Newspapers / The Weekly Raleigh Register … / July 30, 1884, edition 1 / Page 1
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. )t -t ! i - ". HtsS it.,-:.. By ?. M. HAIS. omci: - j: Fayetteville St., Second Floor Fisher Building. RATES OF SUBSCBIPTIOH : ( ne ropy one year, milled post-paid . .... .fa 00 One copy six months, mailed pott-paid. ... 1 00 No name entered without payment, and no paper sent after expiration of time paid for. ADVERTISING BATES. Advertisements will be inserted for One Dollar per square (one inch) for the first and Fifty Cents for each subsequent publication. Contracts for advertising for any space or time may be made at the office of the RALEIGH REGISTER, Second Floor of Fisher Building, Fayetteville VOL. I. RALEIGH, N. C, WEDNESDAY, JULY 30, 1884. NO. 23. Street, next to Market House. EDUCATIONAL COURTSHIP. From the Somerville Journal. She was a Boston maiden, and she'd scarcely passed eighteen; And as lovely as a houri, hut of crave and sober mien; A sweet encyclopedia of every kind of lore, Though love looked coyly from behind the glasses that she wore. She sat beside her lover, with her elbow on his knee, And dreamily she gazed upon the slumbering summer, sea, Until he broke the silence, saying: "Pray, Minerva, dear. Inform -me of the meaning of the Thingness of the Here. " I know you're just from Concord, where the lights of wisdom- be, Your head crammed full to bursting, love, with their philosophy Those hoary-headed sages and maids of hosiery blue . Then solve me the conundrum, love, that I have put to you." said : 'The She siniled a dreamy smile and Thingness of the Here N that which never yet has passed nor yet ar rived, my dear ; Indeed,-' the maid continued, with a calm, un ruffled brow, The Thingness of the Here is just the This- ness of the Now." A smile illumed the lover's face, then without any haste " lit- slid a manly arm around the maiden's slender waist, And on her cherry lips impressed a warm and loving kiss, And said : "Love, this is what I call the Now ness of the. This." SEVEN YEARS OP DEMOCRATIC RULE seek homes elsewhere. Still more is it true, that it is useless to offer homes in a State to people who know nothing of the re sources and advantages of the State to which they are invited. This Democratic administration, recog nizing these simple axioms, proceeded to act upon them. Those charged with pub lic affairs not only knew that the people of North Carolina possessed a goodly land, but one containing all the great elements of wealth: Its climate the best, its soil fertile, , its extent great, its crops varied, its mountains grand, its timbers valuable, its ores rich, its mines inexhaustible, its granites unequaled, its marbles pure ; in a word, its wealth-giving resources bound less. On the earth and under the earth, man had but to cut and dig to be repaid. But how little did the great mass of the people, in or out of the State, know of these things! The geographies spoke of the State as having for her chief products tar, pitch and turpentine. This was about all that had been written and published, that was read. How different now ! What a flood of light has been turned upon our own people, and as they begin to see their State in her boundless resources, see how closely they cling to her, how much they love her, and how much more they praise her and glorify her. In other Statcs,among other people and in other countries, her progressive spirit is admired, her resources known, her advantages discussed, and her future wealth and greatness foretold. . The Register will not linger to-day, but at another time it will recall the means employed by this progressive Democratic administration to bring about these glori- these grand results: ous changes Rttourcn made Available. stated principles that Jhe State Govern ment has been administered. He will be a bold man who will say that our laws are not good and. faithfully administered. He will be a bolder man who will say that taxation has not been reduced to its lowest Sossible rate for State purposes. The won er is, how so much has been done with so little money : Asylums built ; public build ings improved ; interest on the State debt paid; every interest of the State cared for; and yet taxes reduced, and this year no State tax at all ! It shows that practical business sense has been engrafted into the administration of public affairs, and that the strictest economy consistent with the public good has been practiced. Who will "say that the blessings of gov ernment were ever greater, or its burdens ever lighter, than they have been under the Seven Years of Democratic rule? And Whit Hu Come of It. Raleigh Register, March 5, 1884.1 . It was said by the great Historian of the Roman Empire, that if rf" man were called upon to fix a period, during which the Ro man people were most happy and prosper ous, he would, without hesitation, name that which began with the name of Nerva .and ended with that of the last of the An tonines. If one versed in the history of North Carolina were called upon to name a similar period in its history, he would undoubtedly name that period which had its beginning when the Democratic party assumed full control of the State Govern ment and has continued to the present day. j It would be impossible within the com pas$ of a newspaper article to give even a sketch of the events of the Seven Years of Democratic control which would justify the judgment thus pronounced, and a mere enumeration of the measures inducing them would serve no useful purpose. It must, suffice to-day to collect together a few of these measures which will best illustrate the progressive spirit of Democratic ad ministration, and show the grounds which entitle -it to the emphatic commendation bestowed above. ' The record is so bright that the temptation to linger on each sub ject considered is almost irresistible. They will all le separately considered, and more in detail, hereafter. A State with boundless resources, to make them available, must have ample transportation. In this age of progress and push, properties that lie a long way from some line of transportation, however valuable in themselves, are but little sought after, and rarely sold for much. This same progressive Democratic ad ministration, mindful of this fact, has bent all its energies to bring every section of the State within reach of some line of transportation. How much has been ac complished in' these Seven Years is a won der, when one considers that it has cost the people of the State absolutely nothing ; for the little that was taken from the pub lic treasury during the first of these Seven Years is this year to be returned, and thus whatever has been done, has. been done without a penny of cost to the people. Hundreds of miles of new railroads built in a few years, and not a dollar of cost to the people of the State : VV hen was it ever done before? Never. Under what other party were such results ever attained? No other. How all this was done ; the exact number of miles constructed, the counties through which the roads were built, and the effect upon the material interests of those coun ties and the State, are matters which will hereafter claim the Register's attention. Tbe State's Schools. The State's Credit. The Democratic party, acting upon the fact that it is a fundamental principle of niir system that government is ordained. for the benefit of all, has undertaken to embrace all in its efforts to secure to all good government, and the happiness and progress which necessarily follow. For government to perform its highest functions it must take cognizance of all the elements in the State which constitute the body politic, and deal with each ac cording to its best interest, always seeking to elevate and benefit each, and to bring the whole into