IIHIMUj'S; RECORD.
r ? -a ..fimTAT TXT IfiRA JJf
.uJ0.-IlV thi r7nitedStatesciiithe3d,4ti
5w orfAliery qoestlpB in VUta varied
11 the material point.
K'vedin lie .ubiect wiU be found in the pa
ssages from bis speech which we proceed to give:
TX RKJTOXIAL RI GHTS OF THE SOUTH.
In' the opinio of by fur the greater number of
the mtminenljuruu of the United States, the
laws crMellc prohibiting slavery at the time ot
intil thev are expressly repealed, either by Con
gress W
If thistinguisbed Senator from Kentucky Mr.
ccUl Mowelf. y Such Ihe evwiwn 6f the scarce
1 esTdisjJfgyjehed Ser-ator - irom. Michigan,
rtfr Csfj ana such is the opinion of the able
'ilnd eminent stttwnan, the Senator from Massa
chusetts. TMr, Webster ; three leading cham
'nlonsofthM bill... I do aoi forget another Senator
r from the South, of high rank ia ,his profession,
tvi. nMr.l tbo is also a supporter of this bill.
Ti-k.J t;- iMr. if it eoes into New Mexico at
eU, must fbroite way there, in despite of all the
i 'i.twttana of local laws, and of the interdict
vimnoeed -by this bill ethe territorial legit-la
tur. Still -it is contended that the Bouth is
secured 'in the full benefit of the doctnne
VftM W-kome of the most distinguished
.v.rJnn"."nr it riffht. who maintain tbat the
K,..iihitinn 'omnrio vioore. that the flair of
t' the, ijnion . protecu the citizen in the enjoy
"nimt nf his rinbts of property of every de-
. xtriniiAn. wro? nixed ss such, in an v of the States,
tpn;avery tea, and in every territory of theTJnion.
' -rAnd this doctrine, it ia said, is well founded, ard
. .,if it shall be ao declared by the Supreme Court,
wiQ autborie the introduction of slavery into
- 1 3Jew Mexico.., The aonndness of , the general doc-
atrine held upon this point, I think, cannot well be
questioned or disproved ; and if the question relat
ed to a territory situated as Oregon was, when
the ; United Sutes came into possession of it,
pro)erty to slaves would oe entitled to the
protection of the laws and Constitution of
the UIted Sutes ; but the question is more doubt-
ful nd formidable to the interests of the South,
where 4V is raised in reference te New Mexico,
where there' have .been an organized society and
vnvernment for two centuries, and where slavery
W was prohibited by the local sovereignty before and
-t-.at the date f the cession to the United States ;
i. and where under that prohibition slavery
bad eeased to exist. The Constitution, in its ap-
nKntinn to this Territorv. is expected not merely
io protect property in slaves, as in case of Ore
' ' vhn: before there was anv exerciseof sovereignty
v .upon the subject ona way or the other, but to su
ai rcede thA local laws in force prohibiting slavery,
when tbe United States came into possession of
it Tf tha obstructions intemosed. bv these laws
- were removed, then the principles w the Consti
tutiorf would be left to their full and fair opera
11 twm. and the South mieht look, with some confi
dence.' to the protection of slave property in
this territory, through the courts of the TJ nited
Sutes."
I 'Mr. Bell was in favor of removinr these "ob-
'structionxJ".in order that the "'principles of ihe
Constitution" might be left '.'to their full and fair
in operauon." and that "theSoutb might look, witn
. boom confidence, to the pru taction of slave pro-
v perty in this terriury, as will appear by his voU
in favor of the following amendment totbeOm
1 promise bill offered by Mr. Davis, of Mississippi :
-And that all laws, or pans of laws, usages or
customs preexisting in the territories acquired by
' ' the United butes itoji Mexico, una wbicn in said
. territories restrict, abridge or obstruct the full en
, jovroent of anv right of person or property of a
' - citizen Of the United JSlates, as recognized or
guaranteed by the ConBlitoUon or laws of the
United Sutes,' are hereby declared and shall be
'held as repealed." v
. The yeas and nays on the adoption of this pro
position to repeal or abolish the Mexican laws pro
hibitory or slavery were as follows:
YtAS Meaars. Atchison. BELL, Berrien
Clemens, Davis of Mississippi. Dawson, Foote
. " .Houston, Hunter,' King,. Mavn, Morton, Pearce
- Kusk, SebastMD, poule and Yulee 18.
.Nats Messrs. Badger, Baldwin, Benton
Brieht, Cass, Chase, Clarke, Clay, Cooper, Cor
win, Davis, of Massachusetts, Dayton, Dodge, of
" ' Iowa, Felch, Greene, Hamlin, Jones, Miller, Nor-
ns. meips, xratt, eaiieids, bmitn, bpruance,
Sturgeon, Underwood,' Upham, Walker and
Whitcomb 30. See Congressional Globe, vol
i 21, oart 2 pee 12541
Mr. Bell also voted against an amendment of
fered-to the-bill by Mr. Baldwin, declaring that
1 " the Mexican laws prohibiting slavery should be
' and remain in said territory until they should be
: altered or repealed by Congress." See page
:! 146 ot same voiumt-.j
He voted, also, against the ollowing amend
ment offered by Mr; Seward :
"."Neither "slavery nor involunUry servitude,
otherwise than by conviction for crime, shall ever
-.t be allowed in either of said territoriesof Utah and
v.-New Mexico '' See page 1134, tame volum.l
He voted also in favor of an amendment offered
by Mr. Berrien, of Georgia, providing against the
passage oi any territorial law - esiaDiisning
. i or prooioiung slavery," oee same volume and
.page.j
- TBI CAUBS OT rsiZDOK WRAPPED VP IS
TH . COSSTXTUTIOH AMD THX UNIOM - A
j f WBITCH WHO DOXfl HOT DXSXETX TO UTt"
" The gentlemen from Ohio, Mr. Cbas, New
York, Mr. Seward, and New Hampshire,
JVir. Hale talk about the cause of freedom.
wisbv ,sir ( X , bad the strength to speak
' about the" cause o: freedom. Paradoxical as
' it may? appear, this question is one that
' concerns "the cause of freedom n in the South
as well as in the North. It is not a question
whether you will permit a few slaves of the South
- - to go and toil in California and New Mexico, but
isquestioB of freedom everywhere. The cause
of freedom is wrapped op in the Constitution and
Jibs Union. These are the great bulwarks the
Chinese wall of freedom. These once broken.
down,-anarchy ana mihury despotism become our
inheriunce. This is the sUke to some extent at
1 issue now. It we allow faction fanatical or polit
cal preconceived opinions prejudice or partiali-
'13 , particular, plana or modes of adjustment to
way our course, we strike a blow at the common
liberty.. No man can bo justified before the coun-
try t under ucb circumsUnces in Uking the posi
tion that he will accede to notEiug but what his
own- Judgmerrtpi-escrrbes.' - - "
"Sol, sir, if I1 could dicUte the course of Con -
gTeas in thd pending difficulties, I would say let
adjustment be made in the real spirit of conces
iwK'wmprimfa'' Let us have
tome assurance that the promised harmony shall
Jrmaonv SUy this agitation; allay this
, '.rWS' tuat ureatens to consume thetys
' .JOV Terminate this suspense, which is more in
tot era We til an n open rupture. If we -of the
. Soutb.have made up our minds to vield nothing
endure nothing ; or if a better spirit actuates us.
nd we are prepared b-th to yield something and
' oendorer something ; and yet cannot bring our
. ". Northern brethren to an brm of tnt mnA onnito.
