Newspapers / The Weekly Raleigh Register … / Jan. 28, 1885, edition 1 / Page 1
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fir:: rfr rr !l . HI II . " i -a (' : ADVERTISING SATES.'' ' By P. M. HAIB4iav' OTFICK : Fayetteville St., Second Floor Fisher Bnfldhig. Advertisements will be Inserted for One Dollar .. ; K ": . per sqtf are (one Inch) for the first and Fifty Cent Contracts for advertising (or any space or time 1 RATES OF SUBSCRIPTION : ' my be made at the office of the -,. RALETOH REGISTER, One copy one year, mailed post-paid . . . 00 One copy six months, mailed post-paid . 1 00. Second Floor of Usher Building,' Fayetteville .1. RALEIGH, N. C, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 28, 1885. NO. 48. ' No name entered without payment, and Street, next to Market House. no paper sent after expiration of time paid for. v - . II I . . r ;.ll I t. THREE LESSONS. "'. 8CBIUJCB. There are three lessons I would write Three words as with a golden pen, In tracings of eternal light Upon the hearta of men. Have Hope ! Though clouds environ round, And gladness hides her face m scorn, Put thou the shadow from thy brow; No night but hath its morn. Hare Faith ! Where'er thy bark is driven, The calm's disport, the tempest's mirth, Know this, God rules the hosts of heaven, The Inhabitants of earth. Have Love ! Not .love alone for one, ' But man as man thy brother call ; Aud scatter, like the circling snn, Thy charities bn all. Thus grave these words upon thy soul, ifope, Faith and Love ; and thou shalt find Strength when life's surges maddest roll, - Light, when thou else wert blind. INAUGURAL, ADDRESS. Governor Scale Indicates III. Policy. Four years have passed and we are again assembled under the constitution and laws of North Carolina to inaugurate a chief magistrate and other State executive offi cers. By virtue of a free and fair election hclVl on the fourth day of November last, these officers have been designated, and that designation is now the law or the land. Under this authority the duty and honor of presiding over the people of this grand old State for the next four years is mine I am deeply and justly sensible of this honor, remembering always, as I trust I shall, that duty and honor go hand in hand, and that as honor fades in the neg lect of duty, so duty well performed alone perpetuates honor. 1 RETROSPECT. In assuming the high duties incident to the position, I cannot refrain from express- nig mv high appreciation of the fidelity, wisdom and patriotism which have char acterized the legislation of the last four teen years, and the. marked advancement made in those interests which are so es sential to the wealth, happiness and gen eral prosperity of tne people. Wasted by war and robbed by legislation inspired by men who came, among us with fit) motive except to prey upon the remnant we had left, the State, in 1870, found herself bur dened with a debt, the principal and inter est of which, amounted to $41,788,710; this, in part, was made up of what was known as special tax bonds. Issued in fraud and sold at a price which should . have placed purchasers on their guard, these bonds, in the estimation of the peo ple, carried with them no moral obligation, and were repudiated by a subsequent leg islature. This action was afterwards sub mitted to the votes of the people, and was by them overwhelmingly sustained. DEBT SETTLEMENT. The old debt of the State was 12,727,- 000. Unable to meet this without bur dening the people in their impoverished condition beyond their ability, the legisla ture of 1879, after carefully considering the value of the taxable property of the Mate, called together their creditors and, in the spirit of an equitable compromise. offered them the largest sum they believed the people could pay, and the creditors, in most cases, with a liberality which was highly creditable, accepted the terms. New bonds at 4 per cent., to the amount of $2,803,796.25, exempt from taxation, were issued in exchange for the old, amounting to $9,627,445, and when fully Arranged, as I doubt not it will be, a debt jt $12, 727,000 will be reduced to the sum "f $3,589,000, upon which the interest has been and will continue to be promptly paid. This was a wise and just measure. It gave a new impulse to all our interests and for the first time since the war inspired our people with hope and confidence. Only one other debt remained for settlement and that is known as the debt growing out of tne construction bonds. Tne same legis lature provided for the appointment of commissioners to confer and settle this with the creditors upon a basis that would be just under all the circumstances to all parties. After much negotiation and some delay the commissioners, who were men of ability and high reputation, succeeded in getting the creditors to surrender $676,800 of the interestthen due and to accept new bonds for the remainder. This will re quire probably no further appropriation from the State; the railroad is now paying 5 per cent, and will be able not only to keep the interest paid up, but it is believed that out of the surplus which the State re ceives over and above the interest from the lease, she will, by a proper investment, in a few years be able to discharge the principal sum. Our new sixes are worth at this time a premium of 8 per cent, and are still enhancing, while our fours are worth 83 and are growing in demand every day. RAII.RO AD PROGRESS. In 1870 we had about 1,150 miles of railroad, now kre have 1,950, which, dis tributed throughout the State, carry life, light and prosperity to every section. We have realized the dream of our fathers, we have tunnelled the mountains, filled up the gorges and connected by one of the grandest works in the world, the extreme western'part of onr State with the Atlan tic ocean.' Tne mountains and the sea Have kissed each other. The people have been brought in closer contact and sec tional divisions will disappear. The re ifiurces of the west, so rich in minerals ind timbers, are being developed, the markets of the east opened up, and we are fast becoming one homogeneous, united, happy and prosperous people. SCHOOL ADVANCEMENT. 