Newspapers / The Raleigh Register (Raleigh, … / Feb. 13, 1850, edition 1 / Page 2
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" 1 ' . n. 4, - - v- ' ens. v. v- -" - - Os fikreMafc& cf Mr. Cleft Resolution. . regret that this discussion has sprung ap, wwuni geneuneicnzM Dr a utile mora fceLag than the oceasioa called for. 1 1 myself- htimm uc eptana tnat in senator mm li.ro tacxy brought forward his vaaolatioas with the sen possible mtenoons, m order to calm the irri tauoa that uiifartanatdy trials ia regard to tht arm question j and to poiot out, as far as prac- which at aid bit settled, so a to restore fraternal whuws to-erai portioa ef the Uaited 8tates. nm 1 w . j . ...... .. vt aue 1 sra ibis, aad waile I listen with pleasure t tnaar of Us mnarks ef the hooorabts Senator, IeAaonad tosaytkatldonotconcurwhh hhn ia sevesal of the pcekions he occupies ia these res aHrtieea. - Bat, sir, whOe I do not, I appreciate the views aad I hooor the motives of-the honora ble Senator, aad I trust aad hope it will be the snesx4 of leading gentlemen ob iO sides to torn tw attention 10 an mvrstiprion of the matter, a4 finally to toe adopuoa of sucu a measure as wifl preserve the rights of all, and restore harmoay 10 ine enure country. . JE2r, 1 hate loaf seen that ao good remits from angry diseoaakm apoo aay qnesuon, however un- ' smppnasi k may pej aad. as tais question is weu calculated to excite such feelings, I conjure geo- .llemen to beep as tar as possible wkhia those tem peiate aad calm limits which oofht to be praeti- , cable to aO. ia the discussion of questions ia the Senate of the United States wnicb are of the ul- I&m importance. iilr. President, while I am op, I most be per - saiUed to say thai I think the honorable Senator fceea Kentucky is i perfectly correct in eharacteri- aaos;iawcBsnianou-oi uauioniia as being Terr isregalarinrhe mode of its formation, aad in the maasuria resoned to for the purpose of eetablisb anf system of government there. How far, na ns tansfl ctfennastaaees, it mar become as to ac cept that constitution; is not for me to say ; but I will simply remark that, unless maay objections tharexist, according to there presentstioas that hare been made regarding k,are removed, I nerer can give at my eaacaoav 1 am lor pursuing toe the rood old mode that has been pointed out by the Seaatnr front Kentucky the mode . that he nod I hare kea accustomed to see practised so aaany years, when we were in the House f Rep leseatauraa. . Then, Sir, all went en "welL We . rase to each tammies as we had, territorial Got srnments trained them op fitted them for the exeercise and enjoyment of our institutions; aad trnen thus Sued, and when they had a popula tion suSeient in entitle them to become States, we receired them ktto the Union,. alter they had formed for themsdres constitution) and State GoTernments. ' This, sir, has been departed from th'sdme iostances, bat it has been departed from ia no instance ia which a departure was more un jostiSalk than in that which has been referred to by the honorable Senator; because I thiak, inde pendently 40 the interference to prevent certain mstimtioos being adopted, there was not that kind of, population there that justified the formation of Sate Government; matte ap as that popnlatioa asanas to be, of Chinese, San wich Islanders, Mxt caas, aad the people of other foreign countries. VVkk regard to the opinions of honorable Sena- . nm'ienpacsag the operation of the laws of Meii na in oor newly acquired territories, there may be nad no doubt 0, an honest diderence of opinion with regard lo that matter. Some believe that the municipal institutions of Mexico override thepro vuiene of our coBsiituiioo and prevent us from caarying oor stares there. 1 That a a matter which I do not propose to discuss ; tt has been discussed at length ia the debate upon the compromise bill, petting it on the ground of a judicial dedamav Sir, 1 know not nor is it a matter of much im portance with roe whether that which, as has been remarked by the Senator states 10 be Tact, aad which, as has been remarked by the Senator from Snsefppi, can only be conjectural, be ia reality o nut, that slavery never can go there. This a what is stated, however. Well.be it so. If slave labor besot profitable there, k will not go there, or if it go, who win be benefited? Not the South. JThey wiUneres compel it to go them. We are mis undersauuri giuasry I maj say by bono able Senators, though not intentionally j but we are , teotendiog for principle, lying at the very foun dation of oor constituticknal rights involving our safety, our honor, and all that is dear to as as A anericaa freemen. Well air, for that principle we wifl be compelled to contend to the utmost, and to resist builbiiuu at everr hazard and ateverv : is the position in which we are We ask do act of Canrrtas as has been 'propeitr mtimated bv the Senator from MississiD- to carry slavery aay where. Sir, I believe "we nave about as much constitutional power to 'prohibit slavery from going into the Territories of 9 'the Uaited States as we have to pass an act earr ing slavery there. We have no right to do either . the one or the other. I would as soon .rote in faror of the Wilmot proviso as 1 would rote for nay law which required that slavery should go as la 1 Ternaries. There is a material difference, aowerer, between the two. The Senator from atuckr certainly must have mbmndentbod the Senator .from Mississippi. The honorable Sena- frssn) Mksissippi never could have intended to ymj that we sought to procure the passaee of an act e Congress esnuushmg slavery hi Territories wnere the fnawtation did not already eixnt, or in Territories ef the United Sutes which we had a ' right to govern by territorial government prior to ' the time of forming eonsdtunons for tbemselves. :Tb difference is this, that there shall be a secu rity that slavery shall not be prohibited. There is the difference not that it 'shall be admitted or ssttblithed, but it shall not be prohibited. Do I suklerstand the hooonble gwrUemaa correctly ? Mr. Davis That the right shall be recognised. . Mr. "King. "Well, sir,! agree. with the honor able Senator from Kentucky, in very mock that ha has said respecting tha District of OihimW. ' The terms of his reaolation in regard to jthe Dts . trict, bowexer, ar-DOt precisely such as I should are need, to convey the idea that ha in leads, tbpogh perhspa the