North Carolina Newspapers

COimUNICATION; JUr. Editor : If. north and. soutluae De drawn; with some reference to the coastline Person, Orange, Chatham, Stanljr and An ton, ft will distribute oar Federal population . ..aavl. nna1 :,i.TK IVklla population on the West of this line will be - about. 280,000 ; on the East, about 220,000. r! These calculations are based upon the iup- -the growth of our population since 1840 as jnjach as between that date and 1830. It is growth of the Western and Eastern portions of the State continues to be largely w favor of the former. " 7 ' ... . .. Before 1836 the, part of North Carolina West of this line was represented in our Gen eral Assembly by 24 Senators and 50 Com mouers ; the part East by 40 Senators and 84 Commoners ; one County was divided. Uy the change effected in our State Consti tution some fourteen years since, the num ' bers have been altered to 20 Senators and 59 Commoners for the first, and 30 Senators and 61 Commoners for the second.' Before 1836, each county was entitled to one Sena tor and two Commoners, and there were be sides six Boroughs, entitled to one Common er each ; since that "time the members of the Senate have been distributed in proportion to the public taxes paid into the treasury of the State ; those of the ' House of Commons ac cording to Federal population. I send you two tables to be laid before your readers : in the first of these you will find a statement of the representation of Eastern and Western North Carolina under the White basis;, in the second a similar statement under the " Federal basis. The effect of an union of the Federal basis in the Senate, with the White basis in the Commons may be seen by a com parison of the two. Every 10,000 giv s a Senator; every 4000 Commoner. Easter. Currituck, Camden, Pasquotank. Perquimoos, Chowan, Gates, Hertford, Northampton, Bertie, Mania, Washington, Hyde, Tyrrell, Beaufort, Pitt, Greene, Craven, Jones, Carteret, Onslow, Daph, . , Lenoir, Wayne, Johnston, Halifax, Nash, Edgecombe. "Warren, Franklin, Granville, Wake, Cumberland, Sampson, Bladen, New Hanover, Brunswick, Columbus, Richmond, Moore, Montgomery, Robeson, Eastern, Westxew. Cherokee, Macon, Haywood, Henderson, Buncombe, Yancey, Ashe, Sorry, Wilkes, Burke, Rutherford, Lincoln, Iredell, Mecklenburg, Stokes, Davidson, Dane, Rowan, Anson, Cabarrus, Stanly, Chatham, Randolph, Guilford, Rockingham, Caswell, Person, Orange, White Pop. Sew. Com. 4000) 3400 -4 GOO) 4000 - 2900 44003 2300 6000 f 5100 4450 f 2650) 4-200 y 3200) 8000 6000 3500 C 6200 1 1600$" 5200 4500 f 6500 3700$" 7000 1 6800 f 5100; 53005" 8200 5060 ) 5400 ( 9000 12,000 9500 8000 ) 4500 ( 10,000 2500) 2600 C 4200) 6790 J 4100 f 7500 220,000 o 3 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 22 53 Popclatiow. Srjc. Com. 3300 ; 4200 J 5000 ; 4800 9000 5600 ) 7000 ( 13600 11000 13000 17500; 22500 ( 12200 12500 13400 13000 6000 ' 9000 11000 7000) 4100 ( 11000 11300 16300 9000 7000 5500 17100 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 3 3 3 4 5 3 3 3 3 1 2 3 2 1 3 3 4 2 2 1 4 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 .Western, 280,000 Every 13,000 gr.s a Senator; 28 67 Every 5500 Commoner. Eastern. Currituck, Camden, Pasquotank, Perqnimons, Chowan, Gates, Hertford, Bertie, Northampton, Martin, Washington, Tyrrell, Hyde, Beaufort, Pitt "T Greene, Craven, , Jones, Carteret, Onslow, Duplin, Leoorr, Wayne,, Halifax, Nash, .- Johnston; Edgecombe, Warren,- Franklin, Granville, Wake, Cumberland, Sampson, New Hanover, Bladen. Brunswick, Columbus, Richmond, Robeson, Montgofnt ry, Moore, Eastern, WE8TE. Cherokee, Macon, Haywood, Henderson, Buncombe, Fedk'l Por, ESWt SE9. 1 1 Com. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 3 3 ' -2 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 40C0 bSJOO 6000 5J00 5200 ) 9300 IUOUU 6300 3700 Mm I 11000 9200 i 5500 10000? 3000 f 6000 i 6000 9400 ) 6000 I 10500 11800 7900 8800 f 13000 11500 oooo 14500 18000 14000 11(00 14000 6800) 3200 S 37003 6700 9500 GTiYi 7600 I 335,000 PoPnATlOlT. 3500) 4700 V 5200 S GOOD 10000 25 60 Sek. Com. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Surry, Wilkee, ' v.n Burke, 1 -Rutherford, Lincoln , 1 1 3 2 3 3 5 3 3 3 3 1 2 2 J 1 3 2 3 2 2 1 4 -Iredeilj 1 Mecklenburg, Stokes, '" Daridson,' Darie, , Rowan, Anson, , t . Cabarrus, Stanly, ' Chatham, . " Randolph, . Guilford, . Rockingham, Caswell, Person, Orange, 2 Western, 335000 25 60 I do not claim perfect accuracy for these tables. They are certainly as accurate as I can make them. But never having had any experience in gerrymandering, I shall not warrant them. In forming the senatorial dis tricts I commenced, first at the extreme North East, then at the extreme South West, and connected so many counties lying contigu ously, as contained the requisite member of inhabitants. Whenever the surplus popula tion of several districts in connexion warran ted it, I credited some deficient district with what was over ; and vice versa, when one or mere districts failed to reach the required number, I made up what was lacking as soon as opportunity offerei by a district contain ing a proportion larger than necessary ; ap plying the rule given in our amended consti tution. I use the old names of the counties without regard, to late alterations, as I can give no guess at the respective sizes of the new ones. For a like reason, I class Lincoln and Rutherford in one district, as their origi nal territory has been divided into five coun ties. nowins: your sentiments, Mr. Editor, in reference to a change in the basis of repre sentation in North Carolina, I would not tres pass 'on.you with my views upon it, did I not feel assured that in compliment to a large class of your readers, your