATION . THE TARIFF TAX AND THE EXCISE TAX. A. History or Federal Taxation, That Is " aa True aa Taxes la." IK u.EHiH Registbb, February 27, 1884-1 American impatience of taxation re sulted in rebellion and freedom from llritish rule. The signs' of the times indi cate that American impatience of taxation will this year result in successful revolt from Republican rule; that is to say, from the rule of a class of politicians whose legislation for the, last twenty-three years seems based upon the' theory that the na tion's wealth and" progress can best be promoted by taxation. Since 1861, the people's politics have been controlled by the passions of the civil war and the' sec, tioii.il questions growing out of its results; Imt these passions are Dassinsr awav. and their passage from men's minds makes room for reflection on material interests. nce more the voters of this country are in their cool, sober senses, and being so understand as their fathers did, that; taxa tion, no matter for what purpose, is a bur , den upon labor, must increase the cost of production, must affect every Utah's life. Taxes are necessary, but the less of them, the better. There is an enormous burden of them now. a burden which must lie lightened. How they must be lightened, and why, are questions that will be thoroughly dis cussed in these columns. Just now, as introductory to any discussion, it is the purpose of the Register to give, as briefly as may be, the history of Federal taxation and the Democratic party's record on it. All history is said to be a lie; but this his tory, the Register makes bold to say, is as true as taxes is; and nothing's truer than them."' . Taxes, or more accurately nhe want of them, the need of some wayof levying .ind collecting them, broke down " the I'nited States of America," assthey begun life mirier the "Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union," adopted on July 9, 177. The-Confederation failed, because, as Judge Marshall said, it was a govern ment authorized to declare war, but rely ing on independept States for the means of prosecuting it ; capable of contracting debts ind of pledging the public faith for their payment, but depending on thirteen distinct sovereignties for the preservation i f that faith. Such a government could only lie rescued from ignominy and contempt by finding those sovereignties administered by men exempt from the passions incident to human nature. Those sovereignties were not so administered; and appeal after ap peal to the States resulting in no payment of their assessments, Cdngress, in 1786, plainly proclaimed that the play was played out unless it was vested with power to raise revenue by imposts, by a tariff, on im ported merchandise. The States were un alterably opposed to the presence in them of Federal tax-gatherers, which Mr. Ham ilton had long and strongly urged, for the purpose of strengthening the power of , Congress and weakening that of the States by to use his own words "by introducing the influence of officers deriving their emoluments from, and consequently inter ested in. supporting the power, of Con gress." But they were well disposed to tariff taxation. The Convention of 1787 resulted, and that body framed the "Consti tution of the United States of America," uiving to Congress the power to levy and collect taxes. 8 The Tariff Tax. The first Congress under the Constitu tion at its first session fixed the policy of the country, and adopted the plan of rais ing the revenues of the United States that was acceptable to the States that of rais ing them by duties on imported articles, !y a tariff. There was entire unanimity on this matter of the tariff plan being the proper plan, in such a Government as this, f ' n raising revenue,and the universal feeling in its favor was made stronger by the uni versal knowledge that this method of rais ing the necessary revenue wfould incident ally protect home manufactures; or, as the preamble to the first revenue law passed under the Constitution stated, one result of the tariff method would be to render taxa tion more endurable by reason of "the encouragement and protection of manufac- 1 1 1 res. This policy of a revenue tariff, with such protection resulting as was a necessary in cident to any tariff for raising revenue, continued undisputed until 1817. In that year Mr. Monroe became President. Old party lines were nearly extinct. Congress was almost unanimously Democratic, and the period is known in the history of thel l nited States as "the era of good feeling." The era came to the beginning of an end at the beginning of Mr. Monroe's second term, in 1821-'22, when a marked division manifested itself among the Democrats, who were the Congress, and Mr. Barbouf a revenue tariff man, was elected Speaker of the House by only four majority over .Mr. Taylor, an advocate of a new policy of levying duties upon foreign imports not for revenue but with a view specifically to protect domestic manufactures. 1 he new tariff movement failed at this session. But in 4 N2.J-24, Mr. Clay's eloquence, influence hihI popularity secured the passage of an act imposing tariff duties upon several ar ticles of foreign i importation with the direct view' of affording protection to the manu facture of like a'rtieles in this country. A wide and permanent split ifi the Demo cratic party resulted, Mr. Clay and those who followed him becoming; what were called National Republicans. J Jn 1827 '2 Mr. Adams President, and Mrj Glay Secretary of State, the new policy was extended, and after long debate and much excitement in Congress and in the country, a tariff law based upon the protee$ve policy and known as " the Bill of Abominations" Was passed. The excite ment continued, increased and culminated in the Nullification troubles. The Demo cratic President, Andrew Jackson, was equally! hostile to the protective policy and to nullification, to Mr. Clay and to Mr. Calhoun. He caused a bill to be intro duced into Congress, 1832-'88, to wipe out the protective tariff, and issued -his procla mation to wipe out nullification. His bill wotald have passed, but Mr. Clay's politi cal prospects were at stake, and would haw been ruined by the abrupt repeal of his policy, which would also have brought disaster to the country; Mr. Calhoun's neck was in as great danger as Mr. Clay's reputation; both were patriots, however mistaken and opposed in policy,- and they combined to avert strife and to beat Old Hickory Jackson by the passage through Congress of Mr. Clay's celebrated "Com pronnise Tariff, of 1838. This was based up'U the