. -ri . . - J . j v.j,o-
Die arrangement, and they will continue to vex
. .land harraos us. now and forever, let uansnl
and let tbem suffer ; to manage our own affxirs
our way. i fust it will never come to-lhiis is
aue-rvBir. to suppose that there it one member of
tbtt 0dy Who is not ready to tacriflce, to concede
iofae1hiri of his individual sentiments lo secure
. - an aujus' meni oj inese quesuons were he uctram
''eleoTfpledgett to which he DllT owe hia Wmi
"iion ter eland which he may not violate without
uieuoiiur- w aunpoae mere u one man Here irom
tn Kortn or lbs soutn, who upon a cold nd s-lf-jl.hAaiaUaWoaTfparonar
advancement, would
sfciUaiuapanxtiwn iesaes,is to suppose him a wretch
-rwooQoea no aeservio qve."
HFMA4TT .KD JTJBTICIPT TH MmJS8IOH AHa
. . -n XXTXM81TX OT BLATKBT.
e,llfniVfiiniA.,il vr .i.
ViUll bTjentenancef they' receive from the
" s Una DMT juaVnid ober-minded opponenU of the
WMnstiumoo orwavery, would not have been able
- eoBjur up this storm, but for their alliance with
"nxnner auxiliary tod ezciungeiemenU oragiUiion
ectiona) jealousies; the (nteresu of party and per
sonat ambition. . .. - I am notu be delud
Wlfcd, Mr.'iPcaBident, hy tbe'appeals from the North
npod tbvbbjetf hamai wrongs and the Tlola-
.-nion f JUndhtntghu dp toot W be misled as
to the real, and- true grpupdr of the an i-slavery-xinson
p6Hc of the' North, by the fine senti
"nients d often expressed on the subjret of free
WWmtk'jm 'JutaaiiityI know, air,
that JutfeveraiiiQer 1ad toTJKfltttloai.theenti-taiahnmatlth-North
may-lie; heither
th cause of freedom nor a sentiment of humanity
is the active priiieiple ."of the non extension policy
of the North. Were It proposed by t he South to im
pose theenainsTj serrttuaeupon a smgie uuman iw
ngnow free, there is no man living to whom auch
nrorjositien would be more revolting than myself.
But, sir, humanity, to: the slave, not less than jus
tice to the master ,-jrecommends the policy of dif
fusion and ex ten Hon into any new territory adapt
ed to his condition ; and the reasons are too ob
vious Ufbe misunderstood by the dullest intellect.
flo, sir, it is not a principle oi numanuy i ou uii;
tates the anti-extension policy of New York. It
is deeply founded in the ambition of sectional as
cendancy; dicUted, in part, by the jealousy of
iouthorn influence and control, and the recollec
tion of the long line of southern chiefs who nave"
succeeded t? the executive mantle. These are
the interests and policy of the North upon tbis
subject."
LNT0KKS THX JUSTJCX If IHR NORTH.
"But, however natural and ineviuble the exis
tence of such passions and influences, under the
circumsUnces of our system, let me invoke, the
iustioe of my northern friends, if not their for-
i -r AL. :
oearance, oy some ennsraeraoon oi me passiuns
and sensibilities naturally incident to the South,
under the prospect of there declining power and
influence in the Confederacy. While that pro
tracted domination of the South, which has been
so long and . so keenly felt at the North, was al
ways more imaginary than real : no southern man
having ever attained the Presidency except by the
concurrence f oftentimes more than half, and al
ways of a large division of tbe-North ; yet now
it cannot be diseu'sed that the period of southern
ascendancy if it ever had any'real existence ap
proaches iuend. rolitical power and ascendancy,
in a sectional view, have already passed away from
the South forever. And this is so manifest, tnat
a Senator, who spoke in this debate, could not tor
bear Uunting the South with the orospect of their
declining fortunes. A g1 cnange nas taxon
place in tbe political vocaouiary : -it is no longer,
the Boutnana ine norm ; n lsuo exciaims
tbe North and the South. The South
held subordinaUon.- and. alVthU under an inibwMm in the Senate on that v)
iarlltat-.oof theUW of nature, which holds goed.faiowill sufflceto place before the
wi. ,wir MrthAin hmthMn. and I South f where bis vote against
have yet in rewrre tharet fict toilrbicfl havjlLmidaihe subject of bitter condemn
. -I- i'v . tk. U fnnok? nit nmanM br which OA W8
uhinr im auhiaat lo the will bf Aastetai Hiai him, lei low-citizens!
and nndor 'anch f ircumaUnces "that theicf C6ll4i- I VuBft-ni
Kiort ciniot be cbariged,Vth6dgh their masters
should will it,xwnhout destrucuon auae to vne
interests and welfare of both master ana siave.
These are the lights by which I read and Interpret
the law or nature. .
Now, sir, permit me to say a few words upon
the effects of this institution upon the country
which tolerates it. Te the great fact lo which I
have more than once alluded, conjoined with the
systenTbf equal taws which oufancestors brought
to these shores, perrectea ana censpuuaiea a vua
Revolution, and by the adoption bf the present
form of Union, we are indebted, the world Is
indebted, for that other great phenomened in the
his'orr of the. riso and progress of the nation; a
Dhenomenon ja allivs bring6,not yet fully com-J
prebendea by tne nations oi ma viu. Yoruur
nun hv .ourselves: ana wnicn. in aai .lutuxn atiua,
return no more to vex helad- Aa though some
great victory had crowned our arms over a public
SCTXI&OF THK MI8SOURI COMP
PaACrjcAL QITXSTIOK ITS PHOBABlj
"If this measure shall appear to be as impor
Unt to the interest of the country as iU friends
assume. I shall feel no embarrassment arising from
any of thequeaJ.iou to, which I have just ailud-.
m, in givrng my aapporv to tnepnncipie w no.
intervention, embraced in tne provisions ot me
bt41 before tbe Senate? i tbmk-it-4s a wise and
exnedient principle, for general, application: and
upon thU point it willfce perceiVed,thatlhere is no
difference between myself and any of my southern
friends. It is not aaiewt principle. It was the
1 1 4 "As to thenrinaiole of teauatter auatter wyer j
I! .1 . c X - . a'?i. I AVAiwM. nu Kiwntt vista . nm al-rt ilnvrtn. njiicrniA
pntmaai uees i Wgntyid wisft lurthfij1 Sta sy?31iat in tue Iftie i rf TjTSZxZJIIJ , 6
atio)' ms3j fcntit WweeiJ Genf Taylor iind !tkt & t!f lli tCTCe?T'?k
yvef8ed.-J4iiiATndi.tSi!;inatei? from mStoinlKM carned w,th
I! U m l H0cneralCas,1itwas di8tiiict brought forward I TO W iSSSSL w , T" .
&Miii& F4HWue beefepre--Tennessee. 1 PHtedhout offence, to
nrinciDla adoDted in tbe compromse acU ef,1850
and had mv full concurrence and support, i But
will be the study and admiration of the historian
... - - . .l - -. 1: f
ana poaiosopneri a mean, qwsue wuoaing.v . koj tt-gnil!eviiaaxa!t question's directly pre
republxjon these .shores, so. Recently, the abode!. : anotfe'fcn above atl others, claims the
l out iu amaz- i .. . .j .
in the ar.olicatiou.of this principle to the Terri
tories pre posed to be rganiaed by this bill, in or
der, to give it freehand unembarransed operation,
.. . . . . if: . . r . 1 .