Senator has done it much tore approprkterr. . But, air, I agree that wbeth tiM CongreM cf the United 8tatea bas,nader ;Sh saaastituuon, the right to abolish slavery is the DanoTCfciunsbamar not, it would he, la the - Jannagnef an tndividoal who, in a celebrated m ognral address, placed the matter before the eoun- try in a bght thai was recognised as the true one i r? rl? rlt of good fakh towards Msry taJsrirgmiaaaifithadbeen expressly pto- mmn ia tne eonsntntion an long' aa those States ssa-rvaotamg oortea. - kh regard to what is called the slave trade, I "Wy nerer seen the day and Senators are aware VsV I presume, from the coarse I hare pursued . arcmv-rwaen was aot wiutng topaasa law forTQrpowcfbreaU tabltthmenls that exist under the rery eyes of Con 'Itreai itsetf, and are so offensive to many geotW . ,nt who Seel perhaps more sensitive on th suh- 'jset than I do. I am free to say that I am the re iry .last man who would be willing to encourare . aochestsUishtneni.- lahaQMsayanr thing about the rights of Taxas. , I think with my friend from Mississippi, Hut that question, when it comes to be tested, Wu7inkitseaia a way that wifl secure to Texas l,k-.?rikaT claimed, and which she pro--u.kably; wonld hare lost ia part, if negotiations with Jieaseo had been brought to a due; bat ians- ""getinuons were broken off and war . enaoeeV we the contracting parties, aesotiaunff the -fcenndiry, having got peaaesaion of the country, ra very bad grace can turn round to Texas andsny, we hare obtained possession of the coua- 2 by.qaest,aBd we will keep it for ouaetres. TSat at the whole of the turner. . IW,air, in regard to saostof tbercscJnoonsof Seaenar from Kentocky, I am disposed to give them aa aneotive . and careful exanvnatioa. I nsn dhvposed to yield all I can in hooor all I can without tU sacrifice of essential rtghtsia order the question. I had hoped that it was aot cie ofihe honorahle 8enator. hi introdocing " Z15' topreaaaviaopooibsiaoa the Panof u8enak; but that they were miended ,,,ttajpoondwork for theSeoJemect of qneation, L.. "laee brought to the , atteatioa of i'J??Pplohteea.and having the whole "snaaser presented m tmem. hm it by which the rhts of tasnenUU and if then hrne shst found to 5fe ads should uhfaiei prevail; and aad y uenais tr sea. 7; a; King, encrmce, Thai "1 a satisfactory adjustment of the qoeation be eflec- serie't rfrefblutioni propose a plan wnerebr 1 Con, (he por to Ury tax,md thn . pow ted. I besr pardon of the Senate for baring de- .ti thU r : ' - , J r1ativ tJ furtive siaves. Beyond tnit, tained them soktng. HMCO A U UiwtSlUil AL. WAinnrcToir, February 5, 1850. - 7 fiPVITP Mr. Borland reported a bill to remunerate theStansof NoruTcaroUna for certain ad- ranees made to volunteers of the Mexican war: which was read thr tim. rr,.A. "4--1,' .T"1!!! JUT. rootn voronoted tarn wmlnhnni concerninr diplomatic relations with Austria. j: r.v a ... which were ordered to be printed. -Mr. Soule offered another resolution as an amendment to the same. Mr. Cass accepted the. amendments. THX COWrXOJCII KXSOLtmONS. Mr. Manetim mored. and the Senate ceeded, to the consideration of the resolu- Uoat abmitted by Mr. Clar 00 Wednesday lasx. , rf Mr. Clay said he nerer rose to address the Senate with more intense feeling than on the present occasion. He had witnessed wan many seasons of ereat peril and danser in the history of the country, but he nerer be fore rose to address the Senate when there was such extreme solicitude, fear and anxie ty felt by the country in the issue of the great events now transpiring. He did 'not think it would be out of Dlace to do that in the Senate which be had nerer ceased to do in bis own chamber that is, to invoke the Supreme Arbiter, who holds in his hand the destinies of nations, to calm the passions of I men and the violence of party: to allow reason to resume her empire ; and to bestow on him Hit smiles of approval, aad the strength and ability to perform the task before him. He j had witnessed other periods when the events 01 me aay caused the greatest anxiety throughout the country; aid in all these L 01 the day caused the rreatest weu ai tne oreaentv b ba riAnM awn be to trace the cause of the danzer. oeril and r r m w wvvi vdf alarm to its true source, he would find it par ty, spirit. He appealed to Senators if this were, not true. Parties, in order to irain a triumph lor themselves over their opponents. seized upon every subiect thai rireantd Tt. self to make capital of, and to increase their own numbers. Two Senators had told them that both of the two political parties of the country, at tne north; actuated by such spir L haJendeaord anrl -I outdo each other, to obtain the rote, of . - - ww fc, uuam W ua mam w SXJ I ooiaiu me votes ot a small third party called Abolitionists, in nr. J 11 u -f . ' uw wj awcu uicir respective numbers a . a, - - 1 the legislative hall. f thV A.,i, . v ww s-.vwsvi SS.W JtUgfJ in party soirit overrides .11 n,::.t.: party spirit overrides all other conuderations. TheHouse of Reprentative. had snUe whole week in afruiUcis attempt to elect a doorkeeper? And what was tie q u-iiuciiii uvuerconuaerauons. I which prevented the election of a uWee er? It was not the fitness or the nualifi tions of men but the question was, whetb- er the doorkeeper to be chosen belonged to v wueiucr nis views and sentimenU of political questions were of one or ot another school. He did not allnd in this subject by way of reproaching any for what had been done, but by way of ilWra. tins to what lengths and extremes this party ipSt is. carried fand he hopedi ffiKZ thing; would be done to check it i0 iU onward What vicissitudes we oats thmnf, ; short career of life 1 Eieht ve.r. C took leave of the Senate .. hi ikJS. r" ever. And. if hu own inclinationau own eesirea, hopes, and anticipations to be allow- ed to enjoy the few remaining years of life in the otuet w-ne. of r,t,i: u'j v. consulted, that would h k:. -j- .v.ub uau uccn peaxance in the Senate. But the Legislature of hi. SUte, unsolicited by him, htdthouS ' r . "." "TuSul did not feel at liberty to refuse it He came, however, to the Senate to serve no party. nor with anv personal or nn,.f. or hereafter, to accompfisn. And. it there was in ih Xnmt. J,. .kVc-l-ft. mtin ansTiTsar1 art tKa i 1. " a. a " "rir -I! 7nc"f or noaitW Lt thm m.n j fCT would never be jostied by him (Mr. CI in ment. nd U a V"if interdiction of sla that