'The State up to the war had a school fund of abut,$2.000,000:nuch of it was lost by the war, much has" been squandered or stolen since. Up to 1870 nothing was paid to teachers except the sum of $38, 981, which is said to have been appropri ated for schools in 1869-'70. For the fis cal year ending September, 1877, there were disbursed for schools $289,213.32. j ins sum increased each successive year unm in 1884 we received for school pur poses $813,046.16, of which sum $623, 440.93 was actuallv disbursed, leaving in the hands of the county treasurers the sum of 1189.605.23 to he disbursed hereafter. In 1877 the number of children of school nge was 408,209, the number enrolled 98, '64. In 1883 the whole number of school age was 406,678, at school 250,644. In 1869 the value of school property in the state was nothing. In 1879 the value was 143,599.10. In 1883 the value was $390, wts.oO. The number of schools, white and colored, are 6,000; of this number there are about 4,000 white and 2,000 col orcd. In 1876 there were no normal schools for the education and training of toners. row there is one at Chapel Hill for the whites and one at Fayetteville for the blacks, s in addition to these, eight normal schools have been established over the State, four for each race, and $8,000 annually appropriated to their support. In 1877 the sum of $11,515.97 was paid for school houses. In 1883 there was paid for the same purpose $74,712.37. tax xtsroRV. In 1868 and '69 the State taxes amounted to 80 cents on the $100 worth of property, without any corresponding appreciable benefit to the people. In 1871 the State taxes were reduced to 52 cents on the $100 worth of property; in January, 1874, to Slf; in 1876 tot 29i; in 1883 to 25; in 1884 to nothing. This last result was brought about by a sale of the Western JNorth Carolina railroad, and the sum paid was placed in the treasury for the relief of the tax payer. The taxes levied for school purposes in 1883 were 12 cents on the $100 valuation of property and 37T on the poll. To accomplish these results, the most rigid economy -was practiced, the number of officers was cut down, all sala ries were reduced to sums many of which are now-doubtless too low, and all appro priations ior ordinary expenses of tne gov ernment were confined within the limit of what was strictly necessary. Such a show ing of progress and economy on the part of the State in the last 14 -years must af- tord the highest gratification to every true North Carolinian and at the same time is most honorable to the Legislature and Executive officers who aided in its accom plishment . f EDUCATIONAL, DUTIES. But as we stand out to-day on this ad vanced ground, we should not forget that there is yet much to accomplish to place our State in that high position which she is entitled to hold and must hold, by virtue oi ner developed and undeveloped re sources, among the most prosperous States of the Union. There is much in the post to encourage us notwithstanding our re verses and difficulties, and I hope and be lieve that he who shall stand where I now stand eight years from to-day to be inau gurated as your Chief Magistrate, will be able to say that onr advance in that time has been equal to if not greater than that made in tne eight years iust past. We cannot afford to recede or stand still. The world moves and we must move with it. "Intelligence is the life of liberty," and Republican institutions cannot be main tained without it. We must have more and better schools, and these should be taught at least six months in the year. We must add to the number and qualifications of our teachers. We must have more money. The State Constitution provides for compulsory education. If we can once infuse into our people a spirit of ed ucation and so manufacture public senti ment in its behalf as to make it a reproach to every parent who refuses to send his children to school and to every child of ten years of age and over who cannot read, we will need no other compulsory law. The obligation of every parent to look after the mental training and development of his children is not less in the eves of God and man than the obligation to feed and clothe their bodies. He who does not provide for his own and especially for those of his own home, has we are told, denied the faith and is worse than an infidel, and surely it cannot be understood that in making the provision the immortal part of the child is to be neglected. I am fully aware of the difficulties that have been and are now in our way. Our former slaves have been emancipated, and under the constitution and laws of the State and United States are clothed with all the privileges of citizenship. These people amount to over one-third of our popula tion, and a very large proportion of them cannot read and write. .The number of white people over ten years of age, who can't write, is 192,032, which is 31.5 of the whole number of whites over 10 years of age. The number of colored people of 10 years and over who cannot write is 271,943, which is 77.4 of the whole num ber of colored people over 10 years of age. This number, added to the number of whites, gives us 463,975 as the sum total of all persons of 10 years and upwards who can't write, or 48.4 of the whole pop ulation of 10 years and over. Thus it will be seen that the colored race adds largely to our duties in this regard, and increases to a very great extent the burdens im posed ; this, too, without any correspond ing contribution on their part in the way! of taxes. They are poor, many of them insolvent, 'and the taxes paid by them to school and other purposes are very incon siderable. The division of school funds, which we have faithfully and impartially made between the two races for nearly 20 years, not only retards our progress, but makes the work difficult and almost hope less without aid. The General Government claims and is entitled to the credit of emancipation; it. should assume the re sponsibilities and the duties growing out of it. Tne act was without warrant in the constitution. The only authority to be found for it was in the higher law. But the colored race was not only emancipated, but invested at once, without preparation or training and in all their ignorance, with the high privilege of citizenship. . This is irrevocably fixed in the constitutions of the SUte and of the United States. The State constitution declares that slavery and involuntary servitude otherwise than for crime, whereof- the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be and are hereby forever prohibited within the State. The constitution or tne united States is equally emphatic. These declarations are in accord with the will of the people of all the States, and will be sustained to the extent of their power. All fears, if any, on the part of our colored people, that their condition may be changed in this re gard, are wholly groundless. They have been suggested by bad men for a wicked purpose. NATIONAL AID. But standing here to-day as I do in the capacity of your chief magistrate, with the constitution of the state and of tbe United States in my hands, I declare in the name of my Btate and her people that slavery and involuntary servitude within her borders does not and can never exist, except for crime. These people then are not only free, but they have now and will continue to have, as long as the govern ment lasts, a voice in its control and man agement. To the end that their action be intelligent they must be educated, and tne State and General Government are alike deeply interested in its accomplishment. I believe it is the duty of the General Gov ernment out of the large surplus on hand to contribute to this purpose. It is said, however, that there is no warrant in the constitution for such action. There is no warrant" in