harmony with a united pur pose to secure to each all to which each is justly entitled. Such, emphatically it may lc said, has been the principle upon which -.he Democratic party has administered the State Government. Yea, more. It has not been content with simply recognizing these great fundamental principles as the basis upon which our beautiful structure stands, luit it has sousrht to give to them active, living force. To this end, it has boldly declared through its chosen Chief Execu tive that, as the government is what the people make it, the better the people the - better the government, and the more intel- . ligent and virtuous the people, the better will be the laws and the more honest their execution. Hence it, becomes the duty. the solemn duty, of those charged with the administration of public affairs, to provide for the people the highest attain able means of mental and , moral culture. The people themselves cannot attend to these things. They must rely upon their chosen agents, and if their agents neglect their duty, Barm cpmes to the people. The school house and the school teacher arc the means which the most enlightened and progressive States and nations have emj Joyed for the enlightenment and ad vancement of the people. What is the record of the Democratic administration on this subject? Read it, people of North Carolina, in the bold ut terances of the Governor, in the efficient work of the Superintendent of Public In struction, in the wise acts of the Legisla ture, in the excellent Normal Schools es tablished and prospering, in the dozens of traded Schools shedding their light and blessings upon the communities in which they arc, in the thousands of school houses that dot the State over, and in the hun dreds of thousands of bright, happy, joy ous children that throng them. The change has been marvellous. How it has.been accomplished, how much yet remains to be done, and how-the Demo cratic party proposes to do it, will form subject for future consideration in detail. At present the Register passes on to note 1 ther great results which have been worked "ut bv the progressive Democratic prty 'luring these Seven Years which have brought the State to its present high position.' Individuals whose property is heavily encumbered are rarely prosperous. ior do States prosper whose indebtedness is so CTeat that to pay the interest thereon re quires burdensome taxation upon . the citizen. Such was the condition of affairs in North Carolina Seven Years ago, and the DemocratiCfpartv, appreciating this trou ble, grappled with the great incubus. It adjusted the deot so mat its payment is both easy aid certain, without adding one penny to the taxation of the people. ISO more will the State debt cripple the State's energies or frighten her citizens. No more her credit a by-word and a reproacn. But, her debt small and its interest promptly paid, as it nas Deen paia unoer Democratic rule, her people will be pros perous and her credit above reproach. The study ol tne amiiui and quiet man ner in which this great result was reached will soon furnish matter both interesting and instructive to readers of the Register. Such is a brief outline of the glorious record upon which the Democratic party will go to battle this year. In these col umns it will be unfolded in detail and em phasized before the people make up their verdict and render it at the polls. Not only will the Register tell what has been done, but it will challenge mention of any thing possible to be done and left undone which would have been for the people's good. With neither wrong committed, nor duty neglected, how can the party fail to win the approval of the people? Rather more than seven years ago this writer entered upon journalism at the State Capital. Reentering it now with the Reg ister, it has seemed only natural to look back over the intervening years and mark the changes they have brought. When he began his newspaper work in Raleigh with The Obxerrer, it was just after the great Democratic victory of 1876 ; now he begins with the Register, just before the great victory of 1884. Then, before the State had begun her march of progress and pros perity ; now, when she is well advanced on her way to wealth and power. Her mil lion and a-half of people are law-abiding, thrifty and happy; no race conflicts, no riots, no sectional hatred, no jealousies, but all living together in harmony, help ing each other, esteeming each other. Her people throwing off their lethargy and catching the spirit of labor and progress that has animated those directing her af fairs, and especially her chief director, her ereatest Governor, the foremost man in the State, have gone to work with a new energy and a new hope. Her old indus tries have been improved and enlarged until they yield up their treasures as never before. New industries have-been intro duced and established, opening new ave nues to wealth and employment. Capital and labor go hand in hand, without jar or jealousy. Upon the doors of the rich and toor alike is written Activity and Progress; Onward the watchword of all. In material development, ,the state can point to more accomplished than in any like period of her existence. In the education of her people and her children like results have been attained. Her credit restored, her name loved at home and honored abroad, her officers, her Representatives, her Senators, richly en dowed for the parts assigned them, work ing for her prosperity and her glory, North Carolina is to-day what she never was before. One looks back on the Seven Years, and stands amazed at what has been done; for ward, and sees the light of abright future : One inquires under what political party was this great progress made, and the an swer comes from a hundred thousand and more of the best people of the State, Under the great Democratic party ! Joyfully and with gratitude will the Register record this party's work and the parts acted by its great leaders. Gladly it takes its place under the standard of the party which has accomplished so much in the past Seven Years, and not for a mo ment doubting their answer, it will ask the people to try that party Seven Years more. Iredell Crops and Polities. BLAINE. THE REPUBLICAN NOMINEE'S Acceptance Reads Like a "message. The Laws. the age. Know ledge of the State. Generally, as one understands what a thing is, and what it is worth,! just so will he value and appreciate it. So with the people of a State. They will value her resources just as they understand them to be irreat or small, rich or Door, varied or few. The greater and more varied these resources are, and the more the people know of them, the more they will appre- eiate them and their State which contains them. Hence a State mav contain bound less resources and limitless elements of wealth, and if the people know nothing of them. Mipv msiv call their State Door, anu A wise government makes its laws as simple and few as possible, and these it brings within the reach and understanding of the people who are to obey and enforce them. Such has been the action of the Demo cratic party. On its coming into full control of the State Government, it found the laws spread out through many volumes, including Battle's Revisal: these had been amended, altered or re pealed, until it was almost impossible for a lawyer, much less possible for a layman, to tell what the law was, without long and sometimes doubtful researches. This was an evil that needed correction, and the party ever true to the best interests of the people has done it.