Newspapers / The Raleigh Register (Raleigh, … / Feb. 18, 1825, edition 1 / Page 1
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Is published every Teres at and Fbidat, by JOSEPH GALES & SOX, ' . At Fite Dallar perannum half in advance Not exceeding" 16 lines, neatly inserted three times for a Dollar, and 25 cents for every nc deeding publication ? those of plater length in the same'"' proportion..4.-Cojcmcwicatttows thankfully, received;.; LkTTsjts, to the Edi tors must be postpaid.' ;"'V; ."a P&OCEEDtXGS ' IN CONG RESS. &e10F REPRESENTATIVES Thu xisd A y Feb" 3. . jELE CTTOJV O F PRESIDENT . - , : I .... . . - The Houge having under ; considera tion , ; l n c q m nut te o t th e w hm e: the rule requiring the doors of . the Houe to be closed during tjie-balloting , for president, and the purticnlar question being on a moti on , in ad e yes le nlay to .siriKe out in at. part ui uie. ruie. which requires he galleries. to be cleared at the request pf the delegation from any one State ! . f ' . f .1 T-C .;13:''.' f :l Mr. Mangrim of N. C. 'rose; jTrv reply to Mr-' M'Dufn oi"S C- and sid that he felt great repugnance lo obtrude hisjemarfcs upon tne notice of the House at "any time a .repug nance which upon this occasion y certain ly not diminished by . the state of indisposition in which he found himself. 1 That he felt it bis duty to make A e w remark s Jn reply to those he liad fust ; heard not so much with the view, of affording either, interest; or in- struction to the House, as with the view of publicly avowing those, principles which he considered sound, and by which he had de- occasion suouui oe reguiaeu. v : f . -The question said Mr. M ; immediately un der consideration, is intrinsicallv of. but slight and trivial import, but it derives much conse quence from other and more important ques tions that havfe been drawn into 'discussion. "What, asked M tv M. is the naure of the ques tion before the House r It js one exclusive ly of police.-.But from! the mariner in which it had been treated; he should have infi-ired,' out jor tne gentleman's, aisciaimer, xnax .up object was not so much to discuss this ques- pie of the United States, to justify those who arho resist it. It i a. nilestion notv of oben "gailettes or closed gulieries. - Gentlemen had therefore, been engaged) in combating sha dows r(ami much of what had been said had been addressed to amotion which no one had jnade, . . , -ic r'-f 'j'v!fC' A The question as he understood it wa9 sim ply thTs :-T-Whetiief the galleries should be thrown open subject to'be closed at the mo tion of the SDeafeerl or wh&thet thev should "be thrown open,' subject to be closed at the request of the delegation fromfany one state, For his own part, he. should have ".thought that the latter arrangement would nave been conceded as a matter.,of; courtesy, to those gentlemen who stand singly-and unsustamea by- colleagues, js representatives from the weaker states. For himself, he had1 not the remotest idea that those i galleries, let them be occupied by whom they might, were about to overawe the House or exert any improper influence whatever. His reliance was placed tmnn th Aft mnral frllnc which riervadeS k r - -- -j - ( t- this nation. On this he relied to sustain gen tlemen in the discharge, of their duty ; and on this he relied, jnore than on all -the bayonets and xannon that military despotism r'tyer . wielded, y-. ; K ' . ji . ' . M-j J: admission of strangers was an act of courtesy;" granted, as.fcuch ac's are always understood to be, upon an , implied oDligtion of good behaviour.;' It' was not toi be presumed be forehand, that those Who werey admitted, would' violate the laws of decorum : but, if they did,- there could be no. .doubt that, the Spenkerv was; competent to iexclude them ; and as little dbubt'that he would 'To it at the suggestim of " thesiielegat.ion from : any one state, that a free exercise of -their rights re quired their exclusion. . , 1i ; !: . He- would ; again : repeat, that, he felt ho fears froni any attempt ; to overawe the ' House : , and still less had he fears of the in triguers Who" had ! been spoken r-f," whether posted fn the gallenes, or operating in this halL - His position was peculiar,; it was that of an armed neutrality, he had but little tphope,' and nothinfir to' fear. . l ' :'v' ' T4 Irnvtr thof- ho nnnn a narrow istn. .inus, lashed .. upon . either side by the most angry surges from which nejther.numbers nor denunciations should