H is proposea to repeal vue nissoun uoiupruuusc
rally, they tbe peorle of Tennessee repudiated
the idea that a handful or any number of inhabi-
infi in tL Torrit.-irv tJt TTnitAd StatftS fihonld
have the power granted to tbem by Congress of
MriilAtincr thtir dnmAjii lnalitlitianfi. anti at
jlbeir iscretipn.tiD xteBy. to the citizen of one sec
tion f the Union tbe power to enjoy; his rigbt of
propej tyiAlavVa.wereot- pr apa .-id.ttt
reverse ar.d set aside tbe previously ; estamisbed
practioe aid doctrines of jjb Goyerntuent, from
1789 to that time. We could see no peace, no
quiet, no ad of agitation thats was to result from
such courts. "We thous-ht thai., if a Territorial
I -Legislature should in pne, -or twpv years establish
or abolish slavery, the aglutiort or tbe question of
slavery would still goon' --tVo, in Tennessee at
J.bai time believed we were advocatipg prinqioles
be found of delusion engendered in the heat of
controversy, more complete than that which ap
pears to have taken po&ossion of those who press
ed the-Nebrasksrtrirrtft fts" finaTjrfEsflge through
Conere'8. Where now do we find tbe realization
of those pleasing dreams which doubtless incpired
the author of that measure?
. -....
Mr President, I do not wish to say anything
that .can be cpnEiered oflensjye, j fcutjmtret say
I dd ndt inoW aV why in whicha can id well il
lustrate the true character and pendency of the or
ganic law of Karneaffas by comparing it to tbe
preliminary arrangements which usually attend
the, sports of th ring.' Without any far-fetched
analogy, that law may be said to have inaugurated
"a great national prize-fight. The ample lists were
regularly marked pu thejwe; tbe boundaries
re;
.j j . . , " i " i ,
ana uocu-ines on iqis suoiect approved tn an ve ,0'. " .tmt.-L. J. " ''f1Tt.' , V
Southern Sutes. The principle then contended TMWt
; -
now
Mr. President, needs not to be remanded
by the triumphant IN ortu of her decayed pow
er: and when the &outn nave, in prospect, tmo aa
mission of eight or ten additional free states, in
rapid succession, .without the equivalent ot a sin
ee slave state, the JNorin snouia Know now 10 ex
cuse the restlessness of their southern brethren
and feel no surprise that they should be looking
about for some new guarantee; some additional
protection to their peculiar condition and institu
tions. '
HI HOLDS FAST TO THE CONSTITUTION
"But sir, aa to myself, I shall hold fast to tbe
Constitution until 1 see that it no longer .nterpo
ses a barrier to absolute aggressvvn ; and I trust
that some final adjustment of all these detracting
questions will yet be devised and adopted upon a
basis so just aril reasonable as not only to stay tne
progress of disaffection, but to furnish to tho world
the hi-' nest evidence that no diversity oi local
instituti'-ns, or of sectional interesls, or any other
cause of c- casional dissensions, will eyr be so
powerful for mischief as to sunder thejgawaic
now bind us together as one people. "If - x &
MR. BILL ON AFRICAW 8LAVKRT. ,k
"Mr. President, I cannot conclude my rnmark:
without taxing tbe indulgence of the Senate yet
further in saving a few words upon the subject o
that institution, against tbe extension of which to
the new territories, some gentlemen, manifest so
great a horror, it has been denounced in this de
bate as a great moral and political evil : as a griev
ous wrong and oppression to ihe race which are
the subjects ot it: a blight and a curse
upon the country which tolerates it, and
sin upon the consciences of the masters generally.
1 am identified with this so much abused institu
tion, by my representative position in this Cham
ber, iu association, in character and in responsibil
ity to tho tribunal of public sentiment It is,
therefore, natural that I should make a brief re
ply to the accu story charges of my northern coun
try men. '
"For the purpose of my argument, the origin
and progress of slavery in United Slates, may be
briefly told. Without pretending to accuracy of
deuil, it may be sta'ud with sufficient conformity
to historical fact, that some century and a htlf
ago, or a little more, a few thousand natives of
Africa, in form and mind stamped only -with the
coarsest rudiments of the Caucasian race ; scarce
ly bearing tbe impress of the human race divine ;
savage in their habits, both of war and of peace ;
ferocious as the wild beasts of their'own native
haunts, were caught up and transported to these
shores, reduced to a state of bondage, and ihey
and their descendants held in slavery until -.this
day. What do we now behold ? These ;fw
thousand savages have become a great people ;
numbering three millions of . souls ; civilized,
christianized ; each new generation developing
some improved feature, mental and physicial, and
indicating some further approximation to the race
of their masters Search the annals of all history,
and tc here do you find a fact so striking and so
wonderful one so worthy of the contemplation of the
philosopher, the statesman, the Christian and,: the
philanthropist t This great fact sUnds out bb'dly
before the world : and in the impressive language
of the Senator from Missouri, (Mr. Benton.) it
stands for an answer ; and it must ever stand for
an answer. Sir, tt can never be successfully an
swered. IThs humanity any cause to drop tear
over the record of this great Tact T lias Africa
anu cause to mourn T
"But there are some other and subordinate
facts fairly" deductble from the greater and more
prouineut one, which may likewise defy con
tradiction or answer. Tbe rapid multiplication
and improved lineaments of tbis people attest tbe
fact, tbat tbe yoke of bondage Las pressed hghuy
upon them; and tbat they have shared freely, witb
th- ir masters, of tbe fat of the j land. Go, I re
peat, and search the pages of history, and where
will you find a tact comparable to this? The his
tory of the Hebrew bondage presents no parrallel
nothing so wonderful. The family cf. Jacob
(tbe germ of the Hebrew nation) were of a supe
rior race and civilized There ia one single anal
agy, however, besides tbat of bondage, which -may
be traced in tbe history of these two 1 neeoles.
While the religious institutions of the one forbade
any amalgamation, social or political, 'with their
masters ana surounaing nations, nature, Dy laws
more stringent ana inexorable, forbids teueoth
er any equality, social or political with the. race
that holds them in bondage.
"As to the lawfulness or sinfulness of the insti
tution of slavery whatever pbrensicd or fanatic
priests, or more learned and rational divines may
preach, whatever they may affirm of Christian
precepts or moral and religious responsibilities;
whatever interpretation of tbe law of nature or
of Almighty God they may announce! whatever
a. - .1 : r n.. ' .
uitu ui co ur mount? ui tue equalities OI IiUman
rights, and ot tbe different races of mankind, di-
versiuea as tne are oy complexion, by physical
lormauon ana mental development, infidel phil
anthropist or the disci pies of a transoencental creed
of any kind, may hold or teach; - however thev
may dogmatize upon this hypothesis, and declare
u io De a vioiaiion or me law oi nature, for any
race, with whatever superiority of moniai nrj.hvsi
cal faculties they may be endued to subjugatehose
oi an inienor graae, ana maKe them the instru
men t of improvement and amelioration in their
own condition, as well as. in that of masters or
conquerors, in carrying forward the great work of
Civilization; until we shall be enlightened by a
revelation from a higher source than themselves,
I must claim the privilegeof interpreting the taw
of nature by what I see revealed in tbe history of
mankind from the earliest period of recorded
time, uncontradicted by Divine authority. I
must interpret the law according to the prominent
facts connected with, the subject, as whey have
stood out in the past, and as they stand out before
us at this day. Looking through the eyes of his
tory, I baveseen slavery or involunUry servitude,
the handmaid of Hindoo,gyptian, Assyrian, Jew
ish, Greek and Koman civilisation, ; I have seen
the institution recognized by the theocratic govern
ment of the Jews tbe chosen depositaries of the'
Word of Lire by democratic Athens and-republican
Rome. I have seen, upon the overthrow
of Roman civilization by the savage horde of the
north, that those new masters of western Europe
and their successor?, adopted and continued to
uphold the tame institution, under various modi
fications, adapted to the changing condition of
both slave and master, and still under art advan
cing civilization, until a comparatiyei eoent
period. I see the same institution tolerated and
maintained ia eastern Europe at this day.' I seei
tne native race of all British India, at this mo
ment, bowing the neck under a system of quasi
slavery. But, above all,-1 have 'seen herLon
this oont'nent and in ' .these United SueMbe1 luttheefi
original foros ot tne Ml sanaaed. to slavery. otb flis
ers expelled, driven out, and the ' remnant stifl few hri
onlv of savage and n tmadie tribes, but its amaz
ing growth and development; its magic-like spring
from small beginnings -rising, as It -were, by a
ingle effort, by one elastic-bound; into all the al
atributes of a first rate power; great republican
empire able not only to maintain its rights of
sovere'gnty and independence, by land ana tea,
against a hostile world; but -at ihe same time, by
example, shaking to their loanaaiions tne despotic
powers of tbe earth; a great incorporation of free
dom, dispensing its blessings to all mankind.