columns are open to both sides of this interesting question. I have been in favor of the freest suffrage ever since the point was first mooted in the State. In a republic a free citizen is, to my eye, so far superior to every other element of its power, that xannot conceive of any ap preciable increase of his value or dignity by the addition of a property qualification. When my attention is called to a consideration or the many and various qualities which make up the character and respectability of North Carolina ; when I ask myself what labors and whose labors are they which maintain its freedom and happi ness; upon whose stroajj arm is its independence supported; whose virtues are they which have giv en it name and renown abroad ; it seems the great est of absurdities to distribute the representatives of that sovereignty and freedom, theyflrotectors of that happiness and virtue, by the rifle of the petty expenses required to put the outer machinery of government in motion ! Hardly indeed by that, as the indirect taxes those for instance of mus tering and road working although quite as nec essary, and amounting to a sum much greater than the money tax. are Mot at all regarded in the apportionment. What else is this than to value a house according to the cost of the scaffold by which it was raised ; or to price the products of steam engines in proportion to the water which these require for daily consumption? The sentiment which inclines me to wish for every white man a voie for State Senators, leads me further to desire for him a vote equal to that of any other man in the State. That one thou sand men in one part of North Carolina shall have as large a representation as five thousand in an other is at war with this feeling, and indeed to me no free sunrage a: all. It is a slate ot affairs which no one seeks to justify but by resorting to the no principle that the Senate is to be apportion ed with reference to the share of the $85,000 of taxes paid in mon y by the several portions of North Carolina ; disregarding in this too, the 120,000 of taxes paid as indica'.eJ above. I am in favor then of the White Batit. The argument that no Southern State should drop the principle involved in the Federal Basis, especially in this crisis, appears to me one of the smallest weight! As between the Northern and Southern Slates this basis is a matter of express and solemn agreement a solemn contract to which sovereign States are parties. In this State there can be no parties, and so no coutracU The people, here at least, compose one integrant mass, and if they settle the basis of representation upon one principle rather than another, it is as a matter of discretion and not of contract. In the exercise of that discretion it appears to me unreasonable to be influenced by the terms of a contract which proceeded from otier considerations. This prin ciple has been asserted in our constitution for only fourteen years ot the seventy two which bound our history as a State. Our Southern character was not doubted before its insertion, and will scarcely be when it shall have been blotted out. Such then in dim perspective is the career which Free Suffrage appears to be fated to run in North Carolina. Not to speak of its incidental effect upon the tenure of judicial office, nothing seems so certain as its utter ruin of the ancient strong holds of political power in the East. As it is now, less than one half of the voters in the East are entitled to a vote in the Senate. No matter then what be the conditions with which it is clogged, the doctrine introduced to the East as Free Suffrage will always command a strong party in that section. That the West will demand theje conditions is morally certain. Free Suffrage is by no means as great a boon there as in the East. A much larger proportion of the -voters are freeholders. I have been credibly informed that in the Mountain Counties, this vote rises to three fourUis. There this airitation has been valued and cherished for the sake of what it presaged. In the language of French politics there was an mrriere pentee. The cry sent up by CoL Read in 1848 was welcomed ther as the trumpet which called the great West to vic tory and to power ; and thither after a struggle, louger or shorter, it must eventually lead it. CoL Reid may or may not have so intended. That can make no difference. He has done his part in giving voice and prominence to the idea. Interested persons will not regard bis protestations, nor suf fer that he shall use what should be of public ad vantage, entirely for private advancement. I de sire to speak with all respect of out lately elected Governor ; I understand him to be a gentleman who deserves and enjoys the esteem of a large circle of friends ; but I may not refrain from say ing that in bestriding Free Suffrage, however he may at first outstrip his competitors, be runs great danger of being runaway with in the end. Already he sits loosely, and seems to have drop ped his reins. He is understood to protest his op position to any change in the bans. This will in fallibly alienate the West. But the West wSl have the change, and no thanks to him, and where with shall he then meet the reproaches of the Eas tern Democracy j shall be say that he did not go to do it 1 Times have altered since my boyhood if that has reached the dignity of an excuse. Sore ly do I remember that its only effect, when I bad my eyes open or ought to have bad them open to what I was doing, was the ministration of half a dozen extra cuts. Imagine Warren and Frank fin. Nash and Halifax, Onslow and Duplin, Wayne and Johnston, hereafter in the days of the White. basis, pointing Goviknok Rxjd to the 4000 majority which they gave him, and then ask ing with deeo emotion what be and Fres-SufTnim hart done with four of their Senators and four of weir Commoners 1 Think' ye that he could giv any very satisfactory accent) tof their whereabouts. Hi answer wuatt-qwrtnlfsa bethx-eo freqTrratly buskauU. ThatCclReiddtiattadtJjeasuJt ,6000 7500 14800 .,. 