- In place of confused and multiplied statutes, is "The Code of North Carolina," prepared with great care by three eminent citizens and placed in reach of the people in every county in the State. It is neat in form, simple in style, reasonable in its demands, and in every way fitted to the genius of the people and 4;he spirit pi i ReHef for the ITnfortunate. The Insane appeal to the humane and the good with heart-wringing force, though every word they utter be a curse and every act one of violence. From the jails and the dungeons, from the poor man's cabin and the rich man's dwelling, from confinement and from aimless wan derings, these appeals for larger accommo dation for the Insane came up from every section of the State. The Democratic party, ever in sympathy with the poor and unfortunate, answered back, "Your appeals have been heard, and the accommodation snail De preparca as speedily as possible.' In verification of this answer, more than four hundred 'of these unfortunates have been furnished with comfortabteuartere in well-appointed asylums during these Seven Years, and places for two nunareu more rc m ramd Drocess 01 construction. Vn nart. of the bricht record of our .iw J, O party is brighter than this. Practical Business Sense. In one of the Inaugurals delivered by one of our Democratic Governors in the earlv wart of these Seven Years, occurs the following terse, epigrammatic, patriotic language : ' ' Government has its blessings and its burdens. Good laws, properly administered, constitute its blessings; the taxation necessary to its support its oar dens. , How to make its blessings as great and its burdens as small as possible should be the constant study of all to whom the people have committed their interests, either as makers or ministers of the law." Here we have the science of government in a nutshell. It is upon these plainly Correspondence of the Rai.eiuh Register. Amity Hill, N. C, July 21, 1884. We are having dry weather just now, though we have been having fine rains all the while, and the corn and cotton both look very promising. The corn and cot ton are about "laid by," as the farmers call it. and if we arc blessed with a few more srood rains we will certainly reap anj abundant crop in the Fall. Wheat andu oats are about all threshed and turned out good. There is but very little of the crop rotted by wet weather, not near so much as the farmers thought before they had it threshed. We have plenty of apples and peaches, except in some places the recent storms damaged the orchards considerably. Politics is beginning to warm up. Our excellent old sheriff declines to run, but there arc plenty of good Democrats who will accept the nomination. Some one of the deputy sheriffs will be likely to get it. How They Live In Graham. rWaynesville News. J Mr. W. H. Crisp writes us from Welch, Graham county, that crops are looking well. The wheat crop is harvested and is turning out much better than last year. Graham has not yet gone into tobacco raising to any large extent, dui wnat is planted this year is reported ex cellent. Graham is a small county in ter ritory but it is composed of fine sections and lands which contribute largely to its future prosperity. Its citizens are hospi table and sobrious, which makes consider able certainty for the upbuilding of the countrv. The latest news irom uranam is tne saa death of one of its citizens in the person of Mr. John Mashburn who lived near Welch postoffice. He died on July 6 of dropsy, and in his death the county has lost one ot its nigniy esteemed citizens. The farmers and working men of every class are working more energetically this year than ever before, which insures us that amid the rivalry of the Western counties Graham is bound to prosper. The Hon. John B. Jlendenon and otMrt oftlte Committee, de., &c, Gentlemen: In accepting the nomination for the presiden cy tendered me by the Republican national convention I beg to express a deep sense of the honor which is conferred and of the duty which is imposed. I venture to ac company the acceptance with some obser- vauons upon tne questions mvoiveu m mc contest questions whose settlement may affect the future of the nation favorably or unfavorably for a long series of years. In enumerating the issues upon wnicn the Republican party appeals for popular support the convention has been singularly explicit and felicitous. It has properly given the leading position to the industrial interests of the country as affected oy tne tariff on imports. On that question the, two political parties are radically in con flict. Almost the hrst act of tne uepuDii- cans when they came into power in 1861 was the establishment of the principle oi protection to American labor and to A.merican capital. This principle the Re: publican party has ever since steadily maintained, while on the other hand the Democratic party in Congress has for fifty years persistently warred upon it. Twice within that period opponents have de stroyed tariffs arranged for protection, and since the close of the civil war, whenever they have controlled the House of Repre sentatives, hostile legislation has been at tempted never more conspicuously than in their principal measure at the late ses sion of Congress. THE TARIFF Jl"ESTIO". Kevenue laws are in their very nature subject to revision in order that they may be adapted to changes and modifications of trade. The Republican party is not contending for the per manency of any particular statute. The issues between the two parties does not have reference to a specific law. It is far broader and far deeper. It involves a principle ol wide application nuu beneficent influence, against a theory which we believe to be unsound in conception and inevita bly hurtful in practice. In the many tariff re visions which have been necessary for the past twenty-three years, or which may hereafter be come necessary, the Republican party has main tained and will maintain the policy of protection to American industry, while our opponents in sist upon a revision which practically destroys that policy. The issue is thus distinct, well de fined and unavoidable. lap peuaing eiecuou may determine the fate of protection for a gen eration. The overthrow of the policy means a large and permanent reduction in the wages of the American laborer, besides involving the loss of vast amounts of American capital lnvestea in manufacturing enterprises, lhe value oi tne present -revenue system to the people of the United States is not a matter of theory, and I shall submit no argument to sustain it. I only invite attention to certain facts of official record which seem to constitute a demonstration. In the census of 1850 an effort was made, for the first time in our history, to obtain a valua tion of all the property in the United States. The attempt was in large degree unsuccessful. Partly from lack of time, partly from prejudice among many who thought the inquiries fore shadowed a "new scheme of taxation, the returns were incomplete and unsatisfactory. Little more was done than to consolidate the local valuation used in the States for purposes of as sessment, and that, as every one knows, differs widely from a complete exhibit of all the prop er! v. In the census of I860,. however, the work was done with great thoroughness the distinction between "assessed" value and "true" value beiDg carefully observed. The grand result was that the " true value " of all the property in the States and Territories (excluding slaves) amount ed to fourteen thousand millions of dollars (f 14, 000,000,000). This aggregate was the net result of the labor and the savings of all the people within the area of the United States from the time the first British colonist landed in 1607 down to 'the year I860. It represented the fruit of the toil of two hundred and fifty years. After 1860 the business of the country was encouraged and developed by a protective tariff. At the end of twenty years the total property of the United States, as returned by the census of 1880, amounted to the enormous aggregate of forty-four