the constitution for a large surplus in the treasury; it is a principle conceded brail that no more money should be collected from the people than is suffi cient to pay all the necessary and legiti mate expenses of the government. In 1837 we had a large surplus on hand; it encouraged dishonesty, extravagance and waste, and its disposition therefore became a necessity. Congress hesitated and had grave doubts as to what should be done with it.: After much discussion and great deliberation, without any express consti tutional warrant, as all admitted, they loaned it to the States to be used for school purposes, and this was the beginning of our school I und in North Carolina. There was no warrant for raising it, none for giving it away, yet it was liable-to be stolen, or wasted if not returned to the States, '- They cut the gordian knot by a loan to'the States, which was and is to all intents and purposes, a gift. This action was not authorized by the constitution, but justified ex neeetdtate rei. We are now in the same situation) an unconstitutional surplus is on hand, and as too much has been taken from the people, how better can it be disposed of in the light of this precedent than to return it as a loan or gift to the people from whom it was im properly taken, in that way which would be most equitable and just? In the first case it received the sanction of the Demo cratic iparty with Jackson as its then leader,' who approved and signed the bill. Our case has all the equities of this one, with the additional obligation upon the government to aid in the education of a people who, though in bondage and igno rance, had been emancipated and clothed with the rights of citizenship. : Both are based upon a surplus in the treasury which should not have been raised, but must be disposed of. If there were no surplus, then the question would be a very differ ent one, and, in my opinion, any act on the part of Congress to levy taxes to raise money' for purposes of education in the States, whatever be the supposed obliga tion of the government in the premises, is without precedent and without warrant in the constitution. If, however, it is deemed doubtful and if doubtful, danger ous, whether Congress can make a direct appropriation for any such purpose, even with a surplus on hand, then let the pro ceeds of the public lands, which now go into the treasury, be so used, and that will, with a reduction of taxes, soon dis pose of the surplus. From the foundation of the: government to the present these lands have been given to the new States for the; education of all children, whether native or foreign, and surely these unfor tunate'tcople. who have lived here so long in bondage and in ignorance, but who are now free citizens, should not be neglected. A HK4 case ean never be presented, and therefore it can never be used as a prece dent. : l But, however raised, it must be given and disbursed by the States in their own way for school purposes, without any conditions which would even in the slight est degree interfere with the rights and sov ereignty of the States under the constitu tion. But with or without aid, the spirit of our constitution and the spirit of the age demand, in the interest of Republi can institutions and good government, that coir people should be educated, and we must press the work to the utmost of our atlity. THE STATE UNIVERSITY, at Chapel Hill, forms a most important part of the common school svstem and claims special attention at the hands of the gov ernment. It was provided for in the con stitution of 1776 in the following remark able words: "All useful learning shall be duly encouraged and promoted in one or more . universities. Again in uov, one monthj after the State entered the Union, he Legislature declared that in "all well regulated governments it is the indispen sable duty of every Legislature to consult the happiness of the rising generation and endeavor to fit them for an honorable dis charge of the social duties of life by pay ing the strictest attention to their educa tion ; and whereas a university, supported by permanent funds and Well endowed, wouljf have the most direct tendency to answer the above purposes, etc." From that day to this, amid all the mutations of time and resolution, peace and war, the university has retained a place in every constitution, and the duty of its protec tion and maintainance has been, in em phatic language, placed upon the Legisla ture, if In the present constitution it is provided that the Legislature, "whenever practicable, shall give free tuition to the poor.iana shall establish a college of agn culture, of mining, of mechanics and of normal instruction, in connection with the university." It may not be expedient to attempt all this at once, but the point Bought to be made is that tbe constitution, tne organic law oi tne land, that we are sworn to obey in its letter and spirit, de mands a higher and more general educa tion,! free of expense, when practicable, for tuition, through the university, to all the children of the State. The ques tion,s; then, is no longer a debatable one;'! it has been settled for one hun dred, years that the university must live. The honor, the welfare of the people, and the cause of education in the State are all involved in it. It belongs to the whole Stat4? Every man, woman and child has an interest in it, just as they have in the Statq property and State government. Who can estimate her work and influence for good for nearly a century past? When the war broke out there were about 500 students within the college walls. On the rolls of her graduates are to be found the names of sppe of the wisest, greatest and best men not only in the State, but in the na tion.;1 Her sons are scattered throughout the land, adorning every profession and honoring every occupation in life, and such is their reverence for her history and confidence in her work, that their sons in turn are found returning from distant sec tion's: to seek education and trailing in this, the alma mater of their fathers. A few jjdays since, at the national capital, I met-ja gentleman who had graduated at Chapel Hill, from the State of Georgia, and is now a distinguished representative in C4nTress from Texas. With much in terest he inquired about the university. My'.rfeply was that, after a hard struggle for life, she was now in a more prosperous condition than she had been since the war. Said he : "Sir, the university of your State had a reputation surpassed by few, if any, like universities in the United States. I was attracted by her reputation, and amf proud to be numbered among her alujnni. I love her classic groves, I love her halls, and I honor her noble work, and I tell you, as the Governor-elect of your State, that your people cannot afford to let that institution languish and lan guikhingly to live, much less to die. It is the' oldest and brightest jewel of her crown, and its destruction would be a crime without a parallel. " We have