race. When bis tern of -iK t E Te7. S but by tho. Mertion, we say Senate was ended, his mission in this fife so far as relates to public affairs, would be dosed, and closed forever. I luiHiun in Lou me i closed, and closed forever. It was impossible for any candid observer of passincr events nnt tn ..1 v . . . . . ui parry, and the promotion and elevation of particular individual, tn k;k j j- tinction, were now the absorbing principle. of men. At this time, when the wEto House u tn danger of being wrapt in the flame, of destruSon and AanTTen wem engaged in talking about who shall be ucai occupant, w nen an alarming crevasse has taken place, and the waters of destruc- tion are fast pouring upon as, we are talkinar . . ... . ,1 about who shall rule over the country-about to be inundated. The whole subiect that seemed to attract the attention of men was party, party, passion, passion, and intemper- ance of spirit Was this the way to save the country from the impending danger? With- in the Capitol there were twenty furnaces all burning, and sending forth the heat of passion and oartv mirit. A rw I there was peace in the country, and every to United States. This act of the go thing waa quiet and tranquil. Now there Temraent Mexico was said to have been was danger and peril and even dimscm gainst the Union. He implored Senators to iook ax inese things; to quell the fires of reason now raging, and to listen to the voice of reason. He did not suppose what he r,M say wnnlf) MnHnM ank an A'- t.. begged them to listen to. the voice of their J ST - -w mm wmwrM aua mraam-.m .a . I SSI I nsss I own reason. indmiMt mu) rt'-.. I , . . J--0 - - i -.j.ww kuk, u ui i wnai can oe aonn lor the good of the coun- fe .a- -a u a, a . To this object he had directed aU his ef- "V. w . lcn Tiew ne nan in a manner cut himself off from all social eniorment. awce bu arrival in this city, and devoted all bts time, labor, and abilities, to the forma- tion csome ptth whereby, once more, peace; Concord, and harmony. rnn11 h m.ii KSnau? HriS tne senate. He did n-t hope that it could SrSL . rertore J1". harmony, and happiness to the country. . In formmg this plan, he had thought it should embrace aU the annief nnn v.;.K tnere was difficulty, thinking thai there could ( oA. nrW- C7 Z u1 le?TiB others open, but that all should be settled at onetime. He alas .thought that he should ESir:heml daMei SUte ree states and slave States could adopt without any sacrifice of principle. These tli t the time -of that treaty Wn free rwd conld Z iSS g T1' OT i theJUnion ; the in.ti- el. frtgVJ! m1?ndcd' f e WMld. tation .of both were recognised by the Con- !"L!limproVe' "dn,endit; stitution. How could impossible thatSe rZft T a ai or attempt to Xnstitution, in extending over these terri idSmt .ra it, careftjly, toHes, could carrytiETpfnciple of slavery, Z"$Vt J tbing and &iEpdfc of freedoni -- v uiiuniTEnienL' in incm i earaniiatta rmnm ka!rr Ha -m.i.-. .r tv. Cfta rf h w mmw9 vu -vc?ruvu v uiv w.. . coanar pushing ueir .measures to an alarm ing and dangerous extreme ; he saw the oth er section preparing to extend their measures to another and equally dangerous extremity; and he thought that he should prepare apian that would stop this peril, and afford a ground on which both sections could unite without "fJ "7 Pnnapfc. butat the tacnfice f U2ethD onl. vH,b?I,eT!d J"!.rel 0.on,. ldied this end. He behered that, inaU concessions by one sec- Md by t" careful and calm conderation of I J " r r . the resolutioni this would appear to be car ried out. In the first resolution it was said that Cali- fornia should be admitted into the Union without any provision either prohibiting or admitting alarery. But gentlemen from the South say, that in this the North get all they want that slavery is already prohibited there, and that the ends and purposes ef the free States have been accomplished. - This is true. But by whom has it been done ? Has it been done by Coneress. or by any act 1 r . t . . . . p . . - .. - . . t-oreromentf wo, out ny tne people ot California themselves: and is it not the doc trine of all parties that the people of every state should be left free erther-to admit or prohibit slarery, as they should deem prop er ? The question involved in the admission of Missouri was whether, after a State had formed a constitution, and was organized as i State of the Union, Congress had the pow er to control the action of that State on the subject of slarery ? Those of the South who favored her admission into the Union held the doctrine that once a State, she stood a mong her peers equal in all respects to them, and that her rights and powers over that subject were as clear and unquestionable as those of any one of the thirteen original States, and that fVintrrwaa ha1 mn anthrtntv " ' , . 7- .V i v PW4Cr 10 er Uon in the least -r He thought the friends of the Wilmot pro viso should be well satisfied with this decla ration, and with what had taken place in California. They should remember, that if the Wilmot proviso was enacted, its opera tion would cease when the State was form ed. There was now no one who would con tend for a moment that if the States formed out of the Northwest Territory, and to whom nad been applied the ordinance of 1787 ni l W a . lU'nois, unio, Indiana, and others chose to . . at a a.. a. eif con.,ViUUonV ?. permitted slar ery to exist within their limits, thev had as much right and power to do so as had Vir Ma w mm a 0Q would contend that the exclusion a - - o slavery by the people of California was ,v JrL ! l G 2 Un,?d S but lt, tlJ v. 