thousand millions of dollars ($44, 000,000000). This great result was attained, notwithstanding the fact that countless millions had in the interval been wasted in the progress of a bloody war. It thus appears that while our population between 1860 and 1880 increased sixty per cent, the aggregate property of the country increased two hundred and fourteen per cent., showing a vastly enhanced wealth per capita among the people. Thirty thousand millions oi aollars (au,uuuriAAj,iA) nau ueeu added during these twenty years to the penna neut wealth of the nation. These results are regarded by the older nations of the world as phenomenal. That our country should surmount the peril and the cost of a gigantic war and for an entire period of twenty years make an average gain to its wealth of one hundred and twenty-five million dollars per month surpasses the experience of all other na tions, ancient or modern. Even the opponents of the present revenue system do not pretend that in the whole history of civilization an"y parallel can be found to the material progress of the United States since the accession of the Re publican party to power. The period between ioou anu to-uay nas uoi been one of material prosperity only. At no time in the history of the United States has there been such progress In tne moral ana pnnaninro pic field. Religious and charitable institutions, schools, seminaries and colleges have been founded and endowed far more generously than at any previous time in our history. Greater and more varied relief has been extended to human suffering, and the entire progress of the country in wealth has been accompanied and dignified by a broadening and elevating of our uational character as a people. Our opponents find fault that our revenue sys tem produces a surplus. But they should not forget that the law has given a specific purpose to which all of the surplus is profitably and hon orably applied tbe reduction of the public debt and the consequent relief of the burden of taxa tion. No dollar has been wasted, and the only extravagance with which the party stands charged is the generous pensioning of soldiers, sailors and their families an extravagance which embodies the highest form of justice in the recognition and payment of a sacred debt. When reduction of taxation is to be made, tbe Republican party can be trusted to accomplish it in such form as will most effectively aid the industries of the nation. 000,000) the whole of it being the product of American labor. Evidently a protective tariff has not injured our export trade when, under its influence, we exported in twenty-four years forty per cent, more than the total amount that had been exported in the entire previous history of American commerce. All the details when analyzed, correspond with this gigantic result. The commercial cities of the Union never had such growth as they have enjoyed since 1860. Our chief emporium, the city of New York, with its dependencies, has within that period doubled her population and increased her wealth fivefold. During the same period the imports and exports which have entered and left her harbor are more than double in bulk and value the whole amount imported and exported by her between the set tlement of the first Dutch colony on the Island of Manhattan and the outbreak of the civil war in 1860. AORlCULTrHK AND THB TARIFF. The agricultural interest is by far the largest in the nation, and is entitled in every adjustment of revenue laws to the first consideration. Any policy hostile to the fullest development of agri culture in the United States must be abandoned. Realizing this fact, the opponents of the present system of revenue have labored very earnestly to persuade the farmers of the United 8tates that they are robbed by a protective tariff, and the effort is thus made to consolidate their vast influence in favor of free trade. But happily the fanners of America are intelligent and can not be misled by sophistry when conclusive facts are before them. They see plainly that during the past twenty-four years, wealth has not been acquired in one section or by one interest at the expense of another section or another interest. They see that the agricultural States have made even more rapid progress than the manufactur ing States. The farmers see that in 1860 Massachusetts and Illinois had about the same wealth between eight and nine hundred million dollars each and that in 1880 Massachusetts had advanced to twenty-six hundred millions, while IlliDois had advanced to thirty-two hundred millions. They see that New Jersey and Iowa were just equal in population in 1860, and that in twenty years the wealth of New Jersey was increased by the sum of eight hundred and fifty millions of dol lars, while the wealth of Iowa was Increased by the sum of fifteen hundred millions. They see that the nine leading agricultural States of the West have grown so rapidly in prosperity that the aggregate addition to their wealth since 1860 is almost as great as the wealth of the entire countrv in that vear. They see that the South, which is almost exclusively agricultural, has shared in the general prosperity, and that hav ing recovered from the loss and devastation of war, has gained so rapidly that its total wealth is at least the double of that which it possessed in 1860, exclusive of slaves. In these extraordinary developments the farm ers see the helpful impulse of a home market, and they see that the financial and revenue sys tem, enacted since the Republican party came into power, has established and constantly ex panded the home market. They see that even in the case of wheat, which is our chief cereal export, they have sold in the average of the years since the close of the war three bushels at home to one they have sold abroad, and that in the case of corn, the only other cereal which we export to any extent, one hundred bushels have been used at home to three and a half bushels exported. In some years the disparity has been so-great that for every peck of com exported one hundred bushels have been consumed in the home market. The farmers see that in the increasing competition from the grain fields of Russia and from the distant plains of India, the growth of the home market becomes daily of greater concern to them and that its impairment would depreciate the value of every acre of till able land in the Union. OCR INTERVAL COMMERCE. 4 Such facts as these, touching the growth and consumption of cereals at home, give us some slight conception of the vastness of the internal commerce of the United States. They suggest also that in addition to the advantages which the American people enjoy from protection against foreign competition, they enjoy the ad vantages of absolute free trade over a larger area and with a; greater population than any other nation. The internal commerce of our thirty-eight States and nine Territories is carried on without let or hindrance, without tax, deten tion or governmental interference of any kind whatever. It spreads freely over an area of three and a half million square miles almost equal in extent to the whole continent of Europe. Its profits are enjoyed to-day by fiftv-six millions of American freemen, and from this enjoyment no monopoly is created. Accord ing to Alexander Hamilton, when he discussed the same subjeet in 1790, "the internal compe tition which takes place does away with every thing like monopoly, and by degrees reduces the prices of articles to the minimum of a reasona ble profit on the capital employed." It is im possible to point to a single monopoly in the United States that has been created or fostered by the industrial system which is upheld by the Republican party. Compared with our foreign commerce these domestic exchanges are inconceivably great in amount requiring