principle of an abandonment of the protective policy. The bill provided fona gradual reduction of all duties then above the revenue standard ; that is to say, so high as to be prohibitory in fact and defeating the object of a tariff, which is to raise revenue. One-tenth of one-half of all duties for protection above that standard was to be taken off annually for ten years, at the end of which period the whole of the other half was to be taken off; and thereafter all duties were to be levied mainly with a view to revenue, and not for protection. In 1842, the year fixed by the Compro mise for the regulation of duties on the revenue standard, the protectionists rallied and the Whig Congress passed a law in which protection and not revenue was the object. The Democrats jreturned to power in 1845, the revenue tariff of 1846 was adopted, and under it the country pros pered, until In 1861, the Republicans obtained pos session of the Government and war came. Since that day the tariff ha been protect ive ; that is to say prohibitory. For years such a tariff, cutting off revenue that should have come to the public treasury, has imposed an enormous burden on the people, who have paid for home manufac tures the prices of foreign goods increased almost bv the amount of the duties that effectually excluded the foreign goods ofj liL-j. Li nil unH misilitv It is not so ilist at ...... . ... - - j - , present. The stimulus of protection has;' so increased production that the body of the jieople feel for the moment no burden j from- protective tariff taxes. The goods , in use by the great masses of the people . are cheaper here than they can be- brought from abroad if admitted dutyfree. The ' consumer has been oppressed, whilst i the manufacturer, not the manufacturer's ; man, waxed fat. The manufacturer and j the manufacturer's man are now the chief j sufferers, but the consumer suffers-with j them. Neither knows when the wheel j will turn, or how long it will stay turned. Both are tiring of the uncertainty. Both have learned sense by dearly bought ex- ' perience, and both are steadily tending to j the knowledge that the old policy is the better policy and that the sooner it is again the policy of the country the better for all. Men are beginning to see plainly once more, and to recognize the truth of the axiom that it is by "growing and produ cing what we can grow and produce most cheaply, and by receiving from other countries what we cannot produce except at itoo great expense, that the greatest de gree of happiness is to be communicated to the greatest number of people; that the trreat interests pf the countrv are m- separable ; that agriculture, commerce and 1 manufactures will rise or fall together; and that all legislation is dangerous which proposes to benefit one of these without looking to consequences which may fall on the others." The commercial marine of the Union has been swept from the. seas, and onlv the immense territorv of the Union, which assures a living to its in habitants, whatever happens, has saved the great mass of the" people from -financial ruin. The Internal Brvrunr Tax. At the second session of the first' Con gress a plan was reported, Mr. Hamilton its author, to provide for payment of the national debt, the price of liberty. To raise the necessary funds, Mr. Hamilton proposed added tariff duties so far as they could be increased without destroying rev- cnue, and an excise duty on home-made j spirits. None were in favor of the excise; for a tax on domestic products has ever j been' the' horror of all free States, and : under an excise system officers must be : authorized to go into the people's -houses, : their kitchens, their cellars, to examine j into their private concerns, or the system j fails of practical value. In has never been i fastened upon any country except by vio- ' lence, as it has at last been fastened upon ! England by the bloodshed from which her ablest minister shrank, when to Queen Caroline's earnest instructions to put down the excise revolt and collect the excise tax by force, Walpole nobly said, "I will not be the minister to enforce taxes at the ex pense of blood.'' The power to levy and collect excise taxes and direct taxes was only granted to Congress because in time of war "the tariff plan might fail and revenue from some source would be necessary to wage war and to pay the debts of war. For this latter purpose, Mr. Hamilton proposed the excise on home-made spirits. And yet even for a purpose so necessary it was so abhorrent, that upon this question of an excise tax internal revenue it is now called took place the first division into parties urider the new Government. The objection here was not simply that which had led to revolt in England the horror of a tax upon domestic products and the necessarily inquisitorial methods of collec tion. , There, no question of the rights and liberties of States arose. Here, that great body of people attached to State Rights and opposed to centralization op posed the excise even for so great a neces sity tfs then existed. Imposts collected by Congress, on any domestic manufacture wore the fsemblance of a foreign power in truding itself into their particular con cerns, and excited serious apprehensions for State importance and liberty. Mr. Hamilton's long cherished desire to weak en the States and strengthen the General Government .by subjecting the people to "the influence of officers deriving their emoluments from, and consequently inter ested in, supporting the power" of the Central Government, and the danger of permitting it, strengthened an opposition that was earnest enough without that added incentive. Legislatures (that of .North. Carolina among them) passed reso lutions protesting for these rvasons against direct taxes and excise taxes. They want ed no Federal tax-gatherers among them, even, for so necessary a purpose as the pay- ment of the price of independence. But the Federalists were in a majority in Con gress, and the tax prevailed against the votes of the Democratic party. The Penn sylvania rebellion followed, and was crushed ; those who sympathized with the cause being most active in stamping out the effect which threatened the life of the infant Union. Other articles were added to the excise, refined sugar, manufactured tobaceo, &c, &c, and the system became more and more odious to the whole com munity. The taxes were collected by force or the fear of it. when collected at nil. The Democrats came into power with Mr. Jefferson in 1801, and at once repealed all the excise taxes on stills, spirits, re