12460 " . 15000 190001 25000 14700 -16000 V-v 15500 15000' 7500) 1 1000 ( 14500 8500) 5000 16000 12000 18200 12000 11700 8000 22000 of his actions signifies nothing It has been eheap wisdom for many generations that every man is responsible for all that be might have provided a gainst; and that CoL Reid ought to have known the probable results of stirring Free Suffage in North Carolina is plain to any one who knows anv thing of the proceedings of the Convention of 1835. Speaking of Piou Eneas pat me in mind of another scene in Virgil apropos to the present distress. It is that which follows the visit ot Jo no to the God of the Winds. At her solicitation be pierces with his- spear the hollow mountain where his subjects reside. Straightway out they rush in a band, not only to do his bidding but al so to gratify many privtte ends of their own. We are now at the beginning of the rumpus and racket. Already clouds are rising upon the political sky, and thick darkness broods uoon the waters ; pre sently we shall have the thunder and the glitter of the light nmgV and no long time thereafter the wreck and ruin of the Eastern Democracy : Apparent rati nantes in gurgile vatto : Jlrma varum, tabulaque et Troia gaza per undo. SOMERS. August 10th, 1850. AUTHOR OF THE NASHVILLE AD DRESS. The Charleston Mercury is mistaken in the feeling which it attributes to us towards Mr. R. Barnwell Rhett,the author of the Nashville Address. We have not the slightest dispo sition to carp at his opinions, nor to censure a gentleman for whom we bave entertained not one personally unkind feeling; but when he is brought up as the model of a politician whose opinions are calculated to strike at the Union, we feel it our duty to look into his patent-papers. Is this ultraist the man who ought to instruct the South ? The New Orleans Picayune devotes an article to him for the purpose of proving that he is not a recent proselyte to disunion in consequence of the slavery question, but that as far back as 1SS3 he was an avowed disunionist. The following from that paper may cast much light on the stream of his opinions : Union. Then Mr. Rliett was against all compro mise as a delusion, and the Union as some thing that must perish and ought to perish. In the State convention, called to repeal the unification ordinance, (February, 1833,) though he submitted to the necessity, he did it with extreme ill grace was for keeping up the military organization of the State in anticipation of another collision and boldly declared in that early day that he had no confidence in the Union. We mention this as a proof that Mr. Rhett's dislike for the Union is an ancient and deep-rooted feeling and that he has in the most excited times failed to get it endorsed by the people of S. Carolina. The particular incident to which you re fer has some traits that may make it interes ting to recall it. Mr. Rhett (who was then known a' R. Barnwell Smith his name has been since changed) was a member of the convention from the parish ofSt. Bartho'omew. When the report accompanying the ordinance re pealing the ordinance of nulification was read in convention, it contained an avowal of " ardent attachment to the Union." Mr. Smith (Rhett) rose in great excitement, and moved to have the phrase stricken out as " untrue" as respected him and his constitu ents. He denied that they had, or had any reason to have, an "ardent attachment" to the Union. He said, " he would rather see the whole State, from Table Rock to Fort i Moultrie, one military camp, than for the State of South Carolina to continue a mem ber of the Union, such as it was then, and had been for the last ten years" from 1822 to 1S32. The following scene then occurred, as we find it in a report of the proceedings of the convention : General James Hamilton, jr., attempted to rise, but gave the floor to Colonel Samuel Warren, frm St. James Santee, a revolu tionary officer. Col. Warren, leaning against the table and supported on his crutches, said he un derstood the gentleman from St. Bartholo mew (Mr. R. B. Smith) to ask when he was up, " where was the man in the convention who could place his hand upon his heart, and sav that he was attached to this U nion ?" Mr Smith. Ardently attached. Mr. Warren. I don't care what word you place there. I, for one, can place my hand upon ray heart, (suiting the actiou to the word.) and can say that I am ardently attached to Um Union. I fought for it, and bled for it, (and he looked unconsciously downwards to the remnant of his dismem bered limb,) and will do it again, whenever my services are required. The whole scene was one of deep and touching interest. Mr. Smith's motion to strike out the de claration of attachment to the Union was defeated by a large majority in a conven tion of the nulhfiers ! Will he have more success now ? We trust not we believe not. There is, we hope, enough of the spiritof this revolutionary patriotleft to make even South Carolina hesitate long before she agrees with Mr. Smith (Rhett) that the U nion is a failure, and disunion a right and a duty. Upon Congress much, if not all depends. Let them give us such a settlement of these difficulties as moderate and Union-loving men can approveClay's bill or some other not worse and the dissolutionists, open or con cealed, will be awed into silence at least, by the loud, deep, and almost universal ap proval of the masses of the Southern peo ple. WOMAN'S PATIENCE. How