merely as one instrumentality as large a mileage of railway as exists to-day in all the other nations of" the world com bined. These internal exchanges are estimated by the statistical bureau of the Treasury Depart ment to be annually twenty times as great in amount as our foreign commerce. It is into this vast field of home trade at once the crea tion and the heritage of the American people that foreign nations are striving by every device to enter. It is into this field that the opponents of our present revenue system would freely ad mit the countries of Europe countries into whose internal trade we could not reciprocally enter ; countries to which we should le surren dering every advantage of trade ; from which we should be gaining nothing in rettfrn. EFFECT fPON THE MECHANIC AND THE LABORER. at peace upon a sound basis, with no unsettled questions of sufficient magnitude to embarrass or distract us. Happily removed by our geo graphical position from participation or interest in those questions of dynasty or boundary which so frequently disturb the peace of Europe, we are left to cultivate friendly relations with all, and are free from possible entanglements ia the quarrels of any. The United States has no cause and no desire to engage in conflict with any power on earth, and we may rest in assured confidence that no power desires to attack the United States. With the nations of the Western hemisphere we should cultivate closer relations, and for our common prosperity and advancement we should invite them all to join with us in an agreement that, for the future, all international troubles in North or South America shall be adjusted by impartial arbitration and not by arms. This project was part of the fixed policy of President Garfield's administration, and it should in my judgment be renewed. Its accomplishment on this continent would favorably affect the nations beyond the sea, and thus powerfully contribute at no distant day to the universal acceptance of the philanthropic and Christian principle of arbitration. The effect even of suggesting it for the Spanish-American States has been most happy, and has increased the confidence of those people in our friendly disposition. It fell to my lot as Secretary of State in June, 1881, to quiet apprehension in tbe Republic of Mexico, by giving the assurance in an official dispatch that "there is not the faintest desire in the United States for territorial extension south of the Rio Grande. The boundaries of the two republics have been established in conformity with the beet jurisdictional interests of both. The line of demarkation is not merely conventional. It is more, it separates a Spanish-American peo ple from a Saxon-American people. It divides one great nation from another with distinct and natural finality." We seek the conquests of peace. We desire to extend our commerce, and in an especial de gree with our friends and neighbors on this con tinent. We have not improved our relations with Spanish-America as wisely and as persist ently as we might have done. For more than a generation the sympathy of those countries has been allowed to "drift away from us. We should now make every effort to gain their friendship. Our trade with them is already large. During the last year our exchanges in the Western hem isphere amounted to three hundred and fifty millions of dollars nearly ene-fourth of our entire foreign commerce. To those who may be disposed to underrate the value of our trade with the countries of North and South America, it may be well to state that their population is nearly or quite fifty millions and that, in pro portion to aggregate numbers, we import nearly double as much from them as we do from Eu rope. But the result of the whole American trade is in high degree unsatisfactory. The imports during the past year exceeded two hun dred and twenty-five millions, while the exports were less than one hundred and twenty-five mil lions showing a balance against us of more than one hundred millions of dollars. But the money does not go to Spanish America. We send large sums to Europe in coin or its equiva lent to pay European manufacturers for the goods which they send to Spanish America. We are but paymasters for this enormous amount annually to European factors an amount which is a serious draft, in every finan cial depression, upon our resources of specie. Cannot this condition of trade in great part be changed? Cannot the market for our pro ducts be greatly enlarged ? We have made a beginning in our effort to improve our trade re lations with Mexico, and we should not be con tent until similar and mutually advantageous arrangements have been successively made with every nation of North and South America. While the great powers of Europe are steadily enlarging their colonial domination in Asia and Africa, it is the especial province of this country to improve and expand its trade with the na tions of America. No field promises so much. No field has been cultivated so little. Our for eign policy should be an American policy in its broadest and most comprehensive sense a poll cv of peace, of friendship, of commercial en largement. . The name of American, which belongs to us in our national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism. Citizenship of the Re public must be the panoply and safe-guard of him who wears it. The American citizen, rich or poor, uative or naturalized, white or colored, must everywhere walk secure in his personal and civil rights. The Republic should never accept a lesser duty; It can never assume a nomer one than the protection of the humblest man who owes it loyalty protection at home and protec tion which shall follow him abroad, into what ever land he may go upon a lawful errand. THE SOUTHERN STATES. perience, and impressed me with the conviction that the rule of impartial appointment might with advantage be carried beyond any existing provision or the civil service law. it snouia De applied to appointments in the consular service. Consuls should be commercial sentinels encir cling the globe with watchfulness for their countrv's interests. Their intelligence and competency become, therefore, matters of great public concern. No man should be appointed to an American consulate who is not well in strueted in the history and resources of his own country, and in the requirements and language oi commerce m tne country to wnicn ne is sent. The same rule should be applied even more rigidly to secretaries of legation in our diplo matic service. The people have the right to the most efficient agents in the discharge of public business, and the appointing power should re gard this as tne prior ana ulterior consideration THE MORMON QUESTION. Religious libertv is the right of every citizen of the republic. Congress is forbidden by the constitution to make any law " respecting the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." For - a century, under this guarantee, Protestant and Catholic, Jew and Gentile, have worshipped God according to the dictates of conscience. But religious liberty must not be perverted to the justification of of fences against the law. A religious sect, strong ly entrenched in one of the Territories of the Union, and spreading rapidly into four other territories, claims the right to destroy tne great safeguard and muniment of social order, and to practice as a religious privilege that which is a crime punished with severe penalty In every State of the Union. The sacredness and unity of the family must be preserved as the founda tion oi all civil government, as the source or or derly administration, as the surest guarantee of moral purity. Th claim of the Mnfmnns that thev are divinely authorized to practice polygamy should no more be admitted than the claim ot certain heathen tribes, if they