be able to drive him; Calling to his aid the little lights of his understandings -a.nd with W heart bent upon the best interests of, his country, he .should ' duty. . - ;' He should not, however, havej troubled the House at this.tirae wltlt a single remark, but and : against which he felt it his duty to enter his solemn protest. He had always listened to the gentleman from Stiuth-piruhna, with great" pleasure, and he must confess that he had 'beard : him on ,this occasion with the more Pleasure- - becauser he ihoueht he had perceived $hi his talents, ; his ingenuityrand his fertility of resource, 4iad pr0yed insuffi cient to sustain h'im'ander the weight of the cause he advocated." Whom, skedMrM.' arewe bound to obey, 4ri giving njvtrleanri the approach'mg tc"casion f -We1 mean, mho are ;hx the ) minority ? f ' If I understand the gentleman we are bound to, obey the will f thse.; whose candidate shall have the high est 'number ''fVotesvI'-W0utd'1a4',tp' knoV -whether; we are bound to do this by' a moral obligation, or . anly by reason of the pHlosophy of the Constitution, to which the gentleman alluded. If by amoral obligation; that obligatiort', addresses itself to every hon estmind ith the, force ot " perfect obi ligation: it must be obeyed and why. then has the Constitution been so silly as to allow us a Choice between three candidates, , when we nre fnoraffy, and of course perfectly bound tc velect; the; candidate who, has the largest number' bf yotes in the electoral colleges f Here Mr. Mi yielded the floor to Mr. MDuffie, i who wished to explain! -, He ''had not said that gentlemen Vere bound to elect the candidate who had the highest number of votes 5 on' the contrary, he had said dis tinctly that a plurality of votes did npt make an' election.': . f !ii"-'yyu;, j yil.y: . I Mr.' M. .resufned. He was then to under stand the gentleman, that we are not consti tutionally, but only morally . bound, or, vin other words, that we have no right to disre ganl the will of the people as expressed in a plurality: of votes by'the ' electoral colleges. Jtut, if so, Was not the argument the same ? The conclusion the same ? jJWas not that ob ligation as binding, as an obligation emanat ing immediately from the Constitution ? Must not every honest man regard it in' that light ? T And must not every " man "who was not; base enough to barter away his birth right for a mess of pottage-rto ' sell himself for Joaves and fashes, feel its binding power,,' If, the obligation was amoral one, it was a perfect one, And as such, commanded perfect ob edience." , He? must therefore, most em .phatically repeat,-that it was extreme folly s and not worse, in the framers of the Consti tution, to give to this House the power of selection between three candidates, when, at ther srxnie time, the : hands of members art tied up from the exercise of tliat power by the strongest, obligations, j i i: The Constitu tion, then, holds out to Us bread, and gives lis a. stone, ; . ( ' ' ' -j y j- But , this never was the. design of the fra mers of the Constitution. And the very fact thit they, have given us the power to thoose; is enough to prove that the principle, as stat ed, does not furnish . the j rule by which we are to be governed. ,. ': h r i If, then, we are' not bound by the Gentle man's moral obligation to elect that candidate who happens to have a plurality of Votes in the electoral colleges,! what is the rule by which we are t6 be governed ? Js it by the vote of our respective States ? That cannot be the rule : foV the Constitution has not prescribed any uniform mode' for the elec tion of electors; but has j left pojerinthe Legislatures of the States. And itrmiy hap pen in those States iu which tbey elect elec tor by districts, ; that there may be a, tie -that the votes for two contending candidates mav be equal How will Gentlemen extri cate themselves from ,thisMilemma the di lemma of a tie ? ' Will they resort to their principle It will fail them it is not prin ciple it is, mmv humble jUdcrment, absur dity. -The erentleman from South-Carolina has asked the gentleman' from Delaware, with a sort of triumph, to answer the case which hit put, to wit : that if ISO votes should be; given for one candidate falling one vote short of the number required for an election, whether that gentleman would dure. to resist such a majority I I would answer, that great respect is due to the opinions of the people.' That it would be great impolicy, in ordinary