Sir, the fabled birth of ; Minerva. leaping in full
panoply from the head of Jove, if truth, and no
fiction, would scarcely be --more wonoertui or a
greater mystery, without the doe which African
Slaver furnishes for the ablution of it. " "
Sir. making all due allowances for; American
enterprise and tho energies of free labor, with all the
inspiring advantages of our. favorite system of
government, I doubt whether the power and re
sources of,, tM country woula have attained, more
than one-half their present extraordinary pro-
dispassionate consideration and reflection of every
stales man of the country. North and South. Is
it wise, is U expedient to disturb ihe Missouri Com
promise T, Does the repeal of the slavery restric
tion douse of, act of 1820 promise such impor
tant and beneficent results to -. the country that all
objections should be yielded "
MISBOUaU MSTRttmoW TNKfST TO .THK 80VTH.
"Sir, it i contended that applying the princi
ple of non-intervention to the Territories, we
hall haimonlze the action of the government by
conforming it to the principle of the com promise
acts of 1850. Admitted. It U said that the
slavery restriction clause of the act of 1820 was a
violation of the obligations of the treaty oy
which France ceded to the United States the Ter
ritory of Louisiana. I admit it. It is contended
that the restriction upon slavery imposed by the
Missouri Compromise; was unjust; lo the South.
That ia also true. , .
1 , The attempt of the North in 1820 to interdict
portions, but for the so much rented ttutuunon of I slavery in Missouri as a conduion of her ad mis
. . . - - i i f 3 . 1 , . . . , -rr a . . ' i : .
- ' .fill. VMIM .MAn..t.flil fWBiUflilAMlAlinw
external and interna"; your navigr tKH" year com
mercial marine, tbe nurery or the military; your.
ample revenue ; the public creduymir manufac
tures; your rich, populous, and splendid cities al',
au may trace io itu msiuuuon . a inetr weii
spring, their present gigantic proportions; nourish
ed and built up to their present amazing height
and grandeur by the great sUplesof tbe South the
products of slave labor. j- i s.
Yet slavery, in every form in which it has exis
ted from the primitive period of organized society
from iU earliest and patriarchal- form to this
time, in every quarter of the globe and in all its
results even the magnificent result of African
slavery in the United States, Is declared to he
against the lawof rian. ThmighWhtributing
in a hundred varied forms and modes, through a
period of thousands of years, to tbe amelioration
of tbe condition of. mankind generally; though
sometimes abused and preverted, as all human in
stitutions, even those of religion, are still con
tributing to advance the cauae of civilization ;
though, if you please, having its-origin in indi
vidual cupidity, still mysteriously working on a
general good ; yet slavery and all iU beneficent
resul's are pronouccd to be against tbe will of God,
by those whoclaim a superior illumination upon the
subject. This may bead; but i must say that
this conclusion, so confidently ' announced, is not
arrived at m accordance with the Baconian meth
od of reasoning, by which we are Uught that
from a great many particulat and well established
facts in the physical economy, we may safejy'de
duce a general law of physical nature f and to of
"oral government. It seems to my weak facul
ties, that it is rather an arrogant and presumptu
ous arraignment of the ways of Providence, mys
terious as we know them to be. for feeble man to
decl u-e, that that which has been permitted to exist
m a ' .
irom tne begining, among men ana oauoas, is
contrary to its will. . , . - ,, r
But whoever has studied the history of civility
a' ion, the progress of society of laws and gov.
eminent must have perceived that certain ab
stract or theoretic truths, whether in drl or
religious policy, have been, and can only with safe
ty to the ultimate ends of all societies and gov
ernments, be unfolded by degrees, and adjusted at
every step, according to the advance of society
from its infancy to a higher civilization and a
more enlightened comprehension each ' as tbe
equality of natural rights of self government,
and freedom oi speech and opinion. These gen
eral truths, though they cannot be successfully con
troverted at this day. yet as they nave been seldom
admitted, iu their length and breadth, la the prac
tical eperuious oi EUTerri mbni, wiu success, some
law-givers have been led to deny that they are
sioo into the Union, and the continued resistance
offered to the application of that State for adims
ion, until tbe South agreed to accept the proposi
tion t interdict slavery in all tbe remaining terri
tory ceded by .France, lying North of tbe line of
36 dee. 30 mm., was lost such a proceeding tnat
the great names envoked by the honorable Sena
tor from Massachusetts, f Mr. Sumner,! to
sustain him irr bis course as an abolitionist
-Waahir.gton ," Franklin;' Jefferson, and Hamilton
bad thev ,beon living at tb time, anti-slavery in
for was that tbe people of sfTerritory when they
oNLt, were qualifled to establish vbeir domestic
institutions." ' H'f. f; ;H
MUST DI8CHAROK HIS DUT TCfHE COUHTXY AT
whatbtkb; si.CBtrjciC'TI
"When I informed honorable Senators that 1
aid not hold myself committed to this bill; I ' was
told, by some of my friends, that, if I opposed the
b 11, such a course would be utterly destructive to
me; that it would lead to a disruption of : the
Whig party in Tennesee, and furnwb ft plausible
ground for imputations upon my motives. And
those friendly warnings were giyerr' to me up to
the time of the nnai vote inthetjenat, '. T
Sir, -when a question is presented here involving
great principles of any kind, when : any; great
measure is proposed, and a man occupying a re
sponsible position becomes strongly impressed
with tbe conviction tbat Its adoption would hve
a deep, and permanent, aud injurious effect upon
the future "prospecU of the country, ithrea'ening
the stability of tne Constitution, snd the Unr-a
itself,- he should be willing to sacrifice himself.
and surrender all nroepuctsthat may be held out to,
him whifck atapd inednflicl TTlth hlSdutyj' Why
fhould a man abandon bis convictions upon sue.
a question for the sake of doubtful political
chances? I consider the ' position off a Senator
of the United States, which I now eijjoy, as the
proudest and most independent tbat any Ameri
can litizen can occupy the noblest and most de
sirable to any man, w ho wilt boldly dp his duty.
Sir, I acknowledge my weakness. I know that
1 r , . IT 1 iVM just such
as foreVyded increased diorHor .
It is time to terminate it. , , Lomtnoiion
The qnes0on is, what is thst solution tt
promises ihe speediest and" most rern, a
remedy for: these difficulities. Divine that .
whoever can, and 1 will follow his iuad
shall we cut tbia Gordian knot of Kur,,!is ' ,
ShaU we out it hv ih .wnrH ? au.u .'. .P01'?
due the rebellious faction, said to exist u
by force of arms, or shall wo endeavor i, r
kuiB loujicu e&ciu iy some more peaceful
FRAUDS AND 1 RKXGULARITIK8 OF THE LEr.
T0H COHSTrTtJTIOir.
1 mesni
sentiment though they were, would have raised I; ki"d feelings and a'deference for the ; opinions of
thftir United-voices agaimrt it.- aa conceived In a
spirit the teTj reverse of that which controlled
their own course when they gave their sanction
to the Constitution: wheit they - contributed, the
full weight of their great names aud characters in
c-nciliating and reconciling the strongest an tago-
pisms of sentiment and interests between the
North and the South and In blending , all in one
great organic instrument of Union, unparalelled
in the wisdom of iu provisions and tbe grandeur
of its results. Jefferson did raise his voice against
it. but unhappily hit glorious compatriots of the
revolution bad passed away, and he, in his retire
meat, was no longer able to eontrol the active pas
sions of she day
HX TKAftS THK COKSQ0SKCE3 OF BEPKALIKO THK
. MISSOURI COMPROMISE.