other institutions of high character, and all North Carolinians feel a just pride in their standing and work. Some of them are endowed, others looking to it, and all will be sustained as they should be by their respective denominations. I bid them God speed. There is room enough and work enough for all. There should be no jealousy, no hostility, no conflict between them, but all work together in harmony foe the glory and honor of the State. We cannot, under the constitution, help them. We can help the university just as we help the common schools, and her help can can como from no other source, for she is the child of all denominations and of the whole people. There cannot be any ob- 'ection urged against her that cannot and las not with equal propriety been urged gainst free schools, none that have not been made and overcome, time and again, in other States. These States almost without exception, are making large and generous appropriations for their Univer sities, and still their other colleges live and prosper ; and if we do not follow their example,, and that speedily, they will soon outstrip us in the race of education. No I No! Chapel Hill must not die, she must not languish. The shades of those grand educators in our State, Caldwell, Swain, Mitchell, Phillips and Hooper, cry out against it. The constitution and the fath ers for over one hundred years forbid it. The long line of distinguished alumni in almost every State, beseech ua to spare their time-honored alma mater. The voice of the people as expressed at the ballot-box has overwhelmingly recorded their decree against a starving, sickly existence which is as disastrous as death itself. If then she is to )iyc, in the name of her past glorious history and the State's high hopes of the future, let us make it an institution worthy of the State and her people, equal led by few and surpassed by none. An appropriation equal to one-half what the states of Virginia, south Carolina, Mis souri, Maryland, Tennessee, Xsew York, Kansas, Georgia, Mississippi, Colorado, California, Nebraska, Minnesota, Wis consin and Iowa have made for a similar purpose, will give her new life, new hopes and a new future. Tbe reports are before us; her wants, indeed her needs can't be covered up. The responsibility is with us. Let us rise to the height of the occasion, do our whole duty and coming generations will bless us. The industries of the State have claimed and should continue to claim the earnest attention of the legislature. The constitution provides that the general as sembly shall establish a DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, immigration and statistics under snch regulations as may best promote the ag ricultural interests of the State, and shall make laws for the adequate protection and encouragement of sheep husbandry. In accordance with this provision of the constitution a department has been estab lished by law and so far has been ably and well equipped with men and means to give it vigor and efficacy. Its duties are most important and if faithfully and wisely performed, must redound to the interests and prosperity of - the State. They arc to investigate the best mode of improving and extending sheep hus bandry and make their report to the legis lature, and more particularly the best means of suppressing the ravages of dogs. l his industry is well adapted to our soil and climate and the proper protection and encouragement must soon become one of the most popular and prosperous industries in the State, but it has been sadly neglected. The legislature in de fining the duties of the department in this regard has at the same time merely suggested what is justly considered the first step, to-wit, the suppression of the ravages of dogs, bnt unfortunately they contented themselves with the suggestion and nothing has been done to carry it into effect. The dog and sheep will no more thrive together than the wolf and the lamb. Muzzle the dogs and the sheep prosper, loose the dogs and the sheep are destroyed. There must also be investi gations relating to diseases of cattle and other domestic animals, to the ravages of insects, to the introduction and fostering of new agricultural industries adapted to the soils and climate of the State, such as culture of silk, the sugar beet, the grape and other fruits. There must also be in vestigations as to drainage and irrigation, and in relation to the costs and mode of utilizing native mineral and other domes tic sources of fertilizers, as well as their adaptation to soils and crops. They are also charged with the duty of collecting statistics in regard to fencing; with the propagation and culture of fish in the rivers and other inland waters of the State, with the enforcement and supervision of the laws and regulations which are or may be enacted in this State for the sale of commercial fertilizers and seeds. In con nection with this it is provided that there should be employed an analyst skilled in agricultural. chemistry, whose duty itjshall be, upon the request of the department, to analyze all soils, fertilizers and products, water and food, in the interest of general industry and public health. Finally, it is the duty of this board to make reports and such suggestions to the legislature as seem to them, in the spirit of this law, to be practicable. The chief interest of the State, and I trust it always will be so, con sists in her agricultural productions. A long step has been made in the right di rection and much good done. The quality and quantity of our products have improv ed and are still improving. The yield of cotton in the State has increased from 73, 845 bales in 1850 and 145,514 in 1860 to 389,598 bales in 1880. Our tobaccos command a higher average price than those of any other State in the Union, but the quantity as yet is not as much by 6, 000,000 pounds as it was in 1860. I have observed with much regret since the war a disposition on the part of educated young men just arriving at manhood to surrender the farm of their fatheraonto the hands of tenants and repair to the cities, already overcrowded, to lead a fast er, but a less useful and it may be a less manly life. The responsibility of invest ing this industry with new interest, mak ing it more honorable, and thus attracting to and keeping in it our most intelligent and best young men, rests in a good degree upon this board mid the commissioner. That they will ably and successfully res pond Ao every duty, I feel well assured, and doubt not that in a few years, our State with her farms and her gardens will bloom and blossom as the rose. competition with foreign goods, and are not at all influenced in price by, the tariff. Jt is also estimated and the correctness of the calculation is conceded that a cotton factory situated here in the cotton belt, with the plant growing around it, has an advantage of $3.00 per bale over any Northern factory. Many of our friends engaged in that industry have entertained the opinion that