strange that the patience of Job should be considered so remarkable, when there are so many mothers in this world, whose pa tience equals, if it does not exceed his. What would Job have done had he been compelled to sit in the house and sew, and knit, and nurse the children, and see that hundreds of things were attended to during the day, and hear children cry, and fret, and complain ? Or how would he have stood it if, like some poor women, he bad been obliged to raise a family often or twelve children, without help, spending months, years- all the prime of life in washing, scouring, scrubbing, mending, cooking, nur aing children, fastened to the house and off spring, from morning till night, from night till morning, sick or well, storm or sunshine.hts nights often rendered miserable by watching over his children? How could he have stood all this, and, in addition to all other troubles.the coarseness and even violence of a drunken companion. How could he bave felt, after wearing out his very existence for hit tender offspring and a worthies compan ion; to be abused and blamed ? Job endured his biles and losses very well for a short time, but they did not endure long enough to test the length of his patience. Woman tests her patience by a whole life of trials, and she does not grumble at her burdens. - We are honestly of the opinion that woman has more patience than Job ; and instead of say ing "the patience of Job,", we should say uw pauxnee c woman. . - THE MISSOURI L RESTRICTION " ' , - VOTE OF 1856V.--In the late great debate in the United States Senate repeated references were made to the sectional character of the vote in Con cress on the adoption of the Missouri com promise in 1S30 -Senators on both sides quoted from memory and made great mis takes ; none of them appear to have looked with any attention into that part of the histo ry of the transaction. We have had the cu riosity to hunt up the list of yeas and nays on the critical divisions, and think our rea ders may be interested iu an analysis of the vote. The controversy, it will be remembered, did not arise on the question of admitting the State of Missouri into the Union, but on the preliminary bill, authorizing the inhabitants of the territory to form a constitution and State Government. To that bill an amend ment was moved in the House of Repre sentatives, in the nature of a mandate to the new State, that it should in its constitution " ordain and establish that there should be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the new State, otherwise than in the punish ment of crime, whereof the pajty shall have heen duly convicted ; which are the terms of the North-western ordinance of 1787. The chief champions of the restriction were Mr. John W. Taylor, of New York, and Mr. John Serjeant, of Pennsylvania, in the House of ReDresentatives. and Mr. Rufus King of New York, in the Senate. After a slormy debate which convulsed the whole country, and a multitude of amendments and propo sitions which failed, the House of Represen tatives passed the proposed restriction, and sent the bill containing it to the Senate. The Senate had discussed the same question contemporaneously, and there too, numerous attempts at compromise had been tried una vailingly. Among them was one to settle the question b' removing all restriction from the Missouri bill relinquishing all attempts to restrict States, and dividing the territories of the United States at 36 30, prohibiting the existence of slavery north of the line. All the territories south of that line were then de facto slaveholding, and declining to leg islate was equivalent to an agreement that slavery should not he disturbed there. This, though it failed several times, is what afterwards passed, and is now known as the Missouri compromise. The author of the proposition was Jesse B. Thomas, a Senator from the State of Illinois. Mr. Clay is gen erally reputed to be the author, and it is dif ficult to alter that impression in the popular mind But Mr. Clay has repeateJly disclaim ed it, and assigned it to the true source. Mr. Clay supported it most strongly by his influence and oratory in the lower House, but it failed there, and first succeed' d in the Senate. Mr. Cay's powers of leadership in the work of pacification were most conspic uous in the next Congress, on another con troversy, arising out of the Misscuii case, which at that time threatened very danger ous consequences. Missouri presented her self to Congress with a constitution which directed the State Legislature to pass laws excluding the State. free negroes and mulattoes from There was an attempt to keep her out of the Union, unless she altered this part of the constitution ; which the free State members construed as an interference with the rights of citizenship under the constitu tion. It was on this distracting question that Mr. Clay obtained the appointment of his compromise committee, and reported from that an amendment which was so ingeniously worded as to save the point of pride with both parties, and leave the details of the question to the Judiciary. The restrictive amendment to the bill of 1S20 was, as we have ssaled, passed in the House, and sent to the Senate. In that bo dy the successful effort was then made to free Missouri entirely from restriction, and to adopt the line of division of 36 30 for the territories. Mr. Barbour, of Virginia March 2d, 1820 moved to strike out the whole proviso re quiring the State to interdict slavery. It was carried yeas 27, nays 15, as follows . Yeis Messrs. Parrolt, of New Hampshire; Hunter, of Rhode Island ; La n man, of Connecti cut ; Thomas and Edwards, of Illinois ; Barbour, of Virginia; Brown, of Louisiana; Eaton, of Tennessee; Elliot, of