'r r . W vr wuuch, ur ui uie viovcmment a decision California. W?0? henelf who one had to "f011 L . . . . . The second resolution of the series was an important one, and he begged gentlemen to look at it calmly. He was aware.when he pre pared it of the perseverance with which the Wilmot proviso was pressed by the North ; be was aware that every free State had ex pressed an opinion in its favor, and had in ,,UJ,e?.re, T lU tdo?Uon ; h ' 1 structed iu lepresentanres in Conrress to m ; be was aware that the considered it as a favorite measure, and.had set their hearts on it He wf wVe.that? hJ ote for V" r!1"ii?n-bc C4lld pon them to aban- aon ine nilmot proviso, to give it up ; to ST'T VI ncceasuj tI ir ... t , . In thus calling upon them to abandon their TOn measure, he offered them the aster !, '! "lu 2' 01 d."Ptable truths. They slarery does not exist in : tion, in his resolution, of two clear and in were: First That that, in our opinion, slavery never will exist in any portion ot it. e naa Deara t sUted that the assertion f f C2?,sreM WM. to e enactment of the Wilmot proviso. He did not think it was. If the Wilmot oroviao K passed by CongreM, there is a solemn enaet- nothing more than that at the ore tent tim i ..... ... . - - not eil"uiere' nd " " our opin ion it never wilt tVil StP .would saUsfied with this expretjion of opinion, and a . . ' .1- , 7 tu"-l," lon 'nc suDjeci. Th, resolution would have been more ac fC'ltK wrtion of these iTs.?" i? .lthojg,t IT " r f 6"" K?"rS-C ,Dnder flng on this point com compromise A J : a 1 1 . uciro io maae a sneecn on f00 406 resolutions, but would detain the ente r while in the examination of the ,et lortQ n those re sol u boos. As to "le slarery does not exist in any tte Terftones acquired by Mexico, he woaId refer to the act of 1824, by the su- P1"6 government of Mexico, whereby sla- Ter7 WM abolished in that nation, and the f!neral .cqunce of all the States of IexJco ,n that abolition of slavery, down to the time of the treaty ceding those Territn. uic8ui, hoi oinaing ; Dot it was not our province a foreign power to inquire into the validity of the municipal act. of any ro- vernroent, particularly when the people of ju.ivu du auiuicscea in it. a wm, 1 STI f ICSUl Mil ellinri flVwn VNa m. respondenea of Mr. Tri w.u aont m tUim j- . - fwiuw ue uiscosMons on a lormer occasion, when thi. territory was first ded nl'A the generU impression that Irery was- not in existence in Mexico or u temtones prior to their1 cession to the United States. Nor miM h . t its existence there now, unless at the mo- ment the treaty f cession was concluded the constitution was extended over every part nf th l . i i. -, r Such doctrine was wnolly irreconcilable with his views and f Hnai Tk - k it.! a i the Uws of Mexico, there wo no slavery & these territories at the time of cession 4nd as no action had been taken to introduce it there, he thono4it he hmA nfS.. J"g it did not exist there now. ue"tion of slavery was visible into two branches j slavery in the STmVilZ wufS Pe OTer slaved the S excent L three particulars mentinnet n IIia n-.t!t lion, that is,the portoTegatprnta: ' rmmii tin nnwftp over uavcrv ia uia wukww j fw - - A Stales. ; If Ckngres were called Tipon to overturn the.institutid of slarery in the States, and such a meaire was seriously thought of, then his voui would be for war. Then case would b presented where it would be inshfiable in he rahi of God and of nations, to resist the fcttosiion. They would then be acting in ss IMefence; nnd the slave States would then ie Justifiable in resisting the act by every means' within their "power ; and, in a civil war in f ?CV they would have the sympathies, and lupport of every man Wno lOVea JUucq ana rjguu . France ha) eneared in a war to propagate the riebts nf man, and her fate was well known. Iwe should engage in a civil war about the introduction of slavery into terri tories whee it does not exist, what a spec tacle wotid be presented to the world I It would nk be a war to propagate the rights of man, fut a warto propagate the wrongs of man. Cur British ancestors were blamed, and jurty, for introducing into our midst this institution ; and he, for one, would nerer vote for its introduction any. where, where the neoole lid not desire it The question of slavery without the limits of the states waa a debatable one. slavery within the Stales was undebatable. On the question of slavery without the States there t . A was rosm lor a oinerence oi opinion, oui not for sues a difference of opinion as ' would lead to. the breakine up of this Govern ment ' He differed widely from his friend from Michigan fMr. Cass) as to the bindinsr au thority of decisions of the Supreme Court, and elementary writers on tne lonsuiuuon. He rezarded, that when a constitutions! ques- Y . : 4. -a aTw. tion was once decided by competent authori ty, it was settled. Otherwise there was noth ing settled under th Constitution, but all was still unsettled. 1 He put it to eettlemen to say if there was not an actual existng power somewhere to introduce or exclude slavery from the Ter ritories. If so, wkere was the power ? Be fore the treaty will Mexico that power was vested in Mexico, she having then the ter ritory and the sovereignty over it Mexico parted with the territory and the sovereignty to the United States, and now the United States have all the powers and sovereignty possessed by Mexico be tore the treaty. The power aoes or aoes not exist. Ana, ii it er i.ts, the United states have ail the powers possessed by Mexico, under the limitat ions of the Constitution.. : There was;no power eien to Congress in express terms by the Constitution over the subject of slarery, but there was no power giv en in exprees terms over an infinite rsriety of other subjectsvwhicb were acted upon every day. It was an incidentsl power. Where there was a power to acquire, there fallowed a power io control, lie willinglyadinitted that Congress had the power to introduce slavery into the Territories ; the powers of introduction and exclusion went together. As to the second truth, Inst slaverv was not likely to exist in any part of the Tcrrri tories, he had a few words only to say. Cal ifornia, by her own action, had excluded slavery forever from her limits ; and there, if any where in the Territories, it was most likely that slaverv would have found a foot hold; and, if slavery is not permitted there, where else in ihe Territories was it likely to be introduced T, ,In the cold and mounts in ous districts the eJimate and the soil forbid its introduction.' Then if wssa truth that slavery wss not likely to exist in any part of the Territories. AU knew this to be tin- fact; tbtn why should there be any hesita tion in declaring it? In the free States, where the Wilmot pro viso was first agitated, this territory was a bout to be acquired, and Ihe people there were laboring under tbe apprehension that slavery would likely be extended to thoae Territories, and, under this apprehension, instructed their represents tires to vote a- gsinst it. Bat there is now no cause for any such apprehension. If the representatives from those States could have held inter course with their constituents since the fact of California's action has become known, and could have pointed out lo them I be dan gers of pressing this proviso, when . all lhy wanted would, result ss well without its en actment as with it, those constituents would tell them turforbear ; lo cease pressing the WilrooL proviso,-and relieve the country from danger. They would tell them to come here and calmly and quietly settle all the difficulties that-now now threaten the Union. Mr. C. then preceded to the examination of the third srid fourth resolutions, proposing certain oounoaries lor Texas, and to pay the debt of Texts, for which the duties on tatr imports were pldffed while she was a re public. He held that tbe United SUtes bad no power to divide or cut off any portion of mat-or any other Male; but in all questions of unsettled boundaries tbe United States had the power to settle them. The bounds ries of Texas bad never been positively da. terminqd, ad tbe United States' had tbe power tn do so now. Moreover, it was pro posed lo pay her debt; and this was proposed as a compromise, in the hope that that State would agree lo the settlement cf all tbe dim. eulties, and restore peace and harmony to ine country. .a " - Mr. FOC7TE said, that if the Saaator would give way, be would move aa adjourn ment. Mr. CLAY acquiesced, atari thai k would finish Die remarks to-morrow. P W B) -rmmwmmm W Tbe Senate adjourned. . HOUSB OF RKPRESJSIITrATrVES. Mr. Havmond announced the death rf him decesaor, Mr. Newman, and, after passing the customary tesolutions, the House adjourned. ' WasmtsDar, February 6, 185a 8ENATE. i After the presentation of petitions, memo. .mm, wvvi tvw.cvaoiuuons, wmcn ue o- ver - Mr. Mangum presented the proMedings of a public meeting: held in WilmkiBion. North Caro' in a, called for the DUrnnaA nl wjuwrcuar iwj u arm in ir inreaieneii en. croachments to be made upon the rights of wc oomoern people ana southern states. Tat CoMnioMtiB RxtottmoHa, were then taken op. 1 Mr. Clay said Out if any ' person came there wilh any expectation of Vsnn K:m make any display; they would be greatly dis appointed! hn owri Valth.- the season of th Tear; aa well as the seaaon of h' i:r- sil admonished him to say only ao much as was necessary to the explanation mnA ,UA portof the measure under consideration. . The fourth reaolntion waa iindaF "tion, when he dosed yesterday. After further href, explanation of it, he proceed, ed to the consideration of tbe fifth resolu. tion. i . ,-yanii resolution was, that it is inexpedient to'abollsh slavery in the District of Colum bia whilst that institution continues to exist in Maryland, withaut the consent . of the neoD'e or the Di.trict and without just com pensatton to the owners of slaves within the District rj;v.-. ' "a.; W : An objection was made on the occasion oi the presentaticn of the resolutions, by a Sen- . . a. a .a T A ator, to the recogmuon by this resolution vi a power in Congress to abolisli slavery in this Diitrirt. He had never doubted this power to exist in Congress. He did not be lieve that any one could doubt that power who would calmly examine into the subject The Constitution declares Congress shall have power " to exercise, exclusive legisla tion in all cases whatsoever over such district as may. by cession of particular States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the United States." What lan?naffe can be conceived, more com prehensive than the words " exercise exclu sive lefirislation in all cases whatsoever ?" Suppose slavery was abolished in M-rylad and Vinrinia. and in all the other States of this U' ion, then would the e be any power to abolish it here ? Or was slavery to a- bide in this District for all eternity ? Mary land had no power over thi District. The other slaveholdinsr powers had no such au thority. Then the uower must be in Con gress. He had expressed similar views in 1838 on this subiect In 1838 he thought Congress had the power, but could not exer cise it without consent of Maryland; Virg n ia, the people of the District, and 'without compensation to the owners. Since then that part of the District ceded by Virginia had been retroceded to her, and her consent was not now necessary, she now being no more interested than any other slave State. He had held then as she did now, that while Congress had the power, it ought not to be exercised, for Maryland and Virginia in grant ing tbe District did so under an implied pro mise that slavery should not be touched therein without their assent This District was ceded by Virginia and Maryland, and accepted by the United States, to be the seat of Government ; and to make it the seat of government should be the leading idea of all our legislation for it ; and hence it is inexpedient to abolish slave here without the desire of the people and the assent of Maryland. After the adoption of the constitution, Maryland and Virginia, in a feeling of fra ternal peace and happiness which then pre vailed over tbe Union, generously ceded to me unitea states mis aisinct; out in aoing; so. they never thought that Congress should make it a thorn in their side by abolishing slavery here He thought, in 1838 and believed now, that the Congress of the Uni ted States, as an honorable body, ould not interfere with slavery in the District without a violation of all those implied agreements with Marvand and Virginia, which, to hon orable men, were as binding as if contained in the Constitution in express terms. The res olution does not admit or deny that Coneress has the power to abolish slavery in this Dis trict It is silent The resolution in sub stance provides that Maryland shall release the United States from all those ira plied obligations and if she does so one ob- . . a m mi stacie in tne way is removed, l here were other obstacles to the abolition of slavery here. Une was, that the consent of tbe peo- 1 a? at TV al 1 1 J a .a pte oi wis ivuuici snouid nrsi re taken. The people of this District were in an a- nomalous condition. They are a people governed by an arbitrary power. They are taxed and governed by an authority in which they they have no voice. Arbitrary power he defined to be an authority exer cised by a power in which the people over wnom it is exercised nave no representative. Congress haying this arbitrary power, should never exercise it in a manner harsh or un kind. Tbe consent of the people should first oe obtained, ihe resolution did not stop I ffl f m a .a. a nere. it provides tor another thins. There should be a just compensation jriven to the owners of slaves for their property. Con gress should be restrained by every motive of public policy and every principle of eter nal justice from depriving the people of the District of their property without making just compensation. England and France, when they abolished slavery in their possessions, oia not ao so without compensating the own ers Tor their property ; and these countries were not bound by any written or unwritten obligation to pay, but there was that ob ligation which all nations recognise, the obligation of eternal justice. The provision in the Constitution which says that all pri- A. A A 1 r .1 - m r aw property oxen ior tne useot the Uovern ment must be paid for, did not literally au i : - a- - . . .. J uiurizc iuii appropriation oi pontic mon ey, but by a liberal interpretation of the clause would make it that all property taken for the a lL a m mm 99 use or at tne instance ot the government, would authorize the payment for the si He said yesterday that there waa nnn nT A I. I . 1 . ... uic resolutions wnicn aid not imn fr mutual concessions, which do not concede to the South without any compensation to the North. The North contends, and h thought correctly; that Congress has the pow er to abolish slavery in the District .The ooutn nemes this power. The North con- cedes,by this resolution.that it is ino-m;,, and makes and agrees that slavery here shall be co-existent with slavery in the States; but this concession was made in mn titra tion of the assertion that it was expedient to Vr"" u-aae in ine uibtnct. The right and the power to do this be thought un questionable. By an amendment to the Con stitution, it was provided, that all powers not granted expressly to Congress were reserved to the SUtes and to the people. This, was applicable to the powers of Congress over the people of the several States But in re gard to this District, he considered the reverse was the law. Over this District Congress had the same powers which the States had over sdl within their own limits, and Congress had all powers over this dis trict not expressly prohibited by the con.ti- uoa. . mere was no state but what had ac tion on the subiect of the slave trad. . Ifn. tucky had placed in her new constitution the same prohibition against buying slaves into that State to be dealt in as property, as was wnmiuuuo. mississippi nad a similar provision. . Maryland had on the same subiect and perhaps other States. The adoption of this resolution he did not think would be a concession by either class of States, but would be accentahi. tn nil. .. to the other. ;But in these daya of .continue al alarm, everr niirht when h wnt- to. end on ruing m the morning he apprehended to hear new dangers and difficttltie. But he had witnessed proceedings in another Stater where it was declared that if the slave trade were abolished in this. District, it would be sufficient cause for n southern convention, which is the same thin as coniidarm h expediency of dluolvinfF W it:r i what degree of foUyand extravagance pas- He had been alwara tpAm--X hrtt;.f. .1 trade m tits District Why sheuld the traders ia this kind of merchandise come to this place from other States, and shock the feeling of men, by marching long trains and ' corteges of manacled human beings on-tbe avenue? Why should they be allowed thus to outrage the feelings of men by spectacles so detestable as thisl, Tbts subject of so much disquietude sbould.be settled with equal satisfaction to both parties; and j tbe South should rejoice at its abolition as much as tbe North... A dopt this resolution and the 'other - healing meas ures proposed, and there, will, berestored tu the country that ,jeaee and ajiiipny which: has not been known for thirty reahvrf i4i j . The seventh resolution rejatestd . the sXurender of fugitive slaves." On this subject be woold go as Tar aa tne farthest in carrying out ine eniorea meot of the Consthutton. It was a requirement of the Constitution ; and every Sute. andyery State officer, and every man in the Union, was bound to aid in fts execution. It was a provision of the Constitution which every eirixen was bound to observe; every man holding an office took an oath to support the Constitution, and was bound to aid io the restoration of a fugitive slave. No man was bound to make a tour of his State to hunt up fugitives, but all persons present at the arrest of a fugitive s'ave are bound to assist the master in capturing him that1 is, if any man is bound to aid in the execution of the laws of the country. It was a power and i a right equal lo that relative to fugitives from justice; and no man pretends to denv that a fugitive from justice should be given up when properly demanded. He thought the decision of tbe Supreme Court on this subject had been erreatlv mistaken. I The decision was that all laws of impediment to the recapture of slaves by tbe free States are forbidden by tbe Constitution of the United States, and that the United Sutes have no power to impose duties on State officers not required by the State constitutions a a w a.a . i aa - ana laws, tfeyona tats tne ueeision ara not go. The impediment thrown by State enact men tr in the way of the enforcement of this provision of tbe Constitution were produced by evus wnicn ne hoped would work their own, cure. With the exception of Virginia, perhaps, no State had more reason to complain on this subject than Kentucky. The Senators from Ohio know that k is at the greatest peril, even of life, that a Kentuckian can attempt to recapture a slave who has escaped into Ohio. j 1 It was unne&hborly and unkind that a slave- bolder cannot travel through the free States with his servants without having them taken forcibly from him. Heretofore there were acts in force in .the free States, in behalf of sojourners, but. with the exception ot the Sutes of Rhode Island and New Jersey, these acts had been swept away. Tbe seduction of slaves from their owners in many instances resulted unhappily for the slave; be knew several instances one in his own family when, after dwelling awhile in freedom, ibey hare begged to be allowed to return. He hoped that it would hereafter be considered by the free States their duty'to adopt laws for the enforce ment of this part of the Constitution. It was wrong, also, to hold Sutes responsible, as States, for the acts of a few persons only ; and he never could conceive that the conduct pursu ed by northern persons lo masters in pursuit of their slaves would be suractent cause for dissolv ing the Union. There was ground for mutual complaint. Massachusetts places her legislation on tbe ground to the treatment, by the citizens of . . i . t . t war. tnaneston, to tne minister sne sent mere, mr. Hoar. Massachusetts might have declined send ing such a mission there. It was suted that his mission was for the purpose of bringing before the courts of South Carolina the question of the rights and privileges of certain colored people. He was driven out of Charleston, in the same way that another was driven out of New Orleans. He did not undertake to justify the conduct of either party. If South Carolina treated Massachusetts badly, there was no reason why Massachusetts sbouk badly treat Virgiai a, Kentucky, and other Sutes He mentioned the circumstances to show both sides had causes fur complaints. The eighth resolution is in these words : That Congress has no power to prohibit or obstruct the trade in slaves between the slaveholding States ; but that the admissson or exclusion of slaves brought from one into another of them, depends exclusively upon their own particular laws. The Supreme Court had already decided this subject, and, he hoped, decided it forever. Such was the series of resolutions which he had? prepared, with a view to offer the olive branch to tne discordant and waning spinU of the day. fie was not at all attach ed to his own productions, and would wil lingly consent to their improvement He put it to the candor of gentlemen to say, if their duty would be performed by limiting Al a A. Al- A A. ll . tneir action to ine oojecuon to mis or in at particular point Let them produce their plans, and let them all see if any thing bet- ter can be adopted. Present him with such a scheme, and he would hail it with pleas ure, and adopt it with delight When preparing this plan the Missouri compromise was suggested to his mind, and after considering it, he had rejected it as be ing less worthy of mutual approbation than the plan proposed. His agency in the estab lishment of the Missouri line of 36 ZO1 had been greatly exaggerated. jHe bad been wonderfully surprised at the rapidity with which historical events are forgotten. He was not, as had been raid, the author of that compromise line. He was not even a mem ber of the House in which it originated. At the first session at which a bill was in troduced to admit Missouri, the bill failed the House insisting on engrafting the proviso of the ordinance of 1787, and the . Senate dissenting. At the next session,' Maine was knocking for admission. The Senate coup led the two States together in one bill, and said if you do not admit Missouri we will not admit Maine. This was done by a deci ded majority. The bill went through all the stages of conference before it was settled, and then it was settled by disconnecting the two States. And then it was that Mr. Thom as, a Senator from Illinois,' proposed tbe line of 36 30, and so it passed, and so it went to Missouri, and for a while quieted the country. By a reference to; the journals it appears that in every instance this line of 36 30 was offered by Mr.Thomas. . - The line of 36 ffl was voted for by a ma jority of the Senators from the South, among whom were Mr. rinckney of Maryland and Mr. King of Alabama. In the House ; the majority of the 'southern; members." headed by Mr. Lowndes, voted for it He believed he did too. j , . ,. At the next session it Was discovered that Missouri hat inadvertently Introduced ' into her constitution an interdiction of free color, edjDeople; and when fhej institution came to Congress the country waa in an uproar. Legislative bodie.-had taken action to keep out Missouri because of this interdiction He did not Come to Washine-ton thai w.ar till January, and, with a view to settlement, he asked a cotnmttee of thirteen to be tn. pointed from, the old thirteen SUte., and that committee reported a resolution! which' waa oeieaiea by three southern votes. The matter then laid oyer. He belie ved he 'could have carried any thing, aa there was a ma- nority in Congress in favor of settlinr the Iml'ImC la ' ' 1 a. a at ' uuucuity; oui mere was ine ayes and noes, and unfortunately there was not: enough of Curtises and Leonidases WiHin? themselves for the country; . ' ..... el?e ft eB proposed joint committee, that of the House to consist of twenty-three mem bers to be chosen-by oallot--for Mr. Taylor was Speaker, and it was Mr, Taylor whohad proposed thlS Proviso on all 'mniiAni- on the tLf ballot eighteen of the twenty three Persons nominated by him as members of the committee was chosen. 'The remain- nT? were then criosen. iMoch tn dlined, and Mr L feLW" appointed oVr the ccJuea The two committees met In the Senate S. ber on the Sabbath, and mt . ?chani- fore th adjournment of Congress, a consultation, adonted a. ' "r m . m - a fm.1 III Mil. An J was reported to both4 ho' use. n,t L h which the law: - 7 Beni And what was it ? It - w yv 9 IllCrC rinyT tion, declaring,:as a greM fuodamenUl ciple, that the - Constitution of the it??0. was a mei menu ' the States was the naramnn.it l-iWr al "'"'ea rid that all State consfitfitions anH i.' land. oi no euect it tn conntct with the Pn TT , . .... --ii(hi. w were anything in the Constitution of Mi, in conflict with the United State. M n shall, by some solemn net of her Uoufi? suspend its operaUoa ; and that upn act of Missouri beint; communicated 1 President, (Mr. Mokros.,) the Vn shall issue his proclamation and M;. : Shall then be admitted into the Union ?? was the compromise. AH parties were ik fied with the assertion of an incontestah!1" principle of -law, couched in rather hiof sounding words, which meant nothing The enactment of the line of 36 3(y Wo , be an interdiction of slavery north nf k line. Will the South be satisfied with iK The Senator from Mississippi (Mr. HAJ! has said he will accept nothing short of recognition of the right to hold ilavei i0nth of that line, which proporition could J command over twenty votes in the Sent Is not non-action by Congress the best rJ" cy ? It is better to have non-action than V. islation, interdicting slavery north of 36 ay and no recognition .of it south of that line ' No earthly power could make him vote tolT troduce slavery south of 36 30 ; but if majority decided that slavery should