the present diminished demand and low price of their goods were due mainly to tariff and tariff agitations; but the facts above stated show that this can't be so, that besides this the tariff has been agitated more or less for ten years in Congress without any material reduction, with little or no effect upon the price, un less it has been for this year, and the fact that agitation has not lowered it heretofore, compels us to assign some other cause that can be found in over-production of the manufactured goods, the limited market, and speculation and failures in business, causing capital, always tiinid,'to withdraw from business centres and hide itself in the banks of coqiorations and chests of private individuals. But our manufactur ing interests, notwithstanding the disasters of this year, are most, encouraging, our great advantages must eventually attract a large share of Northern capital to our borders, and we need no other aid than good sense, strong arms, honest, econo mical government and low taxes. RAILROAD TROUBLES. We have already seen the rapid increase of railroads in our borders, and while this is very gratifying as an unmistakable evi dence of our material prosperity and pro gress, it is a source of regret that serious antagonisms exist between the railroad corporations and the citizens in their indi vidual capacity. The corporations com plain that in all matters of controversy be tween them and the individual citizens, it is often difficult for them to get exact justice from the courts and juries of the country. On the other hand the citizens complain that these corporations, chartered and often aided by the State as common carriers, for the common good, are allowed without competition or the restraining in fluence of law, to levy taxes in the way of freight and fares at their pleasure to the oppression of the citizens. They further complain that unequal and unjust dis criminations are made by the railroads, as between individuals, companies, stations, towns and cities, and that the result of this discrimination is to build up one city or locality at the expense of another, and to break down one set of men for the benefit of another. These are grave complaints on both sides, and there is doubtless much truth in them. When a railroad company is chartered it is made a person in law, and as such is entitled to all its privileges, rights and immunities, given under the law. as much as the' highest and most favored individual .in the land. Say if you will that it has no soul, no sympathies, no affections, no ambition or aspiration beyond gain, still it is a child of the law, and in a land where law is supreme is en titled to all the power of the State to secure a fair trial -and protection of every legal tight But while this is so the citi zens also have rights under the constitu tion that must be equally recognized and protected. All other common carriers, whether by land or sea, to a greater or less extent, are regulated and held within proper limits in all their exactions from the public by competition, but with rail roads there is no competition, and if one is built now and then with any such view, it is soon destroyed by combinations for mutual profit. That this is a crying evil and calls loudly for a remedy is shown in the agitations on this subject for the last ten years, not only in the halls of Congress, but in all the State Legislatures. That the Legislature has the power to control and regulate these corporations, and that it is their duty if not done by the corpo rate authorities themselves, to remedy the first come and upon their recommendation be submitted'to the Governor. This power is so liable to be abused and has been so much abused, that I am inclined to think that such a provision is wise and perhaps the best possible safeguard against indi vidual bias, personal weakness and any other improper considerations. Under such a law the board must recommend to the Governor, but there can be no pardon without a concurrence of the board and the executive. A pardon always comes in contact with the judgment of the law. The law says the penalty must be enforced, the pardon says it shall not be and is in fact a nullification of justice as meted out by our courts. . As a general thiog it is much better that the judgment of the law should stand. The courts are provided, judges learned in the law and conscientious in discharge of duty arc appointed, able and wise counsellors are secured for the prosecution and defence, and twelve good men from the body of the county are sum moned and sworn to do justice between the prisoners at the bar and the State. The witnesses are brought in and com pelled to testify in the presence of the court and jury, and the hearing is usually calm, patient, faithful and without preju dice. After instruction on the law these twelve good men, the peers of the prisoner, decide the facts. If the law as expounded is wrong or doubtful, there is an appellant court to which the prisoner can resort. If after all the man is found guilty and judg ment pronounced, it should not, except in rare cases, be set aside. The pardoning power, wherever lodged, must in no sense be regarded as an appellate court. As to matters of fact and law which arise and are decided on the trial, the courts must be the final arbiters, and if the judgment is set asiue hi au, it buuuiu ue as Liieuer, in his Civil Liberty and Self-government, says, in the exercise of conciliatory power to protect only in cases when essential jus tice demands it against law, or for very special and peculiar reasons; "Justice be ing the end of all civil government and law the means to obtain it, the pardoning power is necessary in order to protect the citizens against the latter. Whenever in peculiar combinations and circumstan ces it militates with the true end of the State, that is with justice itself, in such cases pardon may be granted, but even then it should only be done after the most patient and thoughtful investigation. The arbitrary, frequent and loose exercise of the pardoning power would be disastrous in the extreme, impairing in its consequences love of justice, confidence in the courts. respect lor tne law ana our high venera tion of the trial by jury. wrongs, will hardly admit of a doubt. The great question, and the one that pre sents tbe only difficulty to my mind is, how shall a law be formed so as to meet the difficulty fully, and at the same time save to the railroads whatever of right and privilege is necessary to their preservation and legitimate profit? The national House of Representatives, after many years of discussion and deliberation, has recently passed a bill which, to a large majority of that House, seems to be a very proper bill for a beginning, yet there are a large num ber of wise and experienced statesmen in the minority, and elsewhere outside of Congress, who believe the bill is imprac ticable and if practicable puts in jeopardy the existence of these corporations. But