Georgia ; Gilliard, of South Carolina; Horsey, of Delaware; Johnson, ol Keniucky ; Johnson, of Louisiana ; King of Ala bama ; Lloyd, of Maryland ; Logan, of Kentucky; Leake, of Mississippi ; Macon, of North Carolina; Pinkncy, ol Maryland; Pleasants, of Virginia; Smith, of South Carolina ; Stokes, of Norili Car olina ; Van Dyke, of Delaware; Walker, of Ala bama ; Walker, of Georgia ; Williams, of Mis sissippi ; Williams, of Tennessee. Nays Messrs. Burrill, of Rhode Island ; Mor nil, of New Hampshire ; Olis and Mllen, of Massachuselts ; Dana, of Connecticut ; King and Sanlord, New York; Dickerson and Wilson, of New Jersey ; Lowrie and Roberts, of Pennsylva nia; Rujrgles and Trimble, of Ohio; Noble and Taylor, of Indiana. Absent Ticlienor and Palmer, of Vermont. It will be seen that this was a sectional vote, with the exception that five Senators from free States voted for striking out the restriction. They were Parrott, of New Hampshire; Lanman, of Connecticut; Hunter, of Rhode Island; the two Illinois Senators, Thomas and Edwards. The Union then consisted of twenty-two States, and they were equally divided into slaveholding and non-slaveholdmg States. After striking out the restriction in the Senate, the compromise proviso, as to the territories, was adopted without division, and the bill was returned to the House for con currence. On the same day the House considered these amendments and adopted them bote. The first, striking out the restriction on Mis souri, was concurred in by a very close vote yeas 90, nays 87 majority 3. We have no room for a full list of the yeas and nays. The point of interest is the sectional charac ter of the vote, and the names of the parties who decided the question by voting with the South. The whole number of representatives from the southern States voted for concurrence with fourteen members from non-slavehol-ding State. These were Mason, Hill, Shaw and Holmes of Massachusetts ; Foote and Stevens, of Connecticut ; Eddv, of Rhode Island: Bloomfield , Kinsev and Smith,- of New-Jersey; Meigs and Storrs, of New-York; Baldwin and FulTerton, of Pennsylvania. With these exceptions every vote from a free State was cast against concurring, of which the effect would have been to retain the pro hibition of slavery in the State of Missouri. ' The closeness of the vote may be further judg-ed by the fact thai there . .were eight absentees, of whom five were estimated to be against concurring and three for it- The actual majority in a full House, against im posing, by act of Congress, restriction upon the admission of slavery into the State, was only one, excluding the Speaker, Mr. Clay, Who was not entitled to vote. After the restriction was expunged, the Missouri compromise line was adopted by a large majority, k 134 to 42. Thirty-seven Southern men, who had voted to strike out the restriction, voted asrainst inserting the compromise proviso. Forty Southern men majty)voted with'the North to impose the ' territorial restriction; i north of 36 30. - Oijly five Northern members voted m me negative: N. O. Pic.V GENERAL SCOTT. The proposition introduced into Congress, to give the gallant Scott the brevet rank of Lieut. General, is thus happily advocated by the New York Courier. The press through out the country, we doubt not, will join us in "seconding the motion :" A proposition was a few days since intro duced into the Senate, to confer the rank of Lieutenant-General by brevet upon Major General Scott, as a reward for his great mil itary services in the war with Mexico. We are sure that such a testimonial of gratitude and esteem would meet the almost universal approbation of the American people. Of all the illustrious generals our country has pro duced, it is doubtful whether one has united so much military science as Winfield Scott. Of all the great achievements our arms have performed, it is certain that none is more brilliant than the conquest of the Mexican capital. The powerful conception, the sure calculation, the steady judgment, the fear less daring, and the unshaken fortitude dis played by the commanding officer from the disembarkment of his little handful of men till his occupation of the halls of the Monte zumas, struck the civilized world with as tonishment and with admiration. Modern history can scarcely present such another exploit as this complete humiliation of a na tion of eight millions by an army of less than twelve thousand men. Leading journals in Europe, who were familiar with the great deeds of their own boasted chieftains, persis ted in mocking at the expedition against the city of Mexico as the very acme of fool hairdness, until its triumphant accomplish ment overwhelmed them with amazement and confusion. We trust that General Scott will long be spared to preside over the military de partment of our great Republic, but in all probability he will never again be called into active service. His field-days are over : his laurels are won. . Enduring renown awaits him after death ; but let him, while yet liv ing, receive some testimonial proportionate to the services he has rendered his country. Let another proof be given that Republics are not ungrateful. Other nations vie with each other in conferring pre-eminent honor upon their military heroes ; because they are their champions in the day of danger, and their deeds shed a lustre over the na tional flag which time wi'l never dim. Tne magnificent palace of Louis XIV., at Versail les! with its innumerable works of art, ded icated to the great men of France is but a vast mausoleum of military glory. Of all the splendid statues and monuments that de corate the interior of St. Paul's, at London, there are not more than four or five that do not commemorate military greatness. We, too, have our great chieftains : greater, none. One of them we shortly since raised to our highest honor; and have just laid in the grave, amid a nation's tears. The people are not vet done paving funeral tributes to ! his memory. Thev will now regard those w ho are lef t with yet fonder veneration ; and will encircle their brows with yet greener laurels. Our national spirit and policy is peace; and Peace herself bids us to honor these men as herown best servants. By their mighty name they hinder war from coming; and, should it come, by their mighty prowess they bring it to a speedy termination. The honorary grade of Lieutenant-General, to which it is proposed to raise Gen Scott, has at the present time no existence. Both the office and the title were abolished by Congress in 1799. In fact Washington has been the only person in our "entire history who ever received the appointment of Lieu-tenant-General, and he only occupied the of fice for a short time, in the quasi war against the French Directory, being soon promoted to the rank of "full General" the same posi tion which he had held during the Revolu tionary war. This latterdignity is two grades beyond tka of Major General now vested in Gen. Scott, and is second only to the rank of Field Marshall, which has never existed in our sevice. It is proposed now as a mark of especial honor to Gen. Scott, to revive the grade of Lieutenant-General, so far at least as it pertains to his honorary character. By the law of 1812 the President, with the advice and consenfof the Senate, haspower to confer brevet commissions on such ofJicers of the army as shall distinguish themselves by gal lant actions or meritorious conduct, and the present Major-General having attained the highest military rank known, is precluded from orevet honors, such as hundreds of his junior officers are frequently receiving. If there is any dignity in a brevet, let General bcoTT have it; and if it require special legis lation, why so much the belter, for it will be a more signal token of admiration and gra titude. LETTER FROM KOSSUTH. Shortly after Kossuth reached Widin, in Turkey, there appeared in the public papers, both of England and this country, a docu ment purporting to be a farewell proclama tion of the fugitive Governor to his country men. It contained the singular declaration, that " his principles had not been those of Washington, nor his conduct of Tell; and an American gentleman now at Constanti nople, assuming the proclamation to be an authentic paper, wrote to M. Kossuth, ask ing him tne favor of a translation or explan ation of the original of the sentence above quoted. The following is an extract of the answer received : "Kutahta, l4ih June 1850. " I beg leave to state, with all mod esty, how very disagreeable it is to me to see that the farewell proclamation you please to allude to, is attrioutec to me. iso, my JJear sir, 1 am proud not of my faculties; but, notwithstanding, I would feel ashamed should I have written anything in my life ao bad as this proclamation. I cannot conceive how any one could have been so base as to usurp my name and to prostitute itjbefore the world by such a vile imposture. " I declare upon honor that I had no part in it, and no knowledge of the whole proclamation; and that it is totally supposititious, false and apocry phal. " I not only authorize you, sir, but pray you, to make publicly known this my declaration through the periodical press f America, in the manner you shall judge most convenient. Signed, L. Kossuth." While there is no doubt of Kossuth's par tiality for the republican principles, he is no less devotedly attached to .his country. On a late occasion, says the gentleman to whom the above letter was addressed, M. Kossuth was in conversation with a party of Ameri cans, and after. rising to his feet with excite ment, and (drawing a. vivid picture of tie blessing of nvingamong the Iree people of the American confederation, he said in elo quently, solemn words: ! But,' after mil, I would rather dwell as the meanest laborer in Hungary free, than to receive the greatest honor of this world, that of being- President of the U. States? From the N. Y. Courier and Enquirer. BARON VON CRONE AND THE COMPLI MENT TO GEN. SCOTT BY THE KING OP PRUSSIA. Recurring to the enlightened conductor the King of Prussia, in seeking to build up a navy with the councils of officers of our navy, the writer was reminded of a similar compliment paid by the same monarch to our army in Mexico, and espec ially to Gen. Scott. The facts are not generally known, aid therefore this statement may possess interest for many of our readers, and it will also give an bpportun:ty to do justice to the memory of a gallant officer of a foreign army, who has since fallen in battle in the Danish and Prussian war. , In the Spring of 1847, after the battle of Cerro Gordo had extended the name and fame of Gen eral Scott to the continent of Europe, a young officer of the Prussian army. Baron Von Grone, sought leave of absence, in order to join, if possi hle. the army of General Scott, wishinsr to accom pany him over the route of Cortes to the city of Mrirn. The kin? of Prussia despatched him ac cordingly, and he took letters to our Secretary of State (which were sent by the latter to General Scott in Mexico.) asking permission for him to acromnanv our armv. the kina wishing him "to study the art of tear under that great captain, Central Scott." It must be remembered that up to that date pro found oeace had for along period reigned in t,a rope, and it was before the Hungarian campaigns ave ample opportunity to those who might de sire it, to witness operations in the field. Unfortunately. Baron Von Grone did