fined sugar, manufactured tobacco, car riages and stamped paper. In 1813, to carry on the war with Eng land ( which cut down the revenue from imports, direct taxes and excise taxes were again necessary. The war ended In 1815, and the Democrats were able in 1817 to dispense with the internal revenue, and repealed the levy. In 1863 they were agaiu uecessary to defray the expenses of the war between the States. The list of articles taxed would fill two columns of this paper. One by one, as the need of taxes decreased, these articles have been stricken from the tax law : Banks and bank checks, bank drafts and bank deposits, wax tapers and cigar lights, playing cards, patent liniments, salves, plasters, drops, tinctures, anodynes, and the innumerable notions made by "private formula or occult secret or art;" toilet waters, cosmetics, hair oils, and the numberless devices to beautify or spoil "the hair, mouth or skin ;" even the "aro matic cachous" to take away the smell of the taxed draught with which the beau strives to brighten his wits for conversa tional encounter with the belle; all have been made free again, and there only re main taxes on tobacco and whisky the only articles of home growth or produc tion, the only property in the United States now taxed or proposed to be taxed by the United States Government. The effort to retain the taxes on them is earnest, and it is, powerfully backed. The taxes and the absolutely necessary regulations make whisky manufacture a monopoly, and un der the highest protective taxes protect lve taxes levied in this instance against American as well as foreign competition the whisky ring has grown to be the strong est and wealthiest ever known in this coun try, adding to its own strength that of great national banks, which 'carrv" the 100,000.000 gallons of whi rivv held in iMind. How thoroughly did Mr. Hamilton un derstand the effects of the introduction of a swarm of Federal tax-gatherers' into the States! How plainly he foresaw the dwarf ing of the power of the sovereigns, the giant growth of the powerof the creature! Twenty-five years ago a Federal Court in North Carolina, in all except the character of its officers, was a fit subject for the pencil of a rollicking cartoonist. An old anil deaf and decrepit Judge, who could hear nothing of the little that was neces sary to be said about the trifling admiralty jnatters that came before the Court; an blder and deafer, and feebler Clerk, for whom when it was necessary for him to say anything another said it; a Crier, on whom all the effects of age and revolution ary service were even more manifest than in Judge and Clerk ; these made the Court, and a Court fully competent o the trans action of all the business that an occasion al suitor might bring into the dingy, out-of-the-way premises occupied by the Fed eral ministers of justice. Eighteen years ago, seven years later, a change came; the internal revenue laws came, the Federal tax-gatherers, the necessary Federal spies and informers, the inevitable blood-shed- ding, and the Federal Courts became at once a tremendous power in the State. The scenes which followed are stamped upon the minds of the men, women and chil- v. v. i. , ' , 1 utl H11UII 1 1 1, Vl til v aiuuu I ians, and need not now be recalled. They j were not scenes to be etched bv the hand t of a mfre fun-loving caricaturist. But the old scenes and the new. the old Court and the new Court, would make two pic tures Before and After worthy the pen cil of a greater than Nast. only to be done by an equal to Hogarth. But it is not yet too late to take a step backward. And the Reoister has confi dence that not even a ring so powerful as the whisky ring, with the force added to its wealth of a taking, though false, appeal to the moral sentiment of the thoughtless among the temperance people, will be able I to prevent the Democratic party from , standing by its time honored doctrines I and repealing at the earliest possible rao i ment this law for the collection of taxes by bloodshed, this great wron; which ; afflicts the country, corrupts its citizens' ! politics by fear or bribery, and their blood with poisonous drink. The tide of pub lic sentiment has set resistlessly towards it, and that tide once in motion never stops "any more than the earth stops in its cir cling round the sun.' The North Carolina Record. From A to Izard, from the beginning of the Government to this day, the State of North Carolina and the North Carolina Democracy have been in complete accord with the Democratic party's record as above set forth. The First Congress began its second session on January 8, 1790. Early in the session Mr. Hamilton, then Secretary of the Treasury, reported to Congress his plans for funding the war debt, and for raising the necessary additional revenue. He recommended for this latter purpose an increase of existing tariff duties and an excise tax on home-made spirits. Con gress adjourned on August 12 without consideration of the revenue recommenda tions, which went over to the third ses sion, to be held at Philadelphia in Decem ber, 1790. Meantime, in November, 1790, the Legr islature of North Carolina assembled a body composed of the State's most emi nent citizens. There were few members of that Assembly whose names are not even to-day remembered in North Carolina. In one House or the other sat William R. Davie, William Polk, Joseph McDowell, Stephen Cabarrus, Joseph Graham, Joseph Winston, William Lenoir, Jesse Franklin, Nathaniel Macon, Thomas Person, Alex ander Mebane, David Caldwell, David Stone, David Vance, Benjamin Smith, Edward Jones, William Blount, James Kenan, Fred. Hargett, Richard Clinton, William B. Grove. John Hay, Joel Lane. These men and such as these, their col leagues, alarmed Ht the measures before Congress, passed a series of resolutions of instruction to the .North Carolina senators in Conarress. One oi these resolutions is thus recorded on the pages of the original manuscript journals filed in the Capitol: Resolved. That they gtreiiuouIy op pose every errixe and direct taxation 1an, h4ld nny U attempted in Congress." The resolutions passed the House unani mously on Friday, December 10, 1790; were sent to the senate on oaturaay; passed that body with like unanimity on Monday; and on Tuesday a message from the Senate announced to the House its concurrence in the resolutions, which had been carefully considered before final ac tion in Committee of the Whole by each House. The State and the Democratic party in the State have ever maintained that posi tion. In 1870 the Democrats