it is to be as an experiment, and liable to be amended hereafter as time and experi ence may dictate. These corporations best understand their business, and are certainly best qualified to know what should be done and how to do it. They cannot fail to see that something must be done. The people are aroused and de termined. Congress and the Legislatures but reflect the will of the people and the profound interest they feel in the subject. Will they do it? The wisdom which looks to the best interests of the roads, the good of the people and to the harmony and good feeling between these clashing interests demand it. Bnt if they fail and nothing is done, the agitation will go on increasing day by day until the people will force from unwilling hands that jus tice which if voluntarily granted would have been gladly accepted in a spirit of compromise, leaving no sting behind. PUBLIC ROADS. JEFFERSON DAVIS. ABBAHAII LINCOLN'S WATS, A Youthful Love Affair. Am IueMeml of th Blctamom4 Trip. MANUFACTURING. The manufactures of the State are grad ually improving and give brighter promise of the future. In 1860 the number of es tablishments was 3,689 with a capital of $9,693,703; in 1870 the number was 3,642 with a capital of $8,140,473; in 1880 the number was 3,802, with a capital of $13, 045, 639. This shows an increase in the last decade of 160 in number and of $4,905, 166 in capital. The Tariff Commission of the 47th Congress, all of whom were more or less protectionists, in their report on cotton manufactures, say that after a full investigation of the interest North and South, they find that the cotton manufac turers almost without an exception declare that if the duties imposed upon machinery and aniline dyes are taken oil, they do not need or desire protection. In addition to this it is well known and conceded by all that the class of cotton goods made at the South are of a coarser texture than goods made abroad, therefore do not come in We have made little or no progress in our public toads for nearly one hundred years, and the subject in its importance is -second to none in the State. If we build great railroads and improve our national water ways, then we must reach them by turn pikes and other good roads in the moun tains and elsewhere, until all the produc tions in every part of the State will find an easy and safe way to the markets of the world. As the arteries to the body, as the rivers to the ocean and as the springs and smaller streams to the rivers, so are the public roads to the railroads and water ways in sustaining the trade and commerce of the world. Our system is old and sadly defective and through all these years have been most sadly neglected. There must be amendment. The people will demand it. Communications have been received from some of the wisest and most experienced of our statesmen urging atten tion to the question. I cannot go into detail but I must be permitted to hope that this legislature will make a beginning, and to suggest that at least, part of the convict force should be reserved and ap plied through the counties to this purpose to be continued year after year until we have a complete network of good roads leading from every neighborhood in the State to the railroads, waterways and mar kets of the world. . , , PARDONS. , The pardoning power is one of the pre rogatives of the State executive. In some of the States a board of pardon is pro vided before whom all applications must THE OLD FLAG. our loyalty to the Lnion is even now often questioned, but mainly by those who for political purposes seek to agitate and perpetuate the hatreds of the war. Nearly twenty years ago the people of this State met in convention ana aaoptea me ionow ing clauses as a part of their constitution: Art. 1, Sec. 4. That this State shall ever remain a member of the American Union ; that the people thereof are part of the American nation ; and that there is no right on the part of the State to secede, and that all attempts, from whatever source or upon whatever pretext, to dis solve said Union, or to sever said nation, ought to be resisted with the whole power of the State. SdC. 5. That every citizen of this State owes paramount allegiance to the consti tution and government of the Lnited States, and that no law or ordinance of the State in contravention or subversion hereof can have any binding force. The infant of two years of age then is now a man and a voter, yet in all that time I challenge our traducers to produce a single word or act from one who was a true representative of Southern thought and feeling inconsistent with these decla rations. We were solid when they were made ; we are solid now in their support. For the last sixteen years we have had no candidates from the South for President or Vice-President, but contented ourselves, even whije controlling 152 electoral votes, with a selection from Northern States and from men who fought in the war on the other side. It mattered not to us from what locality they hailed, provided they were men who believed that all the States were equal, and each State an essential part of the Union. Wasted by the war, we desired an honest government econom ically administered. Weak, comparative ly, in political power, our highest interest and safety lay, as we believed, in a re stored Union and a strict construction of the constitution. To accomplish these high purposes the white men of the State, and, I may say, of the entire South, pre sented in every election a united and solid front. For years we struggled against numbers, power, wealth and passion, and struggled without success, almost without hope, but a new era has dawned upon our entire country and the day or her reaemp tion draweth nigh. In the great contest just ended, so important were the issues involved, that the South, with all of the great Middle States, except one, with the great States of Connecticut in New Eng land and Indiana in the Northwest, united together in a holv alliance, to give them success. Men everywhere trampling upon all considerations oi party interest or sec tional power, succeeded, as we gladly be lieve, m bringing into power an Adminis tration that will restore the Union of our fathers, based upon the constitution, the equality of the States and the affections of the people. All hail to the new Union thus restored! All hail to the patriotic men, without distinction of party or sec tion, who accomplished it ! Mayitlivein every heart and without the loss of a sin gle star, now, henceforth and forever, And now, in discharge of the high duties which devolve upon me, I invoke the aid of all the co-ordinate branches of the gov ernment; I invoke the sympathy, indul gence and support of this great people, and especially do I invoke wisdom, knowl edge and strength from on high, that I may go in and out before this people in the fear of God, and so conduct myself in my great office that my administration mav redound to His glory and the honor and welfare of this