not reach Vera Cruz in time to ioin General Scott in his march from Puebla to the valley of Mexico. He accomoanied Major Lallv's command, which left Vera Cruz 7th August the same date that Scott's army marched from Puebla. He served in the staff of Lally, who encountered the guerilleras every step of his progress to Jaiapa, Keeping mm fourteen days on the march of seventy miles to that city. Besides four different stands wliich they made in force, the command was subjected to the way-laying partizan sharp-shooters at all hours of the day and night, and from behind every thicket and stone fence. Throughout the march, Baron Von Grone "distinguished himself by his gallantry, scouting in advance on various occa sions," to quote the language of the official report of the commander of the expedition. At the Na tional Bridge he was wounded in the leg, but not severely. The circumstances under which he was wounded may be worth recounting. While riding up the hill in front of the bridge, conveying information to the commanding officer, he was subject to a fire of escopetas from the castle on the left, and was observed by one of our officers to turn round to the castle and lace it for some time. On being asked afterwards what was his object in this singular movement, he replied that "he saw he must be wouuded and he wanted to take it in his front." The command was detained on the route for weeks and months. He was with Gen. Lane at Huamantla and Atlisco,and did not reach the city of Mexico until November. On presenting his letters from both Governments to Gen. Scott, that officer treated him with kindness, and asked him to join his staff, as volunteei aid-decamp. But as active operations were over he remained but a short time in Mexico. The staff of General Scott paid him every attentiou and the writer heard him subsequently say, that he derived great grati fication from his visit to the army, especially from his observation of the drill aud practice of the Light artillery. After his return to Europe, the war between Denmark and Prussia broke out, and we lament to ?dd that he was among the first to fall in that war in the summer of 1S4". He was an accom plished gentleman aud soldier. Of very observing and studious habits, he constantly took topogra phical and other notes of the country through which be travelled. He spoke of the gratification he might give the distinguished Baron Humboldt on his return, by conversation concerning the scenes of his early travels. CHANGE OF POSITION. Many of the Southern politicians have re cently changed their positions. Not many months have passed since the doctrine of Mr. Calhoun and the whole South was, that Con gress should not interfere with the question of slavery in the territories. The North had claimed the right to append the Wilmot pro viso to any bill to establish a territorial gov ernment ; and it was against this claim that the South contended. All that was asked was, that the people of the territories should be left free to act as they pleased on the sub ject of slavery. This was the Southern plat form, and the justice of the position assumed was acknowledged by all but the ultra aboli tionists. What is now the ground taken by certain Southern members of Congress ? Are they content to let the people of the ter ritories act for themselves ? No. Nothing will now satisfy them but the division of Cali fornia by the Missouri line, and an act of Congress guaranteeing slavery South of that line. It was usurpation of power to restrict slavery by the Wilmot proviso, and the non intervention of Congress on the subject of slavery was demanded by the South. Now these same politicians call for the. interfer ence of Congress to enable them to establish slavery in a territory, the people of which have already repudiated it : and threats are made, that if thev be not gratified, they will 1 . 1 TT . . - seceue irom tne union, ana raise the stand ard of civil war. Nothing can be gained bv this change of position ; for the admission of the right of Congress to regulate slavery, would be fatal to tlie'interests of the South. Unless Southern gentlemen act consistently. and plant themselves upon the guarantees of me constitution, tney will play a losing game We have heard much of the outrages ei ther perpetrated or anticipated by the action oi congress on tlie Southern States ; but con fess our inability to discover in what thev con sist. When it was originally proposed to give California a territorial government, the great obstacle was, the attempt to attach the Wil mot Proviso. The South would not admit that appendage, but was willing that the ad mission or rejection ol s.avery should be left to hc decision of the people. Southern views prevailed. The Wilmot Proviso was abandoned, and the territory was left, without a civu government, it was accessible to em igrants from all sections of the Union, and thousands resorted thither from North and 6outh, attracted by the desire of acauirino gold. The increase of population produced a necessity ior an organized government, and it was created by the representatives of the people. In this proceeding there was noth ing offensive either to the North or South and had the constitution adopted been silent on the subject of slavery, no complaint would have been uttered by the South. But it pro hibited the introduction of slaves, and this act is called injustice to the South ; although in fact, it was voted for by every southern member of the California Convention, and was in accordance with the principle laid down by Mr. Calhoun, and other southern statesmen. Now disunion is proclaimed an. less California be dismembered, and Congress undertake to establish slavery south' of the yroposed division line. Bait. Qlip. ' ITEMS BY TELEGRAPH. Washington, August 9th. A despatch from St. Louis savs the Whim. have no doubt elected four members of Conor. and that theLegisIature will stand about 65 W hid, 30 Benton men, and the balance anti-Benton. . . St. Louis, August 9. - The returns continue to com Jn slnwh- w are still favorable to the Whin. CI ilrhriif Porter ( Whig) is uritfBubtedJy elected to. Congress from KBIllSTPai. Ours are the plans of fairdf.ii TJnwarp'd by party rage to live Tiike i bJ2 Wednesday, August 21, 1850, C3- The Editor of this Paper, after a'n absence of a week, has returned m w. J number of Uommunicatious and bus Post. A on hand, shall be immpdiatt.l,r o..j , "'1 ISlnoc. 