regained control of the State Legislature, which had fallen into Republican hands in the days of re construction. Immediately, true to the policy of the State, and of the party ia all the States from the beginning of the Gov ernment, they commenced to wage war against the excise tax laws by resolutions of instruction to Senators and Representa tives. In 1870-71-73, the tax was needed by the Government to pay the debts of war, and the instructions were to seek re ductions and modifications, if such were possible. But in 1874, 1876, 1881, 1888, the tax being no longer necessary, the de mand has been for repeal. Annexed- are the "resolutions of instruction to our Sen ators and Representatives in Congress,", ratified November 80, 1874: "Whereas many citizens of the State are sorely oppressed by the practical workings of the-internal revenue laws of the United States, which enure to the benefit of cer tain manufactories to the great injury of the producers of our country; and whereas numerous citizens are now being prose cuted in the Federal Court for the most trifling offences committed against said laws, from three to five years past, and are being thrust into prison and their property sacrificed to pay costs of said prosecutions ; and whereas the enforcement of said laws is not only engendering strife and confu sion among the people, but is emphatically implanting within their bosoms a spirit of hatred and disregard for the Government itself; therefore, "Be it resolved by the House of Repre sentatives, the Senate concurring, That our Senators and Representatives in Con gress be instructed to use their influence to have said revenue laws repealed, or so modified as to relieve the masses of the producers of the burthens which are herein specified." And these are the resolutions of instruc tion ratified January 26, 1883: "Whereas, the present tariff is unjust, unfair and burdensome to the people of North Carolina, and has proven a heavy embargo laid upon Southern commerce to support monopolies, proscribing Southern . fi a -i , . . i , . ton ana cneciung tne natural development of Southern Industry; . "And whereas the present system of internal revenue laws is oppressive . and inquisitorial, centralizing in its tendencies and inconsistent with the genius of a free people, legalizing unequal, expensive and iniquitous taxation, and, as enforced in this State, is a fraud upon the sacred rights of our people and subversive of hon est government, prostituted in many in stances to a system of political patronage which is odious and outrageous, corrupt ing public virtue and jeopardizing public liberty, and sustained by intimidation and bribery on the part of revenue officials, to debauch the elective franchise ; '.'Be it resolved by the General Assem bly of North Carolina : " 1. That the internal revenue taxes of the United States ought to be repealed at once, with such provisions, by rebate of taxes or otherwise, as will be just to those who hold for sale articles for which taxes have been paid. "2. That the collection from imports, unaided by internal taxation, of the large revenue now necessary for the administra tion of the Federal government, would give incidental protection to home manu factures amply sufficient for their healthy development. "3. That, though Congress nas power to lay and collect duties, yet to lay duties higher than the ier cent, at which they would raise the greatest revenue, is, as to the excess above that per cent., to lay du ties so as to prevent their collection, and is, therefore, without warrant in the Con stitution, and that it is unjust and oppres sive. "4. That within thai percent. Congress may, m its discretion, select and deter mine the articles on. which duties are laid, and the rates of the duties on them. "5. That this discretion ought to be exercised so as to raise a revenue not greater than is sufficient for the strictly economical administration of the Federal government, and the gradual reduction of the Federal dent, and so as to distribute the burdens of the tariff, and the inci dental protection given by it, as justly and equally as possible to every part of the country, and to all classes of the people. "6. That these resolutions are not in tended to interfere with the application of the principle that it is just and wise to tax articles that are intended to be con sumed as luxuries higher than the neces saries of life, and the materials, imple ments and machinery: consumed or used in ' producing, manufacturing, and trans portation. "7. That the tariff of the United States ought to be reformed so as to make it con form to the principles self forth in the fore going resolutions. "8. If Congress should deem it imprac ticable to modify the present tariff, and at the same time abolish the internal revenue taxes, as the less of the two evils, we pre fer the retention of the former and the abolition of the latter. "9. That the Secretary of State is in structed to transmit copies of these reso lutions to the Senators in Congress fm North Carolina as an expression of the voice of the State on the issues to which they relate, and to the Representatives in Coneress from North Carolina for their respectful consideration." What he Got. "Once upon a time," began the teacher, " two brothers started to Sunday school, on Sabbath morning. Their way led past a fine peach orchard, where the trees were hanging over with ripe, luscious peaches. One of the brothers proposed going into the orchard and getting some of the I run, but the other refused and sued swat, leav ing his companion greedily devouring the peaches. Now, it happened that the owner of the orchard saw them, and the next day rewarded the good boy, who re fused to steal his peaches, by giving him fif tv cents. He arot a prize for his honesty, and what do you suppose the other boy got far his dishonesty?" "Jb got the peaches!" yelled every member of the class, and another peniten tiary story was brought to a close. Obvloas. Visitor rat onr Sundav-achool ""rr'tiat is the outward and visible form in bap tism?" Pupil (tentatively, after a long pause at this poser) "Please, teacher, the baby: THE CAMPAIGN. CHAIRMAN BATTLE ISSUES AN Addrera of the State Committee. Democratic State Ex. Committee, Raleigh, N. C, July 16, 1884. It is fitting that, before the beginning of a campaign, those who, in a sense, are entrusted with its direction, should- utter some words of cheer and counsel to those who are to fight the battles. While much depends on the skill of the leaders in these battles, the result, victory or defeat, is dependent at last on the courage and faithfulness of the rank and file. To them, therefore, we would address a few words. There are in this State and in the United States but two parties. Of the few dis appojnted or misguided men who have deserted jrom the Democratic ranks, after skirmishing awhile under the name of Liberals against the cause to which they had niedsed their . allegiance, some have the enemy, while others have returned ana are again, in line . with their old column. The8c,two parties have recently held their State! and. National conventions, adopted their platforms and selected their candi dates. - The contrast between the two national platforms is striking. The Republican is in the main but a repetition of those of past campaigns, deals in vague generalities and offers no warrant that the corrupt practices which have disgraced past ad ministrations are not to be continued. Worse than that, it contains a deliberate attempt to revive the issue of civil rights, after good men everywhere were led to believe that question had been settled, as well by enlightened public opinion as by a decision of the highest court of the land. Thus to- throw a firebrand between the t wo races at the South now friendly and yearly becoming more so, is a desperate venture or a political crime. The Nation al Democratic platform after arraigning the party in power for its frauds and short comings, pledges those who are to fight the battles of the campaign upon it, "to purify the administration from corruption, to restore economy, to revive respect for law? ana to reduce taxation to the lowest limit consistent with a due regard to the preservation of the faith of the nation," and demands that in laying the tariff, it should be made to bear heaviest on arti cles of luxury and lightest on those of ne cessity. While insisting on a reduction to the revenue standard so as to avoid a sur plus in the treasury, it freely admits that in changing the law, to effect this end, care should be taken that American labor is not deprived of the ability to compete successfully with .cheaper foreign labor, and that some regard must be had for the capital invested in iudustries which have relied on legislation for successful contin uance. The very existence of a tariff neg atives the idea of absolute free-trade, and the intent of the platform is to approxi mate that ideal standard for the good of the manv, as? nearlv as may be, without injury to our home industries and those who make an honest living (and not great fortunes) out of them. A similar contrast can be observed in the Republican and Democratic State platforms, and a carefkl study of them is recommended to all who have the oppor tunity. We only call attention to the fact that ours demands the immediate and un conditional abolition of the odious internal revenue system, and admits the necessity of retaining the present, or adopting an other similar system of county govern ment, Sot the protection pf the white peo ple of our eastern counties. The contrast between the candidates of the two parties for the offices of President and Vice Presi dent is not less striking. While the coun try, alarmed by the frauds and corruptions in almost every department of the national administration was demanding reform and, tired of long continued strife, was sighing for peace and fraternal feeling between the different sections, the Republican party, as if in defiance, offers for the suffrages of the American people James G. Blaine, convicted by public opinion of corruption in high places, himself the champion of the corrupt elements of his party and the embodiment of -machine methods in poli tics ; and John A. Logan, whose hatred of the South is his chief ground of support by his party. Against such men the Dem ocrats offer Grover Cleveland, the tried re former in the government successively of a great city and a great State, and selected because he has given evidence that he has tie ability and the courage to reform the existing abuses in the government of the Union, and Thos. A. Hendricks, an expe rienced statesman, upon whose honor there lias never been a breath of suspicion, and the very man from whom the office, now about to be pressed upon him, was stolen by the great national enme of 180. Between the two tickets many of the great and most influential Republican journals of the North, impelled by a high sense of public duty and spurning party domination, have not hesitated to choose Cleveland and Hendricks. That these po tent leaders of public opinion have a large following of honest Republican voters is certain. One of these journals, perhaps the ablest of them, puts the issue in these words: "Shall the next President be a man-who has weakly yielded to tempta tion, or a man who has unswervingly ad hered to the right against powerful entice ments to do wrong? A man who begs pecuniary rewards of those his official ac tion has enriched, or one who defies cor rupt dictation and seeks only by just courses to deserve the approval of right thinking men? A candidate attacked, impeached,, tainted and besmirched all over, or a candidate beyond reproach? A Grover Cleveland whom honest men re spect, or a James G. Blaine whom rogues love?" We will sot discuss the State ticket further than to say, that at no time in its history has the Democratic party in North Carolina offered for the votes of the peo ple a ticket representing greater ability, integrity and energy than that headed by the name' of Hon. Alfred M. Scales, or one that was more favorably received by the people in all parts of the State; while Dr. York, who heads the Republican ticket, having less than two years ago been elect ed to Congress in part by Democratic votes, on the claim that he was still a Democrat (though he threw off the mask and stood displayed a staunch Republican as soon as he took his seat), cannot command the full vote of- his party, because many of the faithful say, it was an outrage to prefer so recent, a convert to abler men who have long fought in their ranks. With such candidates as the Democratic party presents, and such principles as it has enunciated, we have nothing to fear, if we are but true to ourselves. If we will properly ' organize our forces and go to work we. shall surely win. After twenty four vears of exclusion , from administra tion of National affairs, all indications point to a triumphant return of Democracy to power on the fourth of March next, and if the people will but remember what De mocracy has done for them in this State, we shall elect our whole ticket by a great er majority