people. No Politics Now. Ashevflle Citizen Letter. lherc is in the House scarcely a symp torn of party feeling. The maiority falls back sublimely upon its consciousness of strength and superiority. The minority seems content to be let alone, and drift modestly along in a quiet and undisturbed current. . New York Times. Recent pyrotechnic displays on the floor of the Nation's Senate as to whether Jef ferson Davis was a patriot or a traitor a score of years or so ago have again attract ed attention to the man whom Sam Ward once jocularly styled "the great American myth." But even if it be true that Mr. Davis, according to William Tecumseh Sherman, was a double-distilled traitor originally to th cause be afterward cham pioned, there is yet little doubt that more than one romantic chapter has appeared in the hard shell Southerner's career. And of this I became thore than convinced after hearing a bit of entertaining gossip about his early days. When Jeff Davis, in his twenties during his Western service, had obtained his com mission in the First Dragoons he was given furlough. After a brief visit to the cap ital and as brief a sojourn among his Ken tucky relatives, the young officer drove post haste to luxurious Charleston, where all the wealth and beauty of the Southern planter's world were concentred. Of course there was an attraction to the West Pointer at Charleston. This attraction was a bright-eyed beauty, a Miss Colby, whose reputation as a belle is famous in South Carolinian annals. Col. Charles Colby, a wealthy Ashley River planter, dying in 1820 or 1821, had left his only daughter, stanch Episcopalian though he was, to the guardianship of Dr. John England, first Catholic Bishop of Charleston. Just how Lieutenant Davis became acquainted with the planter's heiress I have not learned. But two nights after his arrival in Charleston an invita tion was handed the officer to attend a ball in the famous Town Hall. Davis's card had been sent up to Dr. England's episcopal residence almost before he had shaken the dust of travel from his shoes, with, of course, a billet addressed to Miss Colby. The hours must have dragged wearily along on the day preceding the great ball. The city was all agog with excitement and the planters' coaches, roll ing over the stones in rumbling haste, were within sight of the anxious young officer watching from an upper story win dow of a strange hostelry. Unaccompanied the youth madehis way into the ballroom, and leaning against a pillar eagerly scanned each new arrival's face. The soldierly bearing of the ex- cadet, the fine eyes, lighting up a manly, scholarly face, possibly won admiring comments from the lips of Charleston's haughty dames and damsels. He was ob served to change his listless attitude and suddenly start toward the ballroom door way, through which Miss Colby, all at her loveliest, was entering on the arm of a dark, imperious-looking gentleman in the full evening dress of the period. Unde terred by the sight of her escort, a Louisi anian of proud Creole family, Davis was soon at the beauty's side, who smiled her welcome as she extended her hand. While basking in the light of the fair one's eyes the youth, fresh from the rude surface of the frontier, shook off his bashfulness and all melancholy faded from his countenance ; when he was given the blissful privilege of escorting his partner to the banquet room, regardless of the claims of her es cort, his cup of pleasure ran brimming over. An exact account of what subsequently occurred has come to no man's ears. . But this much, at least, I believe is true f -The stern-looking cavalier who had been Miss Colby's original attendant had watched with blazing eyes the assiduous attentions of the Eentuckian and had entered the supper room close upon his heels. The sitting at table, according to the custom of that old-fashioned time, was prolonged. Champagne was quaffed in cordial South ern way, and a certain ill-suppressed ex citement seemed to pervade the atmos phere in the neighborhood of Davis and the beautiful Colby. As the lady rose from the table the Lieutenant leaned for ward to remove her chair. Hardly had his hand touched the back of the seat when the Creole sprang toward him and tore the grasp away. It was but a sec ond's work for Davis to thrust himself be fore his assailant and Miss Colby, who, pale-eyed and trembling, shrank back af frighted to the door. Friendly hands had interposed, and Lieutenant Davis placed the object of his attention within the ball room. Before he could follow her the en raged Louisianian sprang upon him, strik ing him full in the cheek with his un gloved hand. Ihe West Pointer promptly retaliated by striking his insulter to the floor. On re-entering the grand hall great was the officer's chagrin to learn that Miss Cojby had retired. Discomfitted and ill at ease Davis returned to his hotel. Hardly had his door closed upon him when a waiter knocked and presented the card of a well-known Charlestonian. The visi tor came as the bearer of a challenge from the fiery Creole, and before he left the fu- ture idol of "the lost cause" was pledged to a duel at daybreak out on the old Ash ley shell road. Just as the sun was glinting the bay be yond the forts a party of five gentlemen stepped out from the palmetto shadows. A brief consultation was held, the princi pals separated, and the seconds, after load ing two murderous dueling pistols, slowly began to make the fatal paces. But the galloping sound of a horse was heard upon the hard white road. A horseman, thickly enveloped in a heavy cloak, leaped to the ground. And there at early morn as stern words as were ever launched at culprits' head were uttered. The torrent of reproach changed to an eloquent and pathetic appeal, and finally the duelists timidly advanced and shook hands. The tall figure which stood uncovered, arriving just in the nick of time to prevent another of those murders sanctioned by a code of the peculiar ethics then in vogue, was John England, Bishop of Charleston, the first man south of Mason and Dixon's line with fearless courage sufficient to raise his voice against the duello. Lieutenant Davis went next day from Charleston, and it is not related that he ever again met the beautiful Misa Colby, wno am not iacK ior lovers, uiougu, as traditions still fresh bear ample testimony. Admiral Porter in N. t. Tribune r ;i The President had some qnaiat remarks about everything we saw, particularly about Dutch Gap, which hesaid Vought to have been' commenced before thewar, at least ten years." "Then," he said, "yon might have had a chance of getting your gunboats up that way. By the wy, your friend, the General, wasn't a Oboes' engineer. He was better at running cot ton mills. How many people did it cost for that jetty he conquered?" " ' "One hundred and forty killed 'there,'" I said,-"as far as I can learn." - . :i-u Then he went into a discussion of the generals of the war what difficulties he had in making appointments, etc. ' He illustrated each case with a story. ' ' In speaking of one general, he said it remind ed him of a friend of his a blacksmith he knew out in the West when he was a boatman. This old friend was celebrated for making good work, especially "axes, which were in great demand in that day. No boatman had a complete outfit- unless he had a good axe. . "One day," said the President, he said tor me : 'Lincoln, I have tne finest piece of steel you. ever saw; I got it on purpose; to make an axe for you. and-if you will Bit down and tell me a good story, you shall have the axe when it is finished.' 