. ." Having thus gone over all the grounds of ob
jectioo suggested against the validity of the Mis
souri Compromise, 1 trust it will be seen tbat 1
am nH disposed to oootrovertthem either as to fact
dr doctrine, with each exceptions only as upon
more deliberate consideration, by those who as
serted them, will be allowed to be well taken. But
sir .'admitting them, with the exceptions 1 have
stated to be incontrovertibly true, still the main
others have often induced me to give my pupjort
to measures of inferior, importance,-; which my
judgment did not. approve. But when a great
quemon is presented: when 1 have deliberately
rtetted upon it; when I have lights before me
by which to guide my course; whatever sacrifices
of political standi ng may be required of me,
whatever obstacles and embarras6irinU of ,any
kind may stand in my way. I trust I shall always
have tbe firmness to do what, opoo deliberate
reflection, I consider my duty to the country.
a conservative sentiment at the north
THK DANQXK OF ALIEN ATINO IT.
"I wih honorable Senators to understand .'that
if I thought there' was really any great principle
to be established or settled by tbis bifj, of impor
tance ot," value to the South' and to
the country gMaerally, it would be a different ques
tion. But I must not bo diverted from the issue
made with me that there ia no great body of con
servative and national W bigs at tbe North, ready
to stand by the South on questions affecting their
rights and institutions 1 deny ihe assertion. I
know that there is a large bodv of noble and pa
triotic. "Whigs at tbe North, who, though they do
not approve tbis bill, have steadily opposed the
question remains to be considered and decided: Do J Abolition movement at the North, from itiincep
these facis and doctrines demonstrate the expediency
of Otstttrbutg tne Missouri Uompromise unaca ex
isting circumstances t and in coming to an affir
mative conclusion upon this point, I hesitate, I
pause."
PROBABLE CONSQTTXycIXS OP THE PEAL Pf X-
TSER CONSIDERED.
" I have listened with attention to all the lum
inous expositions and theories of constitution
al construction, and of popular - sovereign
ty t to the ingenious application of doctrinal
nofnts to Questions of com tacts and compro
mises by the friends of this measure. The
question has been fruitful of themes for dia
lectic display; for the exhibition of great powers of
analysis and logical acumen; but the whole argu
ment has been singularly defective and unsatisfac
tory upon the -mam question f What practical
advantage or benefit to the country generally, or to
. r. . f . I . I r 1 ' it - I
founded in Teason ; and when they have, at anv the South tn particular, will vie repeal oj tne Mis-
lint" I ullr wwyrumiw ccro (
time, been su Idenly embraced by the controlling
minds among the people, the misfortune has been
tbat they were applied in excess, and without due
regard to the actual condition of the people who
were to be affected ; and hence they have, so far,
failed of success in aotae of the mut highly civi
lized nations of Europe. But it is more to tbe
point to refer to the emancipation of the slaves of
St, Domingo ; one -of the first explosive effacU of
ine auuuen recugniiion oi me nguis oi man Oy
the French people. - It would be difficult to dem
onstrate, at tbis day, that the cause of humanity.
or oi numan progress nas oeen in the slightest,
degree, promoted bv the abolition of slav
ery in that, fertile snd beautiful-' island.
It is, I believe, now pretty well under-
suxxi iuai xtriosn siatesmen committed an er
ror in the policy of West India emancipation, for-1
ced upon them by fanatical reformers. They were
o riven to aaopt a sentiment, instead of a practical
truth, as the foundation of t radical change in I
the social conaition ot a people, who were not
prepared either to appreciate or profit by it. Even
iuo reiormauon in religion ana cnurcn govern
ment, commenced some three centuries ago, in
the opinion of many of tbe most profound inqui
rers, has failed of that complete success which
ought to have attended it, for tbe reason tbat the
general truths and principles upon which it was, i
founded were " applied in excesV The zealous
champions of Peform, in throwing aside all cere
monies and observances -'which affect 'the senses,
and in spiritualizing too mueb, there h i eason to
believe, have stayed the progress of substantial re
foi m, and checked the spread of religious restraints
upon the evK passion of men. "But this is a deli
cate subject and I must forbear. ; - -
These examples may show that there are certain
abstract truths and bririclples which, however .in
controvertible in, themselves,' like -every other
good thing, may beapd ofteoare, misconceived
and abused in their appltcatibrl. "Is is the business
oTstaVesmen.-ii every country, to apply them with
safety, and to4 give them the utmost practical in
fluence and effect consistent with tbe existing state
of society, .The interesting il'usiration of this
sentiment, and most striking example of the su
periority of practical truth oVer theoretic axiotat,
in the formation of government, to be fodiiain
all history and one which claims the special at
tention of the people -of .this ,000 nry: at this mo
ment-- wasexnimted by our ancestors, whenf with
their own recognition of the abstract truth of tbe
equality of natural rightt still vibrating on their
tongues, rtney yet fearlessly set their seals to a co
venant of union between these States, containing
an express recpgnitid of slavery. 1 say express
recognition, because, whatever the Jesuitical doc-
trines of the.North , may say, the clauses in the'
tyonsti ttion, relating to the importation of, per
sons under certain limitations, and fixinir the ba
sis of direct taxes and representation in Congress,
I affirm, do amount to an express recognition of
slavfery ! r.rixi .it tf i? x ?.. 1 1
Search the debates of Congress 4n this exciting
subject from 1790 down to the present time ex
amine diligently the speeches of the moat distin
guished leaders of the Southern Dem.HJracy,-Mr;
viuunun wu uia compeers pore over ait inatnas
"It is asserted .with great confidence that the
application of the' principle of non-iaterven tion to
these Territories, and the repeal of tbe Missouri
Compromise, will have tbe effect to transfer to the
local legislatures, tbe Territories and Sutes, and ta
relieve Congress for the future from the moat dan
gro!Mtistretmgebject "of controversy
which everhas.or ever can disturb its deliberations;
tbat the source of those tectional conflicts and ag
itation i upon the subject of slavery, which have
more than one threatened the peace of the coun
try, will be removed i that justice will be done to
tbeSouthrtbat tbe Constitution will l-e restored and
Vindicated; and a new guarantee provided for the
stability of he Uon- 1 need not say that ion
half the many beneficent results predicted of this
measure pan be anoum to jauow asyi prooaste- fan
sequence of its adoption, I would no longer aesi-
Ue to give it my support, but unfortuately the ar
gument has proceeded po Jorther than the u? rma-
uon, . wiiuoui snowing now luese resuiw muss or
will follow."
ing
tr. , IJ0M OP .THK REPEAL, POUBTJLD.
Sir!lleUeytWre ia a better feeUngprevafli
at the North, towards the. South than fo-onorly ;
but would it not be wise on tbe part of the South
to do nothing to reverse the current of that better
feeling, unless ufged i by some- great necessity in
TiBuicsuon of it ngnia t -
., . . - -.( - .
WHAT HAS THE SOUTH TO GAIN BT IT?
-i ':What has the South to gain by the-measure ?
Will slavery be established in tbe Kansas Territo
ry proposed to be organized under its provisions?