cases, to resist so full an expression of the public will. But reasons might exist, which would render it the imperious duty of the, re presentative,.; as an honest man, to resistlt. There is no principle conperned, as, I trust, I have shown. It is mere.mattcr of expedienoy. But let me suppose a case, predicated upon the alleged principle, that we are bound to give, or votes in f accordance with the votes of bur respective states, : and ask the gentle man to answer itL - There;, are, twenty-four S'ates, and three candidates for the presiden cy. ' Suppose eight ' statesfhouldi vote for each candidate '; if we are bound to vote as our respective states do, no election can be, made. And whut will be the result ? It is obvious. " By . adhering' 'to t the principle,, of which the crentleTnan speaks, yo'U postpone three candidates, upon whom the people" of the 1 United States bad fixed their eyes, as fit persons for the Chief Magistracy, and each of wnom naa receivea tne voies, of .one uira or the people of the United States for that of fice': . You set aside aU these,, and let the Vice President into that office. ; a mad who had not received & single vote in the United States for, Uie Presidency, j What will the people's men; say to this doctrine i and ye it is principle, sacred principje, according to the views of some gentlemen. But, says the gentleman, ' we are first to try to elect;the people's" man,; and ! if , we cannot effect that object, then, and then only, take up' some other candidate j , We' must yield to. the ne cessity of the case. Mark me,, it is moral prin'fple, says the gentlemahy by wfiTch we are bound. A principle is surely a very, bad one, ' which will not , wr longer thanme day, and .which must be abandoned as soon as it is put into practice. V But we must yield to the ; necessity bf the case I I had thought that that which yields to any. necessity whate ver was nbt moral principle, for moral obliga tion admits of noxompromise.i' It is said thatJ if on trial we cannot succeed in electing a President, to . prevent -thef Vice! Fresidentfs coming into that- office, wepmst give awy But here areeight. states . ui favor of each candidate- who." is to gie- way first f If 1 give - way , first,- may not' my constit uentjvre proach me with a n abandonment of principle? If the gentleman gives way- first, does he not abandon; principle ?. Sir, such a principle as must be abondphed on ;pne day's trial, is jabt a principle which I wiUeyelrecognize :.V '- If, then, sir, we .areuiider'no moral obliga tipn to vote for the "candidate whos has the highest number of votesi nor? to obey the votes of our . respective states i what, ;i again aski is to be the rule which roust govern us J Sir Jt; appears to m which pervades the arguments jcf.the gentle man (whose, vie ws am opposing consists i this they are cbmparBg Ithe votes of the p eo pie, takeri per capita, with the votes of twenty-four distinct and independeut sover- eigns. They, are comparing things, .which have no points of resemblance, nor have they any assignable: relation to eadh other. The states, as sovereigns, are) all- equaVV The people, who ) make up those sovereigns, nu meMcally; considered, are totally unetual and in that respect, bear towVrds each other various and diversified proportions. Are we then to be bound by the votes of our respect tive districts?! (Phis is the doctrine of the people men arljd all are people men, now-a-days, from, the much reprobated caucus men, down? to the bjumblest political professor. ) Herei I trust, I may be permitted! to sayj that I shall for oncje in my life, at least, in the honest disch arge - of my duties, j fall in with the doctrines of the people's hien I expect to represent thej plurality of my district i " But are we bound by the votes ofour.dis-' tricts ? I mean, hi point of principle ? pid the framers of the Constitution design that we should be so bou nd ?. If they did, wherefore does not the Constitution prescribe an uniform mode of electing representatives by districts? And yetthepow jr of prescribing the mode r is leftv with the Legislatures of the respective States. Some S tates elect, their Representa tives bv general ticket, as does Georgia, for example. How will gentlejnen ascertain the voles of their - districts,, under the' general ticket system ?; Will they do it by resorting to the statement, that the state, in that easer is each member' i district, If so then; each member Js bound v to represent the vote of hrs state. This brings the' question back to the ground on which I have .already-'considered it 4 arid the doctrine is subiect to all the. objections io whic'T have already ! ad verted. It is true,4 that the gentleman from S.