1 . uucuueu to ny tne next issue ot the Regis'er ' note itriiuiaieu me Dartml nr. which our Office has been thrown, durb-r""0 absence, we shall have something to'say to V generous and fair-dealing co-te'mDor,,; ' . have recently made us the object of s so their ire. For the present, we can much of only luusn their impotent railings. STATE ELECTIONS. North Carolina. It will be seen by theT hi. which we publish, to-day, in a corrected form T Mr. Red's majority will deviate but fe(v T'ol either way, from three thousand. Thesta"' of the vote in nearly all the Counties is offi copied from the returns rendered to il1P !. of State. Missouri Returns from Missouri are in, ftj sufficient to ensure the election of four of tLe Whig members of Congress, aud of a tnaL!' in the Legislature, which will ensure the fw-' ui a iv ihjj oeudiui iu congress, 111 pace 0(q ei lienton. KENTCCKr. Kentucky is WIut but by what majority, is unknown. as usual- Indiana. In Indiana, as far as heard from, 15 Whig9aiid23 Loco f'ocos are elected to;he?fnaf ' including those that held over. Twelve not vet ascertained. Mouse y W higs.and 31 LocoFo, Uoih Houses will be as they were last ye POCOli Iowa. In Iowa, George G. Wright, Whi has been elected member of Congress from Tle 1st District, and Lincoln Clark, Loco Foco, rom tne Jsecond. I he Loco Foco State ticket i ted. . COUNTY COURT. This Tribunal is in session the present weel. On Monday, William H. High, the newly elec ted Sheriff, took the oath and assumed the dutw of his Office. Mr. High, we doubt not, will mikt on Affiin rltt Mr. Rogers, the late incumbent, riresAr.h much credit as an able and zealous public servant. That he has performed the responsible duties of his Office with promptness and fidelity, is the universal sentiment, we believe, of all who have watched his official conduct. 09-The "Standard" mentions it as a "remark able fact" that certain "old and consistent politi cians" are members of the ensuing Legislate. Among the number enumerated is the name of Gen. Saunders! "An ounce of civet, good Apothecary." A MUSICAL CURIOSITY. We enjoyed, by invitation, a few days since, the rare pleasure of hearing and witnessing the performances of Mr. Butterworth, (who pro poses, it will be seen, by reference to his Adver tisement, to give a Concert hi this City, ou Wed nesday evening, assisted by his associate Mr. Mil lar, a fine Vocalist,) on the Fra.nklo5ias-i most singular and unique instrument, certainly, but susceptible, nevertheless, of a compass, and, at the same time, a sweet and delicate softness of tone, that are hardly describable, and need on!r oe heard to be appreciated. Mr. B. manages liis strange instrument with a dexteiity and ease thai bespeak, independently of his great reputation as a Pianiste, the highest cultivation of musical ge nius and the most enthusiastic devotion to his calling. We commend the Entertainment of these Gen tlemen to the patronage of our citizens. Tbey may rely, we think, upon a rare musical Ind, and a rare musical sight. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM. The public mind in North Carolina is destined to be agitated, at no distant day, by the discussion of several grave questions ofCoustitutional Reform, which have already foreshadowed, and are now clearly developing, themselves. At the proper time, we shall mingle in these discussions, la the meantime, however, such portion of our col umns as we may be able to spare, is open to all Communications upon the subject, so that they are accompanied by a responsible name, and ff from improper personalities. In this spirit of x commodatioa, alone, we give place, to-day, to the Communication ever the signature of" Somebs. With respect to these matters of Reform, bow ever, and all other matters, indeed, we are, of course, in no way responsible for any other riew or opinions than those expressed under the Edi torial bead. It is by no means an uncorom thintr for an Editor in K .a!ll nnnn to ?ire co rency to sentiments very different from his on. Small Pox ikFavetteville. We learu from the Fayetteville papers, that a case of Small Ts occurerd in that town, last week. The authori ties have taken the necessary precautions to u" against its spreading. S; THE SLAVERY QUESTION. Patriot. - Potomac." in snakin? of the pros" action of Congress in regard o the settlement oi w vexed que stion of slavery, says, "there are ef- - C.L. minded men from the North and South, whowb o keep the slavery question open and prolong ag1 tatioa, for no good. They may, by their joint ic Uon, defeat the passage of the territorial bills the admission of California into the Union. The Southern members of the House will hold oat s gainst the admission of California, with her pre sent limits, to the very last, and, as an off-set. "' Northern, members will hold out to the very i against giving New Mexico and Utah lerow government without the vviunot aiiaouu. There must yet be a compromise, a concession on the part of the North aud of the South, or m9 will be nothing done."