than ever before. They can not forget the venality, corruption, fraud, incompetency and oppression, culminating in actual war upon our people, attending Republican rule in the State and from which Democracy promptly relieved them. They cannot forget that by reckless appro priations and the issue of fraudulent bonds, for which the State received nothing in return, the Republicans destroyed her credit and reduced her to bankruptcy, and that the Democrats have annihilated the fraudulent bonds and by a fair compromise with the creditors of the State reduced her honest debt by three fourths and restored her old fair credit in the markets of the world. They cannot forget that Republi cans levied heavy tifcxes upon the people pro fessedly for popnla education, but misused the money so thatrno schools were taught; while now, with less burdensome taxation, Democrats are expending over half a mil lion of money annually in teaching the ImkJi Mcea under a system of ut vaces unuer system oi i miblicTStrarwnlcl equal to the best in the land. They can not forget that notwithstanding the im mense appropriations made for railroad purposes all our railroads languished under Republican control. Under Demo cratic administration, the debt for the North Carolina Railroad, in which tho State's interest was in danger of being sold, has been - adjusted, the continued control of the road by the State secured, and its prosperity established, so that it must be a source of great profit instead of a public burden. The Western North Carolina Railroad, which was left in a wretched condition, the Blue Ridge seem ing to be an insuperable barrier to its further progress, has pierced the mountains one branch of it put in connection with the great railroad system of the northwest, and the other rapidly approaching the ex treme western border of the State and de veloping the many resources of counties so long cut off from the rest of the world ; the Yadkin Valley Railroad resuscitated and extending its iron arm across the North Carolina Railroad at Greensboro toward the fertile valleys of our north western region ; and the Chester & Lenoir Road, &c, &c. And more than all this, they cannot forget that in place of con fusion, doubt, suspicion and war, Demo cracy has given us prosperity, happiness, hopeful confidence and blessed peace. What reason there can be to make a change now and run the risk of being remitted to our wretched condition of 1868 and 1870 it is difficult to sec. But that our victory may be signal and overwhelming we must organize and work. Let every man remember that in this great Republic he is a part of the sovereignty of the country: and that it is his duty to ex ercise his high prerogative by assisting in the selection of faithful public servants. This he can best do by informing himself and his neighbors about public issues, and "seeing to it that he and they vote at the election. Let not a white man of one of our eastern counties in which there is little or no prospect of electing local Demo cratic candidates, stay from the polls for that reason. But let him remember that in respect to the State and National tickets his vote will count as much as that of any man in a strong Democratic county, or one in which the contest is close and that so long as the white men of the east do all they can to keep the State under Demo cratic control the white voters of the West who are safe under any form of county government, will from a mere sense of justice see to it that the present or some similar form of county government is maintained for their protection. For their own as well as 'the public good, let them see to it that their votes are not lost to the common cause. Work to be effective must be organized. Let the county committees e ery where be composed of good men, intelligent, active, zealous Democrats, who will see that the township committees are fully organized and in working trim. Let the township committees report regularly and fully to the county committees, and let the latter report in like manner to this committee. Let pleveland and Scales clubs be formed in every township and neighborhood in the State ; and let the Democratic hosts, or ganized and equipped like a great army, march on under the banner of honesty and reform to triumphant and glorious victory in November. For the Committee. R. H. Battle, Chairman. CLEVELAND'S LOVE STORY. Why the Most Conspicuous of Present Bachelors Wear not the Rinding; Yoke. From a Buffalo Letter. When Governor Cleveland was just able to support himself he became enamored of a young woman who was a relative of the late Judge Verplanck. The girl was not disposed to look favorably on his suit and this made him love her the more. She delighted in tantalizing him by per mitting other young men to escort her home from the Eagle street Theatre, which was then the only place of amusement of any account in the city. - The girl was comparatively wealthy and looked down on Grover, who was a poor lawyer. After. a while she got to thinking fondly of him, and it is said that they were engaged to be married, when she was taken ill with a fever and died. Cleveland did not re cover from the shock for several months, and though he has a bachelor's liking for pretty ladies, his friends say that he will never marry. One lady became so infatu ated with him that she proposed to him. A friend of the Governor told a reporter a romantic story of how a lady living near Poughkeepsie engaged in correspond ence with the Governor since he was elected Mayor, and that a tender feeling had sprung up between them. They have met but four times, once when Cleveland ' was sheriff, a few years later at Saratoga, after Cleveland was elected mayor, and once since he has been Governor. This friend said that it was quite likely that the lady would be married by Cleveland if elected President, and that she would grace the White House parlors at his re ception. The lady is described as being a charming brunette, about thirty-five years old, with Aleasing manners and consider able property. The Trouble with Shoe Buttons. Philadelphia CalL Mrs. Blank I don't see why they don't invent a shoe button that won't come off i the first time the shoe is worn. Mr. Blank I believe there is a metallic f listener of some kind. Mrs. Blank Oh, yes; I have tried them. The buttons don't come off. but they tear the leather. Look at my new pair of No. twos. They are ruined. What would vou ! advise mc to do? j Mr. Blank Have the buttons put ' pair of No. sixes. ou a THE BAPTISTS AND THE GIRLS THEY TEACH AT Chowan Baptist Female Institute. . The idea of establishing this institution seems to have originated, with the Baptist churches composing what was then called the Bertie Union, now the West Chowan Association. This Union had already ap pointed trustees, selected a location, and secured through their agent $1,000 to wards the erection of suitable buildings, before the session of the old Chowan As sociation in 1848. At this session, on ap plication from the Bertie Union, the en terprise was undertaken by the Associa tion, which immediately appointed aboard of twelve trustees, (three from each Union composing the Association) with instruc tions to obtain from the next legislature an act of incorporation, and to adopt such other measures as might be necessary. The Portsmouth Association rvf Virrrinia joined cu0;. .7 IC5RXl - i"SlS"Li2r A" tattrr :fTU-frgiaal U tewtsssvwip ,G.. C. Moore, A. J. Perry, J. W. Barnes, J. L. Tirrell, W. StallingvW, Hiddick, J. Car ver, W. P. Forbes, J. B, Morgan, J. T. Halsey, E. P. Melson, and J. WBeasely, The trustees at onee got things ip. shape,' purchased the old academy lot in Mur freesboro for 1,225 and fitted it for im mediate use, aha secured as principal El der Archibald McDowell. On October 11, 1848, Mr. McDowell opened the insti tution with eleven students, the . number soon reaching forty-seven. The breaking out of small-pox in the town in April, 1849, induced the principal first to sus pend exercises, and subsequently to resign his position. Exercises were resumed May 1 with Elder M. R. Forey as principal pro tern. , The large increase in . the number of pupils soon demanded larger accommoda tions. Accordingly a few friends united with the trustees to form a joint stock company for the erection of buildings necessary for a regular Female College. A site for the new building was purchased, and the contract for its erection was made in 1851; the building Was completed and occupied by November, 1853. This build ing, with some smaller additional build ings erected since, is the present Chowan Baptist Female Institute. The entire cost of building and outfit was $34,003.09; later buildings and appurtenances have run up this amount to nearly $40,000. The main building, four stories high, is superb" and imposing. It is mi.de of brick and stuccoed. It is graced iu front and rear with full length double verandas, each of which is supported by eight Doric col umns, presenting a majestic appe.irance. This writer has seen no Female school property in the State that, for taste, beauty and general effect, is equal to that in Murfreesboro. The lawn embraces twenty-eight acres, and is carpeted with clover and grasses; its wiuding walks and main avenue are ornamented with flowers and shrubbery, and at their intersections airy summer houses, making a picture of surpassing beauty. Mr. Forey, the first President of the school in its new building, retired in 1854, and was succeeded by Elder William Hooper, D. D., LL.D. Dr. Hooper's first year showed an attendance of one hun dred and sixty-seven pupils. This splen did success continued unbroken till the fall of Roanoke Island in 1862, when, a panic ensuing, the boarding pupils were called home and Dr. Hooper resigned the Presidency. Dr. McDowell, who had re turned to the Institute in 1855, as Professor of Mathematics, was prompt ly elected President, and continued the school exercises with the day' scholars. Most of the boarders soon returned; and from then till the close of the war, while most other colleges, male and female, sus pended, the Institute under its brave and faithful head continued in successful operation. At their serai-annual meeting 'in Febru ary, 1867, the trustees found themselves embarrassed by a debt (created partly by subscriptions unpaid in the original cost of erecting the main building) which, with interest, aggregated nearly $12,000. To meet these obligations, some of which were pressing, the trustees resolved to transfer the Institute property and appur tenances to a joint stock company, could such company be formed, on condition that they assume the debts and bind them selves to restore the property to the two Associations whenever the money expended by the company should be refunded. The following gentlemen were organized into such a company and received the transfer of the property under the above condi tions, viz. : W. W. Twitchell, Dr. A. J. Askew, W. Dunning, W. Riddick, L. T. Spiers, Elder John Mitchell, M. R. Gre gory, Edwin Ferebee, and W. T. Taylor. At the meeting of the trustees in 1878, all the stockholders present agreed to pre sent their stock to the Baptist denomina tion, on condition that they be allowed to keep at the Institute, perpetually and free of charge for literary tuition, one indigent young lady for every thousand dollars of stock contributed. The amount of stock thus contributed was $8,000 with interest from February, 1869. The remaining stock was also given afterwards with the exception of $840, which was relinquished on condition that the owners should be entitled to $100 annually in tuition at the Institute till the value of the stock should be exhausted. Thus, through the liberal ity of these public-spirited gentlemen, this magnificent property became the free and unincumbered possession of the whole Baptist brotherhood. On the death of Dr. McDowell in 1881, the trustees called to the Presidency Pro fessor J. B. Brewer, A. M., who had been for some years the successful President of a Seminary for young ladies in Wilson, North Carolina. Professor Brewer brought to his position, in addition to his literary qualifications, a spirit of vast enterprise and a rare executive and administrative talent, and has already pushed the Insti tution to a higher and healthier prosperity than it had enjoyed for several years. There were probably more boarding pupils in attendance last session than at any sim ilar Institution in the State, with the ex ception of one at Raleigh. Indeed, the patronage is almost entirely in boarding pupils, there being only half-a-dozen ex ceptions. This the President, for some ob vious reasons, prefers. The corps of instruc tion now consists of five in the literary department, four in music and one in art; besides whom there is a house-keeper' and a matron. President B. proposes to rein force his faculty next session with a speci alist in science, and to bestow another one thousand dollars upon the already valuable laboratory. And if the patronage next session meets their expectations, the friends of the school propose to erect a ten thous and dollar brick building for