-C. cannot be! mistaken as to the vote of the people : for in that state theyj elect mem bers by districtsr - Should- he recognize. the principle of perfect obedience to the voice of his districV, then should also every other member.. If this is principle, what would be the consequence of adherence to it, in the most of cases indeed, in the actual posture of affairs at present ? It is plain no Presi dent could be made, and the Vice-President would come in.t If it is principle, we are bound to adhere, but if we may give . way, and are not bound to adhere, then it should no longer be dignified with tbe name of prin ciple, but it is a jnere question of expediency. Again, if we arejiiot bound by the votes of our districts (as s' clearly the case in some, of the states, for the simple reason that they have no districtsVbut are bound bv the votes of our respective atates, then this dilemma might arise A member might be obliged to vote for a candidate, who was opposed by every man in hia district. ;' Here he gives up the wishes of alj his constituents, the only people upon earth to which he is , politically responsible, and for what To fall in with the vote of the state and by adhering to that vote, no, President is e!ected, and the Vice-President comes in, after all these fear less and patriotic sacrifices. - o j :y 1 Again : If out states were, all of equal size, that is, equal in point of population, and the people fail to make an election in the elec toral colleges, .ijt !is clear that no election could ver be made by-the House of Repre sentatives, should the members recognize as correct, and adhere to the principle, that they are bound Jtcj vote , in accordance with the votes of their respective states. In the present unequl size of the states, I under j any ordinary circumstances of combination, f the I operation of that principle would defeat an election. nine times out often ; and in no so litary case can ah election be made by the House of Representatives by adhering to the principle, except by enforcing the odious doctrine, that the minority shall prevail over the majority that is, bv making thirteen or more of the smal er states, that had voted for one candidate in out effect, come the electoral colleges, with' into the House and do the same, -wit n complete effect. What they were unable to do. bv reason' of inecmalitv of norm- - (- f Ml It- lation, they are made to effect by the equality oi xneir sovereignty. air, ii tnese are peo- plf? principle, ii for one, beg to be deliver ed from them. ,( .. s-.., , v'v, ' o J ... ' It is said that, in matters of legislation, itis a vexed question, , whether the representative is not bound to obey the will of his constitu ents, and that many great and wise men have held the affirmative. "Sir, I would not give a button for the doctrine, either .the one way or 1 the other, ia far as regards its practical utility. As to the mere theory, I concede it to gentlemen they may delight themselves with whatvertheories they please whether lngeniosuiy ornarunciauy constructed. Jout, though the question, as tof legislation, may be I vexed, gentlemen tell us, that, in the business of electibg a Presideht by the House of Representatives,thereJcan be no doubt the case is a plain one. Sir, 1 argue directly tliej reverse., 1 1n the .business of legislation, thepeople, in primary assemblies, cannot act it is constitutionally, it is physically -impossible. There is, therefore, a propriety, in a representative government like ours, that the legislative boily should respond, to the. voice of the peoplej; tlja.t,, as a reflector; it should give back the trueimage of the ; people's wishes. But, injthe election of a chief, ma gistrate, Tlhe f people can act -in primary a semblies. v Those assemblies - present the proper and tne best mode in which the elec: t ion can be made. But the people, having yttetfipted an election in this mode, & having failed of success, the constitution brings the election to the Hmise : this House is the ttm- pire, the judge on whom devolves the settle- mem. ox n mpmenious question, w oica tne people have been unable to settle themselves fbr want of jgreater unanimity -'yif-:l-. Sirll hone I have now succeeded in show!. ingthe fallacy - of; the gentleman's---pardon me"?