should come among us, to continue the right of human sacrifice. The law does not interfere with what a man believes it takes cognizance only of what he does. As citizens, the Mormons are entitled to the 6ame civil nghts as others and to these they must be confined. Polygamy can never receive national sanction or toleration Dy admitting the commu nity that upholds it as a State in the Union Like others, the Mormons must learn that the liberty of the individual ceases where the rights oi society begin. OUR CURRENCY." The people of the United States, though often urged and tempted, have never seriously con templated the recognition of any other money than gold and silver and currency directly con vertible into them, ihey have not done so, the" will not do so, under any necessity less pressing than that of desperate war. The one special requisite for the completion of our mon etary system is the fixing of our relative values of silver and gold. The large use of silver as the money of account among Asiatic nations, taken in connection with the increasing com merce of the world, gives the weightiest reasons for an international agreement in the premises. Our government should not cease to urge this measure until a common standard of value shall be reached and established a standard that shall enable the United States to use the silver from its mines as an auxiliary to gold in gettlihg the balances of commercial exchange. THE PUBLIC LANDS. The strength of the republic is increased by the multiplication of landholders. Our laws should look to the judicious encouragement of actual settlers on the public domain, which should henceforth be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of those seeking homes!. The tendency to consolidate large tracts of land in the owner ship of individuals or corporations should, with proper regard to vested rights, be discouraged. One hundred thousand acres of land in the hands of one man is far less profitable to the nation in every way than when its ownership is divided among one thousand men. The evil of permitting large tracts of the national domain to be consolidated and controlled by the few against the many is enhanced when the persons controlling it are aliens. It is but fair- that the public land 6hould be disposed of oniyto actual settlers and to those who are citizens of the re public, or willing to become so. OUR SHIPPING INTERESTS. CABARRUS. ITS CROPS AND ITS INDUSTRIES make Glad tbe Hearts of Its People. Correspondence of the Raleigh Register. J Concord, N. C, July 22, 1884. Cabarrus is the great grand-daughter of Bladen county, Anson being formed from that county in 1749. Then Mecklenburg from Anson in 1762: then Cabarrus from Mecklenburg in 1792. As a general thing statistics are not sought afte?, except by the few of our, people, and are 'considered dry reading, yet some people store such information away as a rich legacy. Ca barrus is situated in the Piedmont section of the State, and is 720 feet above the level of the sea; is noted for fertile land, pure freestone water, and valuable VEINS OF GOLD ORE. The Phoenix mine, nine miles east of Con cord, is now successfully worked; one shaft being two hundred and fifty feet deep ; while others in the same neighbor hood, but not so deep, are on a paying basis. The year 1884 will long be remembered as one of the. best crop years in this sec tion, for a quarter of a century. Wheat is made, and about threshed, and the only complaint I hear is, the yield is so great the price will go below anything known here for the last thirty years. Wheat was offered here to-day at 75 cents per bushel. The corn crop was never more promising. The outlook now is, full granaries, cheap bread, fat horses, and such A THANKSGIVING DAY next November, as never was heard tell of. While the farming interest is prospering other industries are gradually improving. Many new engines have been bought and put in operation within the last year, to run flouring and saw mills and cotton gins. Steam seems to be superseding water power. Mr. R. M. Blackwelder has built a fine flouring mill two miles east of Concord, steam being the, motive power. Others are taking down their dams and using steam to run their mills. Mr. A. B. Young has about completed, near the de pot, a planing, sash, door and blind fac tory, supplying a long felt want in Con cord. Success to his enterprise. The Odell Manufacturing Company, situated north of and adjoining the corporate lim its of Concord, is and has been running on full time all the summer, giving em ployment to over two hundred, operatives. The factory is situated in a grove of native oaks, and consumes about eight bales of cotton per day in the manufacture of plaids, sheetings and seamless bags. The factory is quite a town of itself, and when added to Concord, gives us a population of about 1800 inhabitants. It would be folly now to speak of-busi-ness among our merchants; enough to say the clerks are getting rested and recuper ated for a large Fall trade. Rusk. THE "COMMON SCOLDS." Why Have They Disappeared f OUR foreign commerce. Cleveland and the Worklngmen. Letter Accepting Governor's Nomination. "The laboring classes constitute the main part of our population. They should be protected in their efforts peaceably to as sert their rights when endangered by ag gregated capital, and all statutes on this subject should recognize the care of the State for honest toil and be framed with a view of improving the condition of the workingman." A Portrait. .Edith Lapham. Madame, afsound of Gabriel's trump, Would give no vulgar start nor jump, But slowly rise with tranquil grace, Lay all her pinion plumes In place, Make them secure with safety-pins, Account to Heaven for her sins, And take the paradise road, A charming angel a la mode. f A frequent accusation by our opponents is that tbe foreign commerce of the country has steadily decayed under the influence of the pro tective tariff. In this way they seek to array the importing interest against the Republican party. It is a common aud yet radical error to confound the commerce of the country with its carrying trade an error ofteu committed innocently and sometimes designedly but an error so gross that it does not distinguish between the ship and the cargo. Foreign commerce represents the exports and Imports of a country regardless of the nationality of the vessel that may carry tbe commodities of exchange. Our carrying trade has from obvious causes- suffered many discouragements since 1860, but our foreign commerce has in the same period steadily and prodigiously increased increased indeed at a rate and to an amount which absolutely dwarf all previous developments of our trade beyond the sea. From I860 to the present time the for eign commerce of the United States, (aiviuea imports), reached the astounding aggregate of twenty-four thousand millions of dollars ($24, 000,000,000). The balance in this vast commerce inclined in our favor, but it would have been much larger .if our trade with the countries of America, elsewhere referred to, had been more wisely adjusted. It is difficult even to appreciate the magnitude of our export trade since,1860, and we can gain a correct conception of it only by comparison with preceding results in the same field. The total exports from the United States from the Declaration of Independence in 1776 down to the day of Lincoln's election in 1860, added to all that had previously been ex ported from the American Colonies from their original settlement, amounted to less than nine thousand millions of dollars (f,000,000, 000). On th$ pther hand our exports from 1860 to the close ?of the last fiscal year exceeded twelve thousand millions of dollars ($12,000,- A policy of this kind would be disastrous to the mechanics and workingmen of the