chapel and recitation rooms. During the session of the Chowan Association in 1880 a resolution was adopted looking towards a hundred thousand dollar endowment fund, though no steps have as yet been taken towards raising such a fund. It is a theory of the trustees and faculty of the Institute that for training young ladies in instrumental music a woman is preferable to a man ; accordingly, the head of their music department is, and for years has been, a woman. The daughters : of all ministers who live by the ministry, are admitted to all the literary advantages of the Institution free of charge. The health record of this school is worthy of reflection. Since its foundation the aver age number of its " pupils per session has been one hundred, and the average doctor's bill per pupil has been twenty-five cents a year. There have been -connected with this Institution from timet to time, some of the foremost men in the Baptist denomination nottrbry; William Hooper,-D. D4., LL. D. A. McDowell, D. D., J. K. Garlick, D. D., for some time pastor in Rictferond, P. S. Henson, D. D., now of Chicago, and the roost gifted Baptist preacher of the great Northwest, and J. A. Delke, LL.D. The number of graduates has been something over two hundred and thirty. The number of under graduates; has been somewhere between three and four thousand, scattered from New York to Texas. Thus far has this honored Institution grown in favor and influence. And from the present outlook a future awaits it of still greater promise. - WEDDING BELLS. How They Ring In New York. Miss Reed has so many friends in North Carolina among the young ladies who have been her schoolmates and who were mem bers of her mother's family, that space is cheerfully given to the following account of her wedding. The chimes of the wed ding bells ring merrily in the ears of her friends all over the South. PARSOX8 HEED. On Tuesday morning. May 20, at Trinity.' Church, by the Rev. Morgan Dix, D. D., assisted by Rev. Wm. F. Morgan, D. D., of St. Thomas's church, William Barclay Parsons, Jr., of New York, and Miss Anna deWitt Reed, daughter of the late Rev. Sylvanns Reed. The best man was Mr. Harry B. Parsons. . Ushers, Mr. Geo. de B. Parsons, Mr. Harry Gallup Paine, Mr. William Hamilton Russell, Mr. Fellows Morgan. The bridesmaids were Miss Geral dine Reed, Miss Priscilla Alden Whitney, Miss Jennie Gallup and Miss Fanny Mor ris Babcock. Before the entrance of the bridal party the choir of boys tohk their places singing the wedding song of Jensen beginning "The voice that breathed." The organ then began the march from Lohengrin the great doors to the porch of Trinity were then thrown open and the wedding party walked up to the chancel. The bride was led by her brother Mr. S. Albert Reed, and received by Mr. Parsons at the chancel rail. There the service proceeded as far as the "giving away" or the be trothal. After which the clergymen stepped up to the altar rail and entered within, the bride and bridegroom follow ing and kneeling at the rail while the choir sang the Dees Miserateur. After which the marriage ceremony was finished and the newly married pair descended the chancel steps and were joined and escorted down the aisle by the bridesmaids and ushers, to the wedding march of Mendel sohn, played by the great organ. Mr. Parsons represents, through his fa ther, the Rev. H. deBarclay, one of the Colonial Rectors of Trinity church, as well as the DeLancys, and through his mother, the Livingstons, Schuylers and other old and distinguished families of New York. Miss Reed on her father's side is descend ed from Brig. Gen'l James Reed, of New Hampshire, one of Washington s Generals and on her mother's side from John and Priscilla Alden, of Mayflower renown, and from the, early Colonial Governors and offi cers of New England. The wedding breakfast at the house of Mrs. Reed was attended by relatives and friends of both families, among whom were the Rev. Dr. William F. Morgan, Miss Morgan, Mrs. Paul Dalghren, Mr. and Mrs. William Barclay Parsons, Mrs. deMon taigue Ward, Mrs. DeLancy Ward, Mrs. Eugene McLean, Mr. and Mrs. Schuyler Parsons, Mr. and Mrs. Latham G. Reed, Mr. and Mrs. Albert S. Gallup, Mr. and Mrs. Francis R. Rives, Mr. William H. Vanderbilt, Mrs. Elliot F. Shepherd, Mrs. Wm. Douglas Sloan, Mrs. E. J. Hale, of North Carolina, Mrs. Stuyvesant Fish, Mr. and Mrs. Edward L. Burlingame, Rev. Dr. Davenport, Mr. and Mrs. Alfred Davenport, Miss Morris, Mr. Randolph Morris, Admiral and Mrs. Livingston and Commander Livingston, Miss Margaret Livingston, Mr. and Mrs. Bradish John son, Mr. and Mrs. Barclay, Mr. and Mrs. Lorillard Spenser, Mrs. Charles H. Berry man, Rev. Dr. C. F. Hoffman, Miss Hoff man, Mrs. Scheiffelin, Miss Scheiffelin, Rev. Dr. Samuel Cooke, Mrs. Vincenza Botta, Mrs. William, Iselin, Miss Anna Potter, Mrs. E. Chauncey, Miss Margaret Crosby, Mr. and Mrs. Lewis Cruper Hasel. Mrs. Waldo, Mr. and Mrs. Wheeler H. Peckham, Mr. A. Q. Keasby, Mr. and Mrs. Tatterbe, Mrs. George Byrd, the Misses Byrd, Mrs. Edmund Knower, Geo, Wm. Warren, Mrs. Dr. James Living ston, Mrs. Gen'l Alexander Perry, U. S. A., S. D. Babcock, Esq., the Misses Babcock, Mrs. Fordyce Barker, Mrs. Dixon, Mrs. Genl Duryea, Mrs. Walters, Mrs. Ozee. of Alabama. OUR HOME PROSPECTS For Official Recognition. Baltimore Sun. Mr. Manning, the chairman of the New York delegation, told Senator Ransom, of North Carolina, that Governor Cleveland's friends appreciated fully the powerful support and loyalty to Mr. Bayard which Ransom and Gorman had exhibited. He said he knew perfectly well the position of the States of North Carolina and Mary land, that if Bayard could not succeed Cleveland should be .nominated, had exer cised a controlling influence at critical moments, by preventing a stampede on the unit rule, and also after the most re markable scene in the Hendricks flurrv. The Three Raids. From Temple Bar. Three maids went forth the lovely world to see; Three maids, their names Faith, Hope and Charity; Each with her separate mission to nnfold Apart, yet one, a happy band hehold. Three maids went wand'ring; o'er the weary earth, Seeking to give mankind a nobler worth. Naught would they take; to give was their in tent, . . Riches beyond the world in their .'extent. Three maids returned; footsore and taint and sad, Heavy at heart where erst they had Wen glad. For all their gifts in this great world of tin, Few would accept, and none wflnlrf take then in.
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
July 23, 1884, edition 1
1
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75