-theeofe' ,ci,of jristractiori. Vhat, thenris ojur duty, in the present cri sisj and on the approaching occasion t Is it to fall mto the rai may happen to be the strongest ? (A very cornfortable doctrine, indeed, particularly; to us who' happen to be in the minority ; our understandings and conscience approving,' We should like t-i be wafted with you gentle men, on1 the strong currents.) Is it to obey the voice of our states I or, isJtto obey the Voice of our districts ? It is in my judgment neitheh more nor leas than thisr-To jlo what Is right, according to the best dictates of our own understandings; an -leave the conse quences to; God , and to our country j f :.i :f I It haj b'en asked, how can .wehold up our heads ihen we return hpme, if ; we havi gone;against the will of our constituents 8ir,;we catt hod our heads asverect as an an gel. ' The' man who has honestly do ije, what he understood, after deep .and : anxipul re flectibh; tpf be his dutyi may meet tlje f eyes of his constat uehts, aye, the eves of the world, and neither blench -nor quail, though none should, smile "upon him." fit has, sals, been said, (and te remarkftho.ugh it can hav none heremav be calculated to have an "ef fect abroad,) that, whenever a mail has doue deeds of renown, the people delight to ho nor him, and with great certainty, Elevate him to the highest offices, 'Sir, this is a mere truism ; every .body here, knows that tliis .is true.. ' It is what the. people will always do j it is? what jhey Itaye done, in a thousand in stances ; tat; sir, it is exactly whatj in the present case, they have nof done. Else, why does the election come to this House ? 1 Siiy a majority; of the people have distinctly told yqtt j tlat jnot even the most favored candi date is th man of their, wishes. Neither is elected though all nlty have been hbiioted. It is we who must elect.: v-'.:'"ii We have also been told, that, upon grounds I or expeaiency, tne sceptre ougtn not to oe placed in the hands of any man who ;h not ia majority of, the 'otes of. his) countrymen 5 and that, if we do place it in the hands pf such a one, we : only, place it there to lop pfT his arm. Sir, this but ill agrees with vhat is a fundamental principle in the system, f the people' men .What, sirj are the intelligent and enlightened people of these states, who are so much vflattered in one breath, to be1 re presented in the next as ferocious as jtigers ! Are they to rise in their wratli, and hurl the full weight ; of their indignant vengeance at an individual who has done no harm l -.Who has done no One act to excite their 'displea sure I Suppose three candidates should come before us with an unequal number of yotes, I admit we should very properly , feel . inclined to elect -him ceteri paribus. who had tKe largest number for I would not willingly de prive gentlemen of the smallest comfort .) But, suppose the candidate , wh6 had - the smallest? number ahould, in the result, ; be chosen PresidenV Is it maintained that the people of jthe 'United . States would j rise in vengeance 1 against that man ? ; Surely, sir, whatever phials of wrath might be exhausted on the heads of their, guilty representatives, the . people would pour out none upon the innocent head of a man who had done; no one offensive deed, and whose onlv crime hatt been to be ' constitutionally presented for choice, and constitutionally chosen. ! , . In this country, we have ' seen from the foundation of the government, . whenever new party was about to organize itself, or a new faction to spring into existence, its very first breath was breathed m a holy and fer vent love for the Peottle ! x its ardor and devo tion to the' public weal, transcended only by the purity and disinterestedness of its motives. I confess, sir, that I have lived ldng enough to mistrust these ardors. When I see the frosts of dissolving under the warm glow ihgs incident to youth, and the patriot of six ty entering the lists with the very flower and chivalry of the land, endeavoring to but strip them in demonstrations of love and de votion to the people, I begin to look about me ; ior x rear miscmer or suspect treacneiy. 