United States. Wages are unjustly reduced when an industrious man is not able by his earnings to live iu comfort, educate his children and lay by a sufficient amount for the necessities of age. The reduction of wages inevitably consequent upon throwing our home" market open to the world would deprive them of the power to do this. It would prove a great calamity to our countrv. It would produce a conflict between the Door and the rich, and in the sorrowful deg radation of labor would plant the seeds of pub lic danerer. The Republican party has steadily aimed to maintain iust relations between labor and capi tal guarding with Care the rights of each. A conflict between the two has always led in the past and will always lead in the future to the iniurv of both. Labor is indispensable to the creation and profitable use of capital, and capi tal increases the efficiencv and value of labor. Whoever arrays the one against the other is an enemv of both. That oolicv is wisest and best which harmonises the two on the basis of abso lute justice. The Republican party has pro tected the free labor of America so that its com pensation is larger than is realized in any other countrv. It has sruarded our people against the unfair competition of contract labor from China and may be Called upon to prohibit the growth of a similar evjl from Europe. It is obviously unfair to Dermit capitalists to make contracts for cheap labor in foreign countries to the hurt and disparagement of the labor of American citizens. Such a policy (like that which would li.ive the time and other conditions of home labor exclusively in the control of the employer) is iniurious to all parties not the least so to the unhappy persons who are made the subjects of the contract. The institutions of the United States rest upon the intelligence and virtue of all theftieople. Suffrage is made universal as a iust weapon of self-protection to every citizen. It is not the interest of the Republic that any economic system should be adopted which in volves the reduction of wages to the hard stan dard prevailing elsewhere. The Republican party aims to elevate and dignify labor not to degrade it. As a substitute -for the industrial system which, under Republican administrations, has developed such extraordinary prosperity, our opponents offer a policy whieh is but a series of exneriments UDOB our system of revenue a noficv whose end must be harm to our inanuf ac- . . . 1 1 U. ! turers and greater narm to our moor, experi ment in the industrial and financial system is the country's greatest dread, as stability is it great est boon. Even the uncertainty resulting from the recent tariff agitation in Congress has hurt- fnllv affected the business ol tne entire country. Who can measure the harm to our shops and our homes, to our farms and onr commerce, if the uncertainty of perpetual tariff agitation is to be inflicted uijon the country? We are in the midst of an abundant harvest ; we are on the eve of a revival of general prosperity. Nothing stands in our way but the dread of a ehange in the indiiatrialvvHtem which has wrought each wonders in the-last twentv veare and which with the mwer of Increased capital will work still greater marvels of prosperity in the twenty years OUR FOEEIGK POLICY. I recognize, not without regret, the necessity for speaking of two sections of our common countrv. But the regret diminisnes when 1 see that the elements which separated them are fast disappearing. Prejudices have yielded and are yielding, while a growing cordiality warms the Southern anu tne JNortnern neart aiiKe. Lan any one doubt that between the sections confidence and esteem are to-day more marked than at any period in the sixty years preceding the election of President Liucoln This is the result in part of time and in part of Republican principles ap plied under the lavoraole conditions oi unuor- raity. It would De a great calamity to cnange these influences under which Southern Com monwealths are learning to vindicate civil rights, and adaptingthemselves to the conditions ot political tranquility ana mausinai progress. If there be occasional aud violent outbreaks in the South against this peaceful progress, the public opinion of the country regards them as exceptional and hopefully trusts that each will prove the last. The onth needs capital auu occupation, noi controversy. As much as any part of the rxorth the South needs the lull protection ot tne rev enue laws which the Republican party offers. Some of the Southern States have already en tered upon a career of industrial development and prosperity. These, at least, should not lend their electoral votes to destroy their own future. Any effort to unite the Southern States upon issues that grow out of the memories of the war will summon the Northern States to com bine in the assertion of that nationality which was their inspitation in the civil struggle. And thus great energies which should be united in a common Industrial development win De wasted in hurtful strife. The Democratic party shows itself a foe to Southern prosperity by always in voking aud urging Southern political consolida tion. Such a policy quenches the rising instinct of patriotism in the heart of the Southern youth; it revives anu stimulates prejuuice; n uuhi tutes the spirit of barbaric vengeance for the love of peace, progress ana nanuouy. Among our national interests, one languishes the foreign carrying trade. It was very se riously crippled during the civil war, and an other blow was given to it in the general substi tution of steam for sail in ocean traffic. With a frontage on the two great oceans, with a freightage larger than that of any other nation, we nave every inducement to restore our navi gation. Yet the government has hitherto re fused its help. A small share of the encourage ment given by the government to railways and to manufacturers, and a small share of the capital aud the zeal given by our citizens to those enterprises would have carried our 6hips to every sea and to every port- A law just enacted removes 6ome of the burdens upon our navigation and inspires hope that this great in terest may at last receive its due share of atten tion. All efforts in this direction should re ceive encouragement. . SACREDNESS OF THE BALLOT. This survey of our condition as a nation re minds us that material prosperity is but a mock ery if it does not tend to preserve the liberty of the people. A free ballot is the safeguard of Republican institutions, without which no nat ional welfare is assured. A popular election, honestly couducted, embodies the very majesty of true government. Ten millions of voters desire to take tart in the pending contest. The safety of the republic rests upon the integrity of the ballot, upon the security of suffrage to the citizen. To deposit a fraudulent vote is no worse a crime against constitutional liberty than to obstruct the deposit ol an honest vote, He who corrupts suffrage strikes at the very root of free government. He is the arch-enemy of the republic. lie forgets that in trampling upon the rights of others he fatally imperils his own rights. "It is a good land which the Lord our (iod doth give us," but we can maintain our heritage only bv guarding with vigilance the source of popular power. I am, with great respect, Your obedient servant, James G. Blaine Atufuda, July 15, 1884. Our foreign relations favor our domestic de velopment. We are at peace with the world THE CIVIL SEKVICE. The general character of the civil service of the United States under all administrations has been honorable. In the one supreme test the collection and disbursement of revenue tbe record of fidelity has never been surpassed in any nation. v ith the almost lamiious sums which were leceived and paid daring the late war, scrupulous integrity