Does any one, who has tany considered the aub-
jpct, oetieye that this Territory will become a
tiaveouteT"
HX DIPPERS WITH HIS SOUTHERN FRIEND ONLY
AS TO TH1 KBUtn OPTHt MKASURK. ' j
. M'l have said "already, and T repeat that, if I
could take the view of theimportariee of this mea
sure to the country which my Southern friends do
cutting off tbe source uf all futurercontrover
v between 'both sections n non thekiMecfrof alaverv
T I J e i i..-.: a j : ii . T
4,wuuiu iaei juisuueu in waiving an my eojections to
this hill." ani in uniting heartily' with then! in iu
supporl 'Wc differ only as to the results of the
measure." t- ' P r si H '?
The foregoing extracts are from the first speech
ot Mr. Bell on the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, deliver
ed in the Senate on the 3d bf March. 1854. TSee
Appendix to Gongression&l Globe, vol. 29, page
on tbe 24th and 25th of May, 1854, we make the
subjoined extracts, Jot .which see - Congressional
fjriooe, vol. z, pages, 847 . r
PROBABLE CONSEQUENCES OS" THR REPEAL FUR
THER CONSIDERED.
,f The people of Tennessee will donbt the pro
priety and wisdom of adding fuel to the flame
kindled by the abolitionists of the North, by re
pealing the Missouri Compromise. Tbey- will
See that it must and will have a bad effect'in the
steady, sober,5 pratriotic'' national mei of the
North " ' T
been said and written by the whole, tribf, of whomay not care what consequences may flow
Southern politicians who have, made, ft part offfMM such '.m. course. Tb4 people' of r Teahssee
uteir ouauiese m season ana out of season, to in- have sense-enough, Judgment kancl -penetrafion
stilto the Southern.ear doubu and SUspCions of enough, Uf perceive, that, though the feeling of
' " aPundness on the slavery ,iestii," the Kortb,excited by the passage of this bill,may
and say U, amoflg them U, there cart be found as be restrained within such bounds as not td threat
masterijr a refutation: fhe aocusatory barges- Mimmediatt dxsuivioh, nki, perhapej Bonlore
urged againet the people of the South oii isodbunt fty'nv'ijnkf-W capttirel''nd returned
ff tie utetence;rvthei Wfl -f J$ttikMt from the Jf brtB; And tfiat the SwelUn 'tide of
Afrjcau,ila.very tAt finaticismand the more intense' sentiment of
MB. BTCLL s m?lk TBH',EJLNSA-KE- t fl0uuV w wstuutions or 4he. boutn, crea
rt, -iIy?8 ted by this bill, may1ead t6rame6esh4irri-
We come now te'WhSi may iostiv hhonflmrv1 i anH lHntlaA .i thAAnii.i..
imfKnreTF Mr. Bein puWM Jife ' we sfaaH tad W tle Teats" and apprehensions -of f
injontolheKmnsM-Jfebkltltce!. civrarhfisunion renewed, which, spread!
tuouv wuhwuhwu vurouguout vue iana iu laou..
tion, Red have always deprecated all agitation on
the subject of slavery. "They, like all northern
men, have been, from training and education, op
posed to slavery ; but thev have been1 trained to
to respect and revere the Constitution and its com
promises ; and they have shown their determina
tion to respect and stand by the compromises of
1850, in toeir unwavering efforts to-sileoce oppo
sition to the fugitive slave law, and to secure' iU
faithful execution.: , A,nd,sir, I would enquire of
those who assert that there Is ho sounn nation-.,
al Whig -party at the North, what ha become of
tbat noble Whig phalanx at the North, whostood
by and sustained Daniel Webster in bis bold ad
vocacy of the compromises of 1850? ' Where tbe
suporters of Millard Fillmore . at the JCorth?
Where tbe Union Whigs of IwTork? Where
the conservative spirit which prompted five hun
dred of the jupst respectable citizens of. Boston,
said to be the very hot bed of fanaticism, toen
r. U themselves as special constables to secure the
execution of the fugitive slave law ? Is there no
consideration doe to the position of such Whigs as
those at the North ic deciding upon measures so
well calculated as the present to weaken their pos
ition and influence.or rather.to use the forcible lan
guage of the Attorney General,- "to crash them
put?" 1 ! "
!' "But, sir there is a conservative sentiment in
the North, outside the ranks of those Whigs
known aa the supporters of, Mr. Webster end, Mr.
Fillmore, or the oppohepts of the extension of
'slave territory, belonging to the Whig and Dem
ocratic parties I allude to those who acquiesced
in the compromises o 1950-r-those wboareoppos
ed to the plans of the abolition organization nd
entertain nopurpjeeof pressing theirianti-slavery
feelings and doctrines to the point of disunion. .
Is tvere any wisdom or sound policy in adopting
a measure not called for by any . public necessity
or interest, but so well calculated to mciteT-hat
large class of northern citizens to form combina
tions Which may lead to permanent alienation be
tween the North and the South. : '
RISK Or THE REPUBLICAN PARTY -PREDICT ED,
it- AS THI coKseoiTKNrt nr rut skpkit
Sir, the tendency of this bftl is to stimulate Ihe"
k .1 . . J -.'.. - 15 .
turjjuuuu ui aswuuuai pariy organixauen. , Ant,,
as I snid io my speech on the passage of the Sen
ate bill, I regard tbat as tbe last and most fatal
evil which can befall thi country, except the dis
solution of the Union ; and that last and greatest
calamity to the country, the success of Such a
movement would infallibly brine- aboutS I
trust,, sir, that my fears on this subject wilt prove
w Degnunaiess, ana mat no sucn resuita aa I have
indicated will ever be realized. " ', '
MR. BELL IN 1856 ADMISSION OF AR
j. , KANSAS., s ... t r. - ,r
; ThefollowingareextracUfrom aspe-eh made by
Mr Bell in the Senate, on the 2d ot Jialv, lf56
on the bi 1 to authorize the people of Kansas to
form a Constitution and State, .Government pre
paratory to their admission into the Union r
.HI ADVOCATES ITS EARLY ADimaiON.?
"Whoever has looked closely into Ibis subject,
and comprehends ail its bearings, must he satisfied,
though we may remove some of the more fruitful
sources of the existing disturbanwsin Ki.nsas, dis
sension and discord will still continue, not, only
in Kansas, but throughout the country, until Kan
sas shall become a State.' f 5
; The excice've it and agitation at the North may
be expected to continue, even-with increased in-
tensuy, so long as there-) remains any prospect of
MJauccesoi toe pro-siavery party Lin ,oo.er t unite
and xn8olidale public sentiment in oppositsBq to
the admission of Kansas as a slave Stafe - Can the
country can the Union, stand five years un
mitigated agitation upon tbis distracting subject?
It seems inevitable that' agitation u.0st continue
through the present canvass for the !Pr'eairiprrf.tf
There is no remedy for that evil. Ud J the pow
er, by my voice, I would paralyze- I - would ;
......V !,: l j j " , .
uu iuib uiaujr-ueauea moniierrrUllS , Han
sas hydra at once ; but, as tha is impos
sible, I protest against the extension of
this controversy into the next ensuing contest for
the purple X protest against that, aa equally on -necessary
and perilous." ;ij;j's, 'j
PRACTICAL-WORKINGS O BQUATtXR SOVEREIGN-
; This principle of popular sovereignty, connec
ted as H was in this case With the rtpeal orthe
Missouri Compromise, was thought by iu friends
to be of.such transcendantiraportance, that when
the Nebraska bill passed the Senate, at a late hour
of the 2d df March J 18S4. thfe lnhabitanta of th.
iiatlonar metropolis wereirtvakenedffromltiTeir
slumbers by peal after1 peal of deen-moiith ciiii-
)ty,anBOttndngthegladlfdmgsthatthftpflnc1pWof
rv - """s"v."" iuuiu"?nv: mat justice
was vinaiuited VmjWiiMbQapt.