1 need not refer, you only to your own histo ry, but the history of other countries and o ther ages,' discloses the fact, that many-of the bloodiest tyrants jthat ever disgraced human ity,' began their career by fawning on the peo ple, and sedulously and assiduously courting their favor. !. ... . j - l; 'v-::f!, ,.c: n . It has been remarked by the gentleman from South Carolina, that all sovereign pow er residesluthe people, and that every agent in autnonty must act in ooeaience to mat win. The abstract proposition is evidently true 1 but the difficulty arises in the application of i to xne case in nana, r now is toe win 01 xne people to be ascertained ? Is it to be derived trom the bounty meetings, to wv; meetings, puhiications and rumors r Are we to resorU to these loose, unsatisfactory and contradicto ry indications of the' public will ? t Or shall we resort to the constitutional in-Jicatton to that expression which has been made ? thro lesritimate or&rans f If the latter, it is aooa- rent that a large majority , have voted against either of the candidates. ' What "then is our duty would; again answer,' to select jac ?cording to the best dictates of our understand- ugs.- , Ana ty er, says tne genxieman,tnis aoc trine is too strong for : Revolutionary Prance, it 'would have ,been repudiated" under ; the reign of Napoleon. Mr. Mi said it was 'a little curious to remark : the striking , coincidence between, the early professions of Bonaparte and those with which we are how diuly sa lut ed. He - could v hope " that a coincidence should never exist in this country in any olher respect, i For what was the' sequel in the case of Napoleon ? Though his first love was the love of the People, and though he .bow ed with the profoundest respect to their will,' yet he flattered, be coaxed, and he cpurttd them, until the j placed, his foot upori their necks, and then crushed their liberties With the most frightful .mUitary''despotism the worloVeyei.awJ4 fJVl f This is the natural order of things in a free government, to begin a jacobin and end a ty rant f We rare told wo must bow to the will of the People; ! grant it, - But I shall: look to the indications of i that will; to a source wuicn is unerring to tne consiuuuona wui catiou of it. it is curious to remark ho W de fective this poor tattered constitution of ours is, according to, gentlemen s notions ot res-; ponsibility, uThey : Iay4 we;must te ;irith the people Chat people fVahd yet the con stitution guarantees to us tne mode of voting by ballot, in the exercise of which, the tote of each' delegation rhay ' be profoundly locked Up in heir own bosoms, and no human' eye, not even the Argus eye of jealousy Ulf can detect for' whnrp " that ."de!eairou yotrd. There are.fbur. state.4 Ih the Ujih)h represent - . ed in this "rlouse. each by one member. Ths . gentlemen, acconling td the mles esahlish-d pn a former occasion, and ar.cordifVg to the s rules reported on .this, may hide their secret from jdl. t-he world if they cliocse:' Thry have nothing- to do , but : to rrafco duplicate ballots, and drop one info each box, among 23 other votes, and how are their Lallcts io he known, to.he ident'ineil ?. - How doesthU " comport whh gentlemen's notions'.- How defective is the constit'ihn rxcoriling to f!ie"r views! instead of requirirg.Jiiembers to vole in a manner to'prVvent the practice "of - fraud' and deceit,that same constitution becomes f,particep3 criimms'by throwing the mantle; over deeds of darkness and crime, by ihield ing them-from expsUre to the vengeance of disappointed ambition, , or the Nscorn and ha-' tred of a betrayed country J" ; ! There 'have been sbmev politicin n silly c- -hough .to imagine that the fram-rs of the con- ' . stitution lbbked afjir off;' and either dreamed ; or believed that occasion. -mirht arise, u hert this provision would be found most Aalut try, thatthesafety of the republic vould be foutid in the ignorance of the tyrant where to direct hlS bloW'S., r; r;M"-li: ,h:K: ' ,V. "' . I For mj-selfsai Mr.T. Ihop.I mav he allowed to tayI hate mystery f hate ail ferii . cealments in the discharge of a pu' lie duty ";' and shall be one of the last to shrink from the severest scrutiny jnto the manner: in which I may lvive discharged it. i i would scJrii tlje 'y( use of the mantle. v f , . v;'vw ---"--; .. :-. 