be inter' dieted north, and recognised outh of thj line, which would be but equal justice how ever much it would conflict with his princi pies and feelings, he would be the last to in terpoBe any obstae'e to it- a loption. But noa action by Congress, as he proposed, watthi best policy. It had been said that non-action secured every thing the North demanded arid who was to blame for this ? Not Con' gress. If the people of California thought proper to exclude slaverv. that was th: business, and a policy they had a right to -dopt If nature had rendered the soil of ths rest of that territory unfit for slavery to exist there, there was none to be reproached uv nature and nature's God. Mr. C. then traced the history of thunatioa from its foundation to tbe present day ; its vast in crease in population and in territory : th l,, r i uju wiumpirK.. manner in which it bad prosecuted several win ami me Di-nnam renown u nad gained through tbr gallantry, skill and achievements of its officers.. The events of the late war, and the conduct oftae two great and leading officers, were dwelt open with much power. The universal prosperity of the country, with the exception of a few roano. facturing districts, was unbounded ; and it wa from the very wantonness of prosperity that roost of the wild schemes of the day emanated. He then enumerated the various leading actsof government adopted when the North held swarin tbe counsels of the nation : they were a bank of the United Sutes, the assumption of the State debts, protection to manufacturing interests (1779.) the alien and sedition laws, and the ami war wjth France. These were the leading results of the northern counsels, which had sway durinr the first twelve years of the government. For the last fiftv years the South preponderated in the counsels of the nation, and the results were: the embargo restrictions, the war with Great Britain, the overthrow of the Bank of the United Statei, the extension and enlargement of protection to manufactures, the re-establishment of the Bank of the United States, the same put down again, the acquisition of Louisiana, the nurchas ia fila. rida, the annexation of Texas, war with Meiico, toe acquisition oi California and other temtones, protection superseded by free trade, the remonl of tbe Indians west of the Mississippi, and the ad mission of fifteen new States. In attributing these events to northern and son thern counsels he meant not that they were effec ted by either separately, but bv a nrenonderatin? of each interest in and during the respective peri ods. Upon a review of these events, he thourht the South had but little to reoroach the North with. They had adopted at different times opposite poli cies. They had established a Bank of the United Sutes, under the administration of Mr. Madison, and the bill was reported by the Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun ;) and he (Mr. Clay) had voted for that bill, although in 1816 he had voted to put down the Bank. Afterward, the South, aided by a few from the North, and headed oy treneral Jacxsoo, bad put down the Bank a- gam. 1 be South bad extended protection to man ufactures, and afterwards broken up that protec tion, and one member of the Southern Sutes had threatened a dissolution of the Union in her oppo sition to that protection. Florida was purchased, and slavery was allow ed to exist there. Louisiana waa aeaumxi. ui over all of her territory that was valuable, slarerT was now in existence. Tbe South Dressed the annexation nfTmi. and she was admitted being slave territory -Texas led to the war with Mexico; the war 'A to the acquisition of the territories. After all this. is n rust tor the South to speak of dissolution when the North claims that the only 'portion of the ac quisitions to the territory of the nation to wok she could put forth a claim; should be free? w ill disunion be any remedy for evils of whxa the South complains? The exclusion of elarerr from the Territories, the abolition of slavery in this District and the refusal to 'surrender ftimtrve staves, are the grounds upon which the dissdu- ww oi uie union is to depend. If the Usan dmwlved can slavery be carried into the Terria- res7 It caanot ; If abolished in this" District, will the dissolution of the Union restore slavery to the District? It will not. 'Would there be say better chance of recantnnnw vnnr fncrilir slaTtf after a dissolution of the Uaion ? Certainly not Alter a dissolution, all redress is at so end. WU the South be mom teeme m their slsns witbcn tbair own States after dissolution jhan they are now ? : Then- the sla ve will find that their tr cape will be far easier. lie dented the right of anv one or more Suw to secede. The Union was to be forever and w all posterity. Dissolution of the Union snd war were inseparable: To dissolve the Unioa tlm most be a consent snveaor actual war. Thateas- eent would not be sriven. and war was the only mode left, f Even if the consent could be obtained, in leas tban sixty daya there must be a;ar tween the empuacies. Slaves will escape ft Kentucky across the river into free Sutes; W Wtll be punned, the pursuerr will be repubed.,j then comes a war; ana in less than sixty 7' tne wooie country will be in tbe blaze ot war. In ease nfa ftieanlHiinn .rtk TTnuui theno0 be three etnpirsxica the northern free Stale, o the great Mississinni vallev. Those who res at the head-waters and tributaries of that river never consent that the month of that rivers "7 loreurn power. . , -i ' v. There -will be other visions j but the dark a I .... 1. m. nMl' m I u e wnicn ovtrnangs the future w too thw to rr etrated by mortal eyes. He was for sWiDt driven out of it. He was for remaining where was. ami ft fhrtiflnM tm y.im -ikta there. IS 17 Union he now was, and there he meant " . m. -v. v ucuer opponunny ui ?M rights in tbe Umoa.taan there was ofgetung out of tbe Union. v,The union of these States was for all posted It Was like the marriage relation, there was power to dissolve the tie. And he would eoajj the northern States and the southern States fj totaeh other a husband and wife: Weboibi faults j there is nothing human without errors , na, for the future, forget each other's faults, v ve peacefully and happily together. . Disunion would be succeeded ty a w u "
The Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Feb. 13, 1850, edition 1
2
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