the'North injT thaLtlkMrf to furniah . the
cbampiohs and' to be their backers. " The priie of
victory was tp be a slave Stitfo on thepnetide and
a free state on the other, But as the victory was
to be decided by the number of thv champions; to
eucouxage their enlistment arid prompt attendance,
the prize of a choice quarter sect Kin of land, at
the minimum price, waa-to be awarded- to the
champions oneitber side.- .' ''-.?' --"When
we consider fha: the champions on both
sides of tbis great national contest were deeply
imbued for ihe most part, with adverse principles,
sentiments f ndpejudicesb of slav
ery, excited and Intlam! almost to frenzy hy re
cent and violent agitation : and tbat the inhabi
Untsof the western. tuBUesrf:Mi8oari would
naturally become sensitive and excited in, , the
highest degree hy the prospect of'- ree State an
their bordert, it is not extravagant ti-assert tbat,
bad the mst, inventive genius pf the sflge been
called upon or a scheme of policy combining all
the elements of alavery agitation, in such a man
ner astoiTisurethegrtatestamountdf disorder, per
sonal and neighborhood feuds, border disturbance,
sad bloodshed in Kansas, leading, at the same
time, to personal and sectional alienation, becou Id
not have cue ceeded be'ter than by adopting the
provisions of he Kanaas-Nebraaka bin.?
BS INSISTS DPOHTHR tUPORTATCKOV A SPEEDY
-- " " ADJTTSTMKJIT. ' ,.' . '
"Sir, months ago, .v when , authority was first
given bytbe President to. Governor Shannon to
call to his aid f he milflary 'force of the United
States then at Fort xVeareh worth, we were told
that there would beo further dieturbancee: botJ
we have been disapointed. The disorders have
rather increased than? diminished since that time.
It may be that there will be no more unauthorized
military arrays on either side ; but will that cure
the evil ? Every settler Kansas now goes
armed, and prepared for sudden conflict ; does any
one suppose that any. future emigrant to that Ter
ritory will fail lo equip himself fully ith the
means of self-defence 7 .Does any one suppose
that fiere will be no more secret associations no
longer .any system of.intimidation : kept up, no
longer any use for the bowie-knife,' revolver, or
Sharpe's rifles? Again, I ask, where is all tbis to
end.? Can quiet ever be established unless one
party or the other is driven out by force, or shall
voluntarily abandon the contest, or until Congress
shall adopt some measure to end the controversy;
"And, sir. what roroids' that we should now
adopt 6om measure, with provisions so frir and
jusi in au respects, IBM ii cannot iaii to miugaie.
if it cannot removs RltosreLber. existing evils, and
in the shortest, period consistent with this spirit of
fairness and justice, bring tbe whole matter m
controversy to a close, by admitting Kansas into
the Union as a State ? Do this, and we may
leave the usnes th the Bands of a ' higher power.
-
"Settle this slavery controversy when we may,
now or at anv other time. or in tnv wav. the txil
that can be devisei whatever section may have, a
triumph, there will remain, on the side of the
vanquished, a deep and rankling feeling of dis
content and alienation ; and a whole, generation
must pass away before they will cease to mar, to
some extent, tbe general harmonr. On the question
whether Kansas shall be a free or a slive state, as
a representative of Southern interests, my prefer
ence, of course, is for; tlaye Sute. Bui, sir, if
in a fair competition ft' must be so, let It be a free
btaie; let it be retroceded to the Indians, the abo
riginal occupants of the soil ; let it become another
Dead Sea, rather than continue the pestilent
Ecource of mortal disease to our system.
. ''7 fr,end fnM, Florida Mr. Malk,ry 1 fail,
his able speech ihe other day, that it would C
difficult to , persuade . the people 0f .r
South that if thU Censtitution be rejected V
Congress, it will sot be upon the ground that
recognizes slavery. That is also the opinion !
the honorable Senator from Georgia and oth
Unless it be that these honorable Senators
some immediate pretext for a movement in !?'
South, I advise them to investigate this quii'
more fully than they seem to have dune' i""
fore they conclude to make the L"'
tibn fif this ( measure, should it be rejected
casus disjunclionis a case for disunion "1
are told tbat it will be difficult to persuade th
people of the South that any other objection
ista In this Constitution exceptthtjj it reco"nii
slavery, and these opiniocs areavowed in T
face of accumulated frauds and irregularities J
nected with its history, and though it is clear tw
four-fifths of tile people of Kansas are opposed to
passages from the two"
ME. 'BELL IN 1358 THE LECOMPTON
1 ' ' CONSTITUTION. ,
In the speech made by Mr. Bell in the Senate,
on tbe 18th of March, 1858, on the Lecompton
Constitution, bill, there occur the following pass
ages: r
ISSTJKS BKTWIKN THE KORTH AND THE SOUTH
,, RSTUIATINa THK YALK OF. THK PSION
" It is more than indicated, it is'boId"lv assumed
by some gentlemen, that the rejection of this
measure will be regarded-aa a. decision that no
more slave States aro to be admitted into tbe
Union, and the consequences which may follow
such a decision are rotated to. in no equivocal Ian
guage. There is no gentleman here with whom
1 differas to the Value of the Union of these States,
to whom 1 do not accord honesty and patriotism
ot purpose, mere is simpry between us a oilier
ence in judgment as to the true interest of this
Tgrea country ; the true interest of th Suth as
well as the North connected witiv, tbe Union-
yvhejvjny attention is invited otte consideration
of the advantages and blessings tht may follow
aisunion vo . toe oouyn x .snun vne- surnect a
one that., is, speculative only, and prematurely
brought forwards That is a field of inquiry into
which ldo not propose now to enter.! When an
issue is madevwben a question does arise demand
ing such an inquiry as that,? I shall tbe ready to
enter .upon it" and to estimate the value of the
vjiipa;- eny, win not antieipate me occurrence r
any such-contingency. . Wbeo tho North shall
by aav deliberate act, deprive- the South of any
lair, and just, and equal participation in tbe bene
fita of the Union- iff for example, the Territory
now proposed to be admitted into the Union as a
btaie had not been subject to an interdict of slave.
ry for thif ty'jearB-if it wore a Territory such as
that lying weitof Arkansas,, by climate. adapted
to slave labor, and by population., already a slave
lerritory; and if, on application of such Territo
ry for ad missson into the Union aa a slave State.
the powerful North without any of the feelings
and resentments naturally growing out of the re
peal of the Missouri. Compromise in regard to
Kansas, shou'd deliberately annonuee to the South,
you shal have no more slave States," that would
afford a pretext with which the South might with
some reason and with some assurance of the ap
proval : ot tne ciyuixea word nd of posterity
seek to dissolve the Union, .1 know that it is sud-
posed by some, that the day will , come when the
North, in the arrogance o. its" power, wUl furnish
just such a pretext as I' have, indicated ; and the
Senator from Georgia' and Others have argued this
question on the ground that ft will comejbut 1 must
see it twriebefo-e vl wilt calculate the value of the
"Union. 1 trust that day may never come, lean
not believe it wfll cpine, if the South jg wise and
true to itself. I would nat have them truckle or sue
render any of iheriehu.-I woold not have them U
"yield pnejptor tittle of their rights; but I would
have them make no quefijCioaableissue in advance,
stir up no strife upon unnecessary abstract ques
tions having no practical value : but to do al
ways what ia jusi and right upon al questions.
y nen a people oi territory applies or ad mis
sion into tbe Union under a Constitution fairly
formed, with the assent of the people excluding
sla very, I would admit it promptly ; and when an
. application jcomes, on the other hand, from tbe
people of a Territory who have fairly formed a
constitution-i rfecognrzing VaVe'ry;1 1 would fnsist
upon its admission as atSlaye State. If the North
should net agree toy thisV.St'Wouldtheti be time
enough to consider of tiie nro'per "remedy,-. Bui I
1 would make no issuwi.Chi the jlorthnow, and be-
y'o.auy ourasion wr v,. nas arisen ana X regret
moatsi.noerely to hear any Senator from the North
suegestragjthat such an.issue will eves be iesiered
irom mat quarter." - - ,-. ii- t.