'r . ; t I advert to these cousideratiorls witlithc V5T( 8howh)g with how many difficuhiea this subject is b set, Sc ho w arduous would be the task of framing a theory, according- to gentle-pen's views, that ivtwi Id : harmonize i 1 ' its practical .operations with coiftthutional provisions on the subject. : .; . " v j Sir, seems to ine, that the true Concep tion of the framers of thV constitution is this r thai the TepresentatiYes in this House wohM come immediately fVom the - people 1 hey are part of the people presumed to be me t of some character, connected with the coiiw niunity from wh ich tbey emanate by i a thou sand ties ;ctaracter, Respect, family, children j a common interest, a common des!iny In a vord, identified with that community in lia bits, feelings, sentiments, fcc. and that when the result, so mticlrto be deprecated, of the Presidential election being cast upon .this House, shall happen, that all ; tnese ties and. considerations f"orn. a sufficient larantee " that a wiseV honest' and iud'eious selection will bef made. This view, I tlvnk, said Mr. M.';: iaonfornabl with the theory of the constitution. ';.( -;kv-'vj- Vi,-V .t?:';:-.v "jWhat are the cotemnoraneous expressions - I of tbe constitution oh thii subiect ? I In the work entitled the Fedei-aHst a work; written by some of the ablest men who were in thp cohveivtioh and. which is resorted to by the ablest constitutional lawyer, as high ahl grave . authority, T find tlie following opinion i '.;'. ii)- But as a m:ijority of votes might not al; 'M ways happen to centre in one man; and as it might be unsafe to permit less than a majori-V ty ito ? be conclusive, it! is provided, Ithat in v each case the House of Representatives ihalt select out of the candidates tvho shall have ! the five (now changed to u tbree,"V highest " numbers of votes, the man xolut in their- opinioji may be beat qualified " T-'i.-!' " ' . And yet it is said,that these drctrineW would be odious iii revolutionary F-anc , I they are too strong- for the "reign of XJapo rleon. ; ''-:Vi'i.I;-?;.,:-v'Avr1t ;. Such are some pf the difficulties into whicf gentlemen are deliH led ;and bewililered by an q overweening attachment to; their new born theories theories that have sprung into life; from a brain higulyj excited by political contests theories that "are cherished with all the love that the mother bestows on her rick ety. bantling. ""-B V ; But,. Sir, if these theories ' may not be de -duced from tlie letter of the! constitution,m;iv they fnot result from the philosophy of the C011 stitutionof which we have heard ihia'de bate ? : Yes, Sir, the' pulosophy at Xlie const i- r tution ! j That philosophy which I fear, is to arm; this great government with that stupen- . dous power which is to sink our sa e sover- 7 eignties into mere corporations That power ; which lias prostratecT some of those b-irriers! that the wiser meii of both t he old parties re- v cognized That power which is incessant! v. ! ' most fearfully, and alarmingly increasing..:; Vesj-Sir, the philosophy of. the constitution J , Thatphilbsophywhich was reseryed for the '.' ingenuity and acuteness:of modern times to discovert and. of which that great and ; wise- . man, Patrick Henry -and a, wise man he was an all his awful vaticinations never, drenm- i ed of. Yes, Sir,' it is by-courting these so vereign people sedulously and aiduouVlv.that all jacobins begin their career. ' The people are . sovereigns but they are sovereigns in minority ; tht never hayeV nor . will they ever come to the croyen, whatever..! some pf tfiehjlaiterer mav do and yet they. have the full enjoyment of one bf ,tlie bright- 4 est and most undoubted attributes of sover eigntyifAejatery of thnr courtier. J , I trust 1 mav say, and truly too, that I have' as profound respect for the. will pf the people -fairly expressed, as any man j and would pre- ; serve tliose interests committed to my charge . , ' as tlie apple of my eye. ; i wor 1 -' bokto : - " the shouts of the multitude for pf the people, but I look to their opinions as fairly and . constitutloriallyr expressed.! v; To ; this tlTspondVtb this l am obedient. "; -.. ' 1 :'S :, . I I regret that I have dethined the commit!3 so loner on this subject. As tesrds the Ques tion immediately under discussion, I would " - not tyrn upon my heel . for a lccisioh of :itV. either one way or the ther;.K (i. f i 1 : , GaTflen5 Seeds; JTOHN PRIMROSEtc CO. have recyed 4 Cy large eiipply;bf FrishvCardh Peasvahd 3 ueans, and a superior- assortment o? an k man of Garden Seeds which will be sold at their ttsuarrediKd priceav' f Alsp, prime Southern Seed, Potatoes, New-York pippen Applet Goshen Chesrr; Bar Iron and Steel. i r Weigh, 14. 31 i t.'-T ' :j ' - ' ' . ,1 ' '. ' I:' y K;-s ".'.rV-'i ' "';' '
The Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Feb. 18, 1825, edition 1
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