'Go ahead,' I said 'and I sat dowii' to tell the story while he made the axe. ' "My friend, the blacksmith, first put on a huge piece of fresh coal and blew it up until it was at a proper heat the coals glowing then he took up the piece of steel and looked at it affectionately'; patted it all over, then 'Lincoln,' he said, d id Tbe Jndlclary System. Normandy Poplars. New York Tribune. The Normandy poplar trees are very generally used in France as fuel. They are planted thickly, and regularly trim med within six feet of the top, so that they give no shade. ? For this reason all kinds of crops are grown beneath them, and mature safely. I Asbevflle Citizen Letter. I There is a marked absence of leading questions for the action of the weneral As sembly. With the exception of the sub ject of the Judicial system, there is scarce ly a subject which is uppermost in tne minds of the members. What shall be formulated for action depends on the large joint committee which has the matter in charge. As 1 before said the demand for larger facilities for the prompt adminis tration of justice is general. 4 " Last week a poor woman gave birth to a child on the street in Chicago at night in a temperature oi 14 degrees below aero. you ever see a piece of steel equal to. that! It'll make you a companion you will never want to part with, and when yon are using it you will think of me.' Then he put it into the fire and began to work! his bel lows while I commenced my story. He blew and blew until the steel was at a deep red heat, when taking it out of the fire and laying it on the anvil, he gave it a clip with a four pound hammer. ' Lord bless you, how the sparks flew, and big red scales also. " The blacksmith hit it about a dozen blows and then stopped. 'Lincoln,' he said, 'here's a go, and a bad one, too. This lump of steel ain't worth the powder that would blow it up. I never was so deceived in anything in all my life. It won't make an axe. But I'll tell you what it will make. It will make a clevis,' and he put it in tbe fire again, and went through the same performance as before. Then, when it was heated, he laid it on the anvil, and commenced to hammer it. The sparks flew, and so did the scales, and in a minute half of it was gone. The blacksmith stopped and scratched bis head, as men often do under difficulties. 'Well,' he said, 'this certainly is an onery piece of steel, but it may gt better nearer the heart of it." I can't make a clevis of it, but it will make a clevis bolt. It may have some good in it yet. After all a good clevis bolt is not a bad thing.7 "He put it into the fire again, and this time got it to a white heat. 'I think I have it now, Lincoln,' and he pounded away at it until I was almost blinded with scales. " 'This won't do,' he said. I certainly don't know my trade to allow a d d thing like that to fool me so Well, well, it won't make a clevis bolt, but I have one resort yet; it will make a ten-penny nail. You will have to wait for your axe,' and he put the metal into the fire again. "This time he didn't blow it; he let it get red-hot naturally, und when it was as he wanted if. he put it on the anvil again. "'This,' he said, is a sure thing. I am down to the heart of the pieee. There must be a ten-penny nail in this.' : But he was mistaken; there was only a small piece of wire left. He was actually dazed. "'Durn the thing,' said he. 'I don't know what to make of it. I tried it as an axe; it failed me. Then it failed me as a clevis. It failed me as a clevis bolt, and the cussed thing wouldn't even make a ten-penny naill But I'll tell yon. old fel low, what it wiil make,' and he put it in the fire again until it and the tongs were at white neat. Then, turning around, he rammed it into a bucket of water.; .'There, durn you, you'll make a big fizzle, and that's all you will make ! ' and it sputtered and fizzed until it went out, and there was nothing of it left. "Now that's the case with the person I was speaking of," continued the President. "I tried him as an axe. I tried him as a clevis. He was so full of shakes he wouldn't work into one. I tried him as a clevis bolt. He was a dead failure, and he wouldn'tjnake even a ten-penny nail. But he didjmake the biggest fizzle that has been made this war, and fizzled him self out of the army " With a shocking bafl manner ' And his credit at aero, He was contented to stay At home as a hero." , We anchored a short time afterward, and were glad to be looking on the quiet wharves at City Point That evening the sailors and marines were sent out to guard and escort in some prisoners, who were placed on board a large transport lying in the stream. There were about a thousand prisoners, more or less. The President expressed a desire to go on shore. I ordered the barge and went with him. We had to pass tbo transport with the prisoners. They alt rushed to the side with eager curiosity. ' All wanted to see the Northern President. Thoy were perfectly content. Every man had a hunk of meat and a piece of bread in his hand, and was doing his best to dispose of it. "That's old Abe," said ont, in a low voice. " Give the old fellow threcehcers," said another, while a third called out, "Hello, Abepur bread and meat's bet ter than pop-corn." It was all good-natured, and not meant in unkindness. I could see no difference between them and our own men, except that they were ragged and attenuated for want of wholesome food. They were as happy a set of men as ever I saw. They could see their homes looming up before them in the distance, and knew that the war was over. "They will never shoulder a musket again in anger,". said the President, "and if Grant is wise he will leave them their guns to shoot crows with it would do no harm;" Tine Freoeat Hoase. Col. Cameron in the Citizen. . While the House is unusually full of intelligent men and good talkers, there is no disposition to shine in oratory, and the session will not be wasted in long speeches. Tbe non-professional element Is a large one and Of unusual excellence.'' The law yers will not monopolize the eondnct of business bj any means. . ( It is just to them to say the; show no disposition to do so. I ; ' . . . I : - . " . , ... ; ' ' , .. .,; .. , , .. ...... ., .: ' m,,-,-,,.. ....... , , - - - - - ;
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 28, 1885, edition 1
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