.rsJf wiii
1 . wFHf T.9PQHT TO BK DONK. .
WHh regard to the present Question. I
l??wJl ".M Tco?cinsion,s to what
f bigbi t be4ione Chat thWjsblutJoh of tVSrhch
ZmSVF :lUm ' ?tmmmm&i& of it Vlaat ' in extending- and opening new field, of enter
, . , MU .ua.aTBry agiiauon wooia four yean. Tier hare been intervals f to your hardy sobs in the great West, aios
lay
omises thepeediesttferinLlti4n W thU 3a;
wu inierj agisauon is inerirnetOne:. MbB Ldan.
-6 uh jwuwpuea long enougn.
T1!! mmn hmm 1 . !.T .... ; . .
, "It will not do for these gentlemen to th
there is no record or other satisfactory prgpf t
show the frauds and irregularities alleged a",nn$t
the Lecompton Constitution, or any oiier j,ap
menu made by the opponents of this n Q
relation to the state of things existing in K.&ns
Tbe supporters of this measure in tbe Senatsnj
in the iiouse of Representatives, have obstintw
persisted in voting down every proposition to
vestigate and take proof upon the contested qa
tions ot fact ; and 1 take it for granted that u
course would ,ntt have been persisted in un!
was unafrsiooa ipai me iacte would turn outa
they have beenNirged. If I have not whoiy
misconceiveoi ancmiMuuru me material point,
in the history or Kansas affairs which preceded th
formation, of the Lecompton Constitution ; if
have not misrepreser.ted the facts conn
with its .formation ; if I am not wbollv mistaU
in the views 1 have presented of the existing st
oi puoiio senument m A-aoeaa iu relation to this
Constitution, is it becoming the character of uV
national . Legislature to. aoept this instru meat
the organic law of the new btate which is propos
ed to be admitted into the Union ?
"Is it fit, ia it becoming the Senate of th.
United States, to stamp this Constitution wittu;
its attendant circumstances, with their approve
and send it tq Kansas to be aided by or ratistnit,,
blood by the people theier Surely, tir, then
ought to be some great and overruling ooluici.
necessity existing in tbe condition of affairs u
justify such a proceeding."
THE FASSAGK OF THX LECOMPTON BILL Wovu
STRENGTHEN REPUBLICANISM.
I now ask the attention of the Seoaiu to
effect of thfr experiment localizing slavery'sgit
tion w-the Territories made in. 1854, in cnancur
the complexion of parties both in Concress r.d
in the country. In tbe Congress which
the Kansas-Nebraska bill, we have seen that then;
was, at the coi mencement of the session in De
cember, 1853, a Democratic majority of eight
four in the House of Representatives ana wiiy
four Free Sailers; and in the Senate, a like num
ber of the latter j so small, yet so distinct in
their principlrs, that neither of the two great pr
ties then knuwn to tbe country knew well bow
arrange them on committees. i
Now, let us see what was tbe effect ofjthe Kans
Nebraska act on the elections which ensued in iw
fall of 1854, just on the heels of the adoption of
that measure. ' One hundred and seven Frt
Soilers were returned to tbe House of Reprefen:-
Uyes ; and the Democratic party, instead of hav
ing a majority of eight-four in that House, found
itself iu a minority of seventy-six; and in tbe del ate
the number of Free Soilers was increase!-1
thirteen. Such was the complexion of the t
Houses of Congress in the Thirty-third Corgre-e,
which assembled in - December 1855. How.
find in the Senate twenty Free Soilers. How
many more they may have in the next Cbngre?
will depend upon the disposition we make of the
question now before the Senate. I call upon th
benator from Georgia to say whether he will hav
that number limited or not. Does he want a u5
cient number to prevent the ratification of any
further treaty of acquisition? How long will ;i
be before we have that number, if the Souther:
Democracy persist in their present course? TVv
would seem to be deeply interested .in adding;
ihe power of the Republican party. I consider
the most fearful and portentous of all the mull
of the Kansas Nebraska act was to createm ba J
up, a great sectional party. I consider
that no more ominous and threatening cloud ess
can darken tbe political horizon at any time
How formidable this party has already become,
may be well illustrated bv the fact that its repre
sentative candidate. Mr. Fremont, was only beaten
in the Presidential election' by the most desperate
efforts; and I feel warranted in saying, that
for tbe eminent prospect of his success which shone
out neat the close of the canvass, Mr. Buch&i ir.
would not have attained his present high na
tion. " In the closing debate on the Kansas Nebra.-ki
bill, I told his supporters that they could do noih-
l.ing .more.certain. to disturb the composure of
two Senators on the opposite side of the cbamoer.
the one -'from Massachusetts, Mr. Sumner,
and tbe other from Ohio; Mr. Chase, than u
reject that bill. Its passage was the only tbir.:
in the range of possible evenis by which their p
litical fortune couldjbe resascitated, so completely
had1 the Free-Snl movement at the North beer,
paralyzed by the Compromise measure of 1850
I say now to tue advocates of this the Lecomp
ton! measure, if they want to strengthen tbe Re
publican party, and give the reins ot Government
into their hands, pass this biil. If tbey desire u
weaken the power t-t that party, and arrest tbe
progress of slavery agitation, reject it. And, if
it is their policy to put an end to the agitata
connected with Kansas affairs at the earliest JJ
practicable, as they say it is, then let them remit
this conrtiution back to the people of Kansas frr
their ratification or rejection. In that wy tt
wbolet difficulty will be settled before tbe adjourn
ment of the present session of Congress, without
the violation of any sound principle, or the sac
riUce of the rights of eitherseclion of tbe Union.''
MR. BELL KKPUKS To THE COMPLALNTS OF THK
NORTH AGAINST THE SOUTH, CALLS VTVS THS
TOLIOWIRS OT MR. SEWAKD TO "ARUKST DIM
IN HIS MAD CAREER."
"The honorable Senator from New York fur
ther announced lo us, in exultant tones, that a'
last there was. a north side of this Chamber,
north side ot the Chamber of the House of Rep
resentatives, and a north side of the Union,
well as a south side of ail these f and he admon
ished us that tbe time was at hand when ifreedoffi
would assert its duo influence in the regultitioo of
tbe domestic and foreign policy of the country!
"When was there a time in the history of tfce
Government that there was no north side f th"
Chamber and of the other T When was there
a time that there was not a proud array of north
ern men in both Chambers, distinguished by their
genius and ability, devoted to the interest of "'
North, and success fu in maintaining them.
. Though it may be true that southern men ha"
filled the executive chair for much the largest por
tion of the time that has elapsed since the organ
ization of the Government, yet when, in wh8t in
stance was it, that a southerner has been elected
to tbat high station without tbe support of a
jority ot tne freemen of the North ?
Do you of the Nortii complain tbat the j'lc.T
of the Government, under the long continued in
fluence of southern Presidents, has been injurious
or latal Jo your interests T Has it paralyzed youf
industry T Has it crippled your resources ' u
it impaired 3rour energies ? Has it checked v',u
4-protvew.in any one department of human efw j
Aiet your powenui mercanuie marine -"
whiteniog every sea tbe fruit of wise curn'ur "
cial regulations and navigation laws; l't )'
4. flourishing ' a rienlture. vour astonishing Pr
gtess in manufacturing skill, your thousand
miles of railroads, your vast trade, inwrral ,
external.'joi r proud cities, and your accumuiai
millions of moneyed capital, ready to be m
aukwer vuak iueowuii.. jn w r v,
harrow and jealous policy under a southern r
in extending and opening new fields of ,'r".ha
f
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