was the prevailing rule. Indeed, throughout that trying period it can be said in the honor of the American name that unfaithfulness and dishonesty among civil officers were as rare as misconduct and cow ardice on the field of battle. The growth of the country has continually and necessarily enlarged the civil service, until now It includes a vasi ooay oi omcers. nuies and methods of appointment which prevailed when the number was smaller have been round insufficient and impracticable, and earnest efforts have been made to separate the great mass of ministerial omcers from partisan innuence and personal control. Impartiality in the mode of appointment to be based on qualification, and security of tenure to be based on faithful dis-chTO-e"of dutv. are the two ends to be accom plished. Tbe" public business will be aided by . , i , . ; i x. r . v. i ' KpiinniiuiET tne legislative ornuciiui mc uvmu mpnt from nil control of appointments and the executive department will be relieved by sub jecting appointments to nxea rules ana tnus re moving mem irom tne caprice oi lmoimsiu. But there should be rigid observance of the law which gives in all cases of equal competency the preference to the soldiers who risked their lives in defence oi tne union. I entered Congress in 1863, and in a some what prolonged service I never found it expedi ent to request or recommend the removal of a civil officer except in four instances, and then for non-political reasons which were instantly conclusive with the appointing power. The officers of tne district, appointed by Mr. Lincoln in 1861 npon the recommendation of my prede cessor, served as a rule, until death or resigna tion. I adopted at the beginning of my service the test of competitive examination for appoint ments to West Point,; and maintained it so long as I had the right by law to nominate a cadet. In the case of many officers I found that the present law, which arbitrarily limits the term of the commission, offered a constant temptation to changes for mere political reasons. I have publicly expressed the belief that, the essen tial modification of that law would be In many nxnartj advantageous. My observation in the Department of State con tinned tne conclusions oi my leguuauvc rx- Neither Dead Nor Sleeping. Lincoln Press. J The neighbors of Dallas, like those of Lincolnton, love to put on airs and call her a dead town. But Dallas has some citizens in and around her who have the "dust," and when anything is wanted to conduce to the prosperity or growth of the place, they go down into their pockets, hand out the money ana pianK it down Althoush Dallas has one of the best school buildings in the Piedmont section, yet five thousand dollars have been raised with which to build an addition to the present building. Dallas already has one of the largest and most flourishing schools in the State and when this building is fin ished she will have one of the largest hest school buildinjrs of any town of its size in the South. In addition to her school enterprise, the citizens of Dallas are engaged in building handsome residences and fine, as well as Rulistantial. business houses, that will compare favorably with those of any town in the State. Harper's Magazine Drawer. American men so the legend runs now in au tne ieminine worm oi rugmuu, France, Italy, and Germany make the best husbands in the world. To this pitch of enviable fame have they come by a cen tury of tutelage, by a strict attention to business, and a meek surrender of all di rection of social matters. Loss of power is amply compensated by this universal good esteem in which they are held. But this commendable behavior of theirs .may be only a sign, it ought to be said, of a still deeper change in temaie temper, w e are not certain, indeed, whetner tne cnange is in women or in the way men regard them, but there is an apparent change. Nothing was more common in tne six teenth centurv than a "scolding woman," and the scolding woman had not disap peared in this country till after the Declar ation of Independence some even iur vived that. The evidence of this does not rest upon tradition. The literature and the laws are full of it. Laws had to be framed with severe penalties to protect men from the "common scold"; and these penalties were often inflicted, one of the most effective of them being the "ducking chair," which in many cases was the only one that could, check the wagging of a virulent tongue. Nothing is commoner in the ballad literature of the sixteenth cen tury than the complaints of the railing of the scold and the shrew, and the devices for taming them were as ingenious as they were brutal. Either the literature of the time is an awful libel, or scolding women were so numerous as to be a great feature of the age; scolding was as prominent as beo-cing, and the scolding wife as common as the tipsy husband, ine pnuosopuer wants to know whether it is the temper of women which has changed, since it is a fact that the "common scold" has practically disappeared from modern life (there used to De women wnom even the sheriff was afraid of), is no more a piece de resistance of literature, and has not to be legislated against, or wuetm r the apparent difference is only a change in man's attitude towards the sex. Some students of sociology think that man's submission has wrought the transforma tion, and that women appear to be more sweet and amiable now they have their way unruffled. It is a very delicate ques tion, and one that would not be raised here except in the interest of science. For the disappearance ot traits in human nature is as useful a study as the elimina tion of useless members or the develop ment of new organs in our evolution. No- l body except the sociologist can say what alia. I , i Vm ;nmmAn ftrnW1 has to do' with man's position in 'the modern recreations of society; the busi ness of this department is to collect facts, not to coordinate them. Judge Fowle In Chatham. Their Voice for "War. (New York World. Logan proposes to exclude from the electoral count all Southern States in which the votes for the Republican Elec tors do not tally with the adult negro pop ulation. Logan represents the militant end of the combination. He threatens war if the Southern States are counted for the Democracy, and Blaine is expected to kick up a foreign war in the event that he is counted in. The people who lo e peace will have to sit down on these turbulent swashbucklers with a terrible force. JPittsboro Home. The enthusiastic applause of the audience.upon the announcement of his name and his appearance on the stage attested the high place he and the cause he came to advance occupied in the affec tions of his audience. We shall not do the speaker the injustice of trying to re produce his spech. It was conceded by all to have been admirable in conception and expression. We never saw an audi ence more highly delighted. The first man we met as we walked out of the court house ejaculated "Hurrah for Fowle! I am for Fowle for anything he wants." Love Tempered by Discretion. Boston Star. My courage strengthened as I gazed; The words came rushing to my lips, The old, old tale of love was told. She glanced down at her finger tips, And then she spoke in accents low. While blushes red suffused her cheek, ' It may be wrong for me to ask, But how much do you get a week?" The Heathen Chinee' Good Work. Pittsboro Home, Mr. W. E. Boudinot appeared in our office a few days ago clad in a hat made of straw and manufactured by special, order in China thirty years ago and a coat too made of silk and purchased in the orient as long ago as the hat, and both garments seemed to be remarkably well preserved.
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
July 30, 1884, edition 1
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