Newspapers / The Raleigh Register (Raleigh, … / Jan. 18, 1851, edition 1 / Page 2
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mmmmmi- - - - " - . . . - -t. v or r- SPEECH OF " ; ; r of CUttTOB. j 0 THff CONVENTION Q,UESTIQN, IfrwW IntksHo ef Commons r1 1850 Ml Siiaxan : Having had the food for. U,l e,r the floor at laV I wou M. tyesel llrii UW. baur, ta,at peet fully er.,a Ut,indulrec lh H fo,r tbort time. whil Ifroeeed lo eubmit . few remarks asx the alUbsorbi-g question now bcfor MlbrtoeuMioa. I lD, fof non ehttrfttllT, because I am ture thai (ha views I enlerttin on tfaiw tubject are not only aisuudrrttood by tome but V misrepresented by otbert. Vm'r ihetee r cuwstsnees, I hope no will suffer bun elf lo prejudge or censure me for tnyibing 1 may aay o. this occasion,, until be hat bsaad tba coocIumcmi of my remarks. 1 hia eourtety eta be well afforded by ibe mem bers of kolb political partiea; for 1 assure then one and all, thus publicly, that it la no pert ef my purple to apeak as a Prin o. this question. ,: No, air, no I If 1 should MT anything io Ibit debttt about parties of tdumt, it will bebeua I shall bare Jo enawec the. argamenta of those who sup. portlht course of littletruckling politi ...... K - fnr nortv . DurDoaet. bate al- ready tank thia questic ion down 10 the lowest j si. -rsim. 4;m;t uwn or wain: and ' awe becauro 1 hare any desire in my brJV', to mako it a party question. No, air. Oh. no. J bare no such disposition whatever. If L know anything of my own heart, and of the motives that prompt me to action this day, 1 earnestly, ardently desire to see tbia question separated, or ratber divorced, and that loo, forever, from party and party politics. And, had I lb power to sccom kli.h it. I would at once, and that without ceremony, remote the one from the other, as far as the Eaat is from the West, or the mv Mu i;. rnun th South : and as hurt, aba mil local and sectional jealousies ihlRnn naw ridei abofo the centre of the Earth. JJr. Speaker, I repeat it, I appear before too to-day, not for Ibe purpose oi mi King a speech tor Buncombe or for Currituck; lor party or for self. No, sir; I occupy the floor. it ihiilime. for no such purpose. desire to speak upon thia question, if I can do if! as becomes a patriot and a atatesman ; ArtA blend both in one word, aa a true hearted eon of the Old North State should peak at tho present time : or, let others air what they may.l know that 1 am a North Carolinian in heart, sympathy and feelings ; and bvbfs triple cord will 1 ever be noun to ber let fate and destiny do with and for rht ih mar. I trust 1 sball neter nroto so unffratefuJ. st to forget the blocn! a'nd prayers with which she wss baptized snd consecrated to the cause ol Kepuwican isn ert. Nor will mr riewa and heart ere r becotife so narrow and contracted, aato look to, and find rem for, bat a tectum of my iaiire Stale. No. sir nefer, nerer ahal that be the easrwwhih there can be ' found spec in my hra'tt for pari, there will be for ; , and for no leu than edl. Mr. Speaker, thia language may aeem Ooeg bat I asabre you there is no deception in lu Eery,aympeihy of my heart twines rwtnJ and clmga to my eld mother, and will do it- while a heart throbs in my bosom, thanrk kumkla ihe be. Yes. erery atom of bet toil ; her tinkling rills aod gushing foun. Uios; ber broad lakes, dep sounds, and sweeping rirers ; her fertile ale, smilin? lawns, green hiUs and blue mountains all, all have their charms for me.and ihould have for every one that breathes hrf blessed air or exults in ber invigorating sun. shine for I conceive that they a re each but a part of that glorious inheritance that has been be queathed to os in common by our gallant forefathers. What then though I be a Wei tern man, am I not also a North Carolinian T Or, forsooth, because 1 hsppen to reside in the West, will sny one dare to rise in his place td say that I haveno part or lot in the Eaitl or .that I chrnah no desire in my breast to see ber thrive and prosper, in com moo with the whole Stae 1 Or will any one be so uncharitable as to suppose, for s mo (sent, tbst I would be base enough to wrong ay one section, of the State to benefit my wot 1 there be. that individual does me a great wrong by fcarborinr such a though', Mr. 8pesker, I am no tectiomtt in my feel ings. I repeat it again, I claim to be a North CaroKnian ; and as such, I claim Beau, fort sntf Washington, Newbern and Wil mington; aye, sir, and your own Fayette, ville, as mine. Yes, sir, all mine, as North Carolina is mine, by birth and inheritance. -Entertaining these views, it ia but natu. ralthat I should become somewhat incensed, and feel indignant when I aee gentlemen calmly rise and coolly charge the advocates of aa open Convention on this floor, with being illiberal io their views, and selfish aod atcltoaal io their motiyes. These in aiauationa, however, have no terrors for me. I intend to discuss the various ques tions io vol red in this matter without fear, favor or affection. And if gentlemen will continue to make charges that aip groundless io themaelves, then, sir. I shall (eel no com punetioos. of conscience whatever, I assure vou, ia burling back; lo the very teeth of those making them, all such slanders, with as much contempt and indignation, as I am capable of exercising1, come tbey from what qoarter they may. In asking these remarks, I earnestly hope that I shall not be understood as denying that there is any disposition to legislate here for a aectico. No, air ; I cannot, if I wished, deny the fact, for the history of all past legislation in this States proves that there has been, heretofore, sot only such a disposition mani fested, but a great power actually exercised, to effect this Terr object. Much lest would I intimate that the charge waa false as regards toe last maouetted for political power. Ho, sir, I cannot deny this charge either, and stick to the troth.. But this I can deny, and do moat unequivocally and emphatically, that the charges, or any part of. them, are true when made against Western men. But wbr .seed I say this ? Their votes on the Journals, and the patience with Vbich they have ever; borne oppression and insult from the majority rora the day 4he. State was first organised down to the, present - time . are suficiret to Vincsie their character frort all such charges, if they had no other trgo raenta to advance in their favor. ' Bat I have Sgsessed too far already to jmrsue these thoughts farther at present. " I shall return to the question, therefore, Mr. Speaker, by remarkinr. that the Interest which is evident. ly manifested in thi discussion of this cues two is, of Itself, sufficient Wjn&4tiipl TiSTtthis. the more I contemplate it. the more importOQ-e Jo I Utach to it. Nor I am I yet tore, air, that I would be p&Jiop L ..... ... , ? I Far were I let say. tnat Ul pouucai existence of North Carolina, as a .State, depended; to a great degree, on the rightful decision of this question. - r,' - Mi . 1 am aware, sir, mat uui is saying a deal in favor of an open Convention ; yet j not more. I hope, than its true importance demands. And why do I venture to hazard this assertion ? I Simply upon the fact that, previous to the; formation of the present con stitution of this State, she was in a thriving and' prosperous condition,' and continued to grow in wealth, and increase in nun hers with each rolling year and rising sun, until she was considered, by the wisest and best of men, to be one of the most thri ty and prosperous colonies on the Continent 'Ana, to saiisiy the most sceptical that this is true, I need but refer to the fact that emigrants continued to pour into her borders by thousands, from the other Colonies around her. and that, too, for a considerable time after the Revolution ary War. I allude to these things, Mr Sneaker, for the simple purpose of showing one great and important truth in the history of North Carolina, that cannot be, in my opinion, loo earnestly or feelingly impressed on the heart and mind of every individual within the sound of my voice. And tnat is, that, in the dark and stormy days of the Rev olution, yes, sir, at a time that tried men's souls North Carolina's sons, our sires, had the high honor of going forward as the very vanguard of Freedom's hosts ; ana, aner me struggle was over, of being considered the Banner State Of this Union. The Empire State, the Keystone State, the Old Bay Slate, together with all the other States, (ex cept probably Virginia.) were her inferiors then in point of population, wealth, territory and resources. Hut wnere, am wnere is she to-day ? XI ask this question as one of her sons, Mr. Speaker, witn some leeung, strong interest, and with the deepest emo tions of heart. Where is she to b found in the year of our Lord, 1850 ? Is she still the pioneer that she was in 1776 ? Is it true that the Old North yet shines, as in days of . at. yore, the brightest of til the bright stars tnat now compose the constellation oi inia great and. growing Republic 7 un, ten me, you who can, does she still continue to lead tbem all in the glorious cause of Liberty, progress and Improvement ? Ko tongue need trouDie itself to reply to tuese questions. io, sir I read the answer too plainly in the coun tenances of those around me to require this to be done. I see, from various indications, enough to satisfy me that-North Carolina is not the leader that she once was; but nam fallen (what a sickening thought !) from be ing a leader, down to being a follower of the other States, as a dog follows the trail of his master, always behind. And yet that which is more mortifying still is the thought, that she is still sinking lower and lower every day. Now. as it is certain that there cannot be an effect without a cause : and inasmuch as we have the unmistakeable evidence before us of a grrat change having been wrought both upon the character and position of a Sovereign State, we take it for granted that there must be an adequate cause at work, somewhere, to produce such results as I have noticed. It is my purpose now, Mr. apea ker. to investigate this matter more thorough Iv than I hate heretofore had the privilege ol doing to try if I can possibly ascertain what is it that has operated ap disastrously to toe growth aod prosperity ot our good old com moo wel Ih. Can the results I have mentioned be at tnbuted in any degree to the example that our forefathers' set us? I think not. They were not only wise, but prudent, patriotic and persevering in all that they undertook. Of the promptness and efficiency of their ac tions, I need but lemark that they invaria bly succeeded in all that they undertook to perform. So I take it for granted that the State has not retrograded on account of any example that they have left behind them to their sons. No, sir, they were not the men to leave behind them an unworthy example. We have the high honor of springing from the loins of men who had too much prid? and patriotism to disgrace their descendants, or to be traitors titer others. They were men in every way worthy of their country's regard, and always stood ready to prove their devotion' to it, as ihey did at Alamance, Ramsour's Mills, King's Mountain, Moore's Creek, and onx the plains of Old Guilford, when the sun of its prosperity wss eclipsed in darkness and gloom, and her soil drench ed in the blood of her sons. Then, Mr. Speaker, if it be true, as I have supposed, that North Carolina has not de cl ntd from this cause, what can be the rea son i Can it be attributed to any natural causes? I apprehend noL For surely there is no State to be found ia the bounds of this Republic, that can boast of any more natural advantages than she can justly lay claim to. She has a larger territory than either of the great States of N. York or Pennsylvania ; and as fertile and productive soil; with a Ur more genial and salubrious clime than either of he other Slates of this Confederacy And which of them is it, from the Atlantic to the Pacific shores, thai can produce more of the staple articles of commerce, than can be grown here on our own soil. The empire State, the keystone State, the buckeye State all can boast of being able to rai-e corn, oats, rye, wheat, onions, turnips, potatoes, and barley ; but which of t'cra, like Worth Carolina, can produce to any extent all of these, together with all the great staple ar ticles of commerce, such as rice, cotton, to bacco, tar, pitch and tupentine, indigo and madder, fish and lumber, with the chwest fruit from our trees and vines. In addition to all this, Mr. Speaker, she has the greatest water privileges of any other state tn the Union, with one solitary exception, perhaps ; while ber hills seem to be literally based up on inexhaustible foundations of marble, iron, coal, lime, silver, copper, lead and gold and that which is still better, wander where yon may among them, and you will find pe rennial fountains gushing ever lorth their cool and limpid waters, interspersed every now and then with a healing fountain run ning free for the poor and afflicted while round their sides and on tbeir lofty summits may be found the finest sheepwalks, and the moat beautiful and bewitching scenery in the world. Yet with) all these great natural advantages, we find, from some cause, North Carolina is not able 4o keep pact with the most insignificant of the other S'ates.' No, ur, not eveniib Caiiibrnia, thli came into the Union unfledged, as it were,, but yes terday. ; lveA she. monuvinr aathe ihuasrht may be, , has, at the first iound, leaped Xar before her, and is to-dsy holding out mora attractions to the world, to eauce snen to bef tar diaiaot shores, than North Carolina is io her'a. ' Behold her stand wiih outstretched arrfa, breasiing the Pacifiq, with her, Mines on; the one baad glittering wits) the wealth of anioicl millions on the other, look there eronstimtMfi. ruaranteeinr free and equal suffrage to all the inhabitants of earth who rtitj think propef.id rest bat a while an her soil. Is it suit wonder. Mr. Speak" er, that foreigners front every clime tinder Heaven, should fly with all speed to such ad El dorado sa this in the new world, where every man is DUced upon tne same looting. and mind is constitutionally valued as being worth more than matter to build up.strength- en, beautify and adorn a State?, ;i , j Here I would not be misunderstoof . : uear.in mind I have not, nor do I intend 10 mmtS, thai this feature in the constitutkMa of CauTera baa bee the mam cause of turning the tide of humanity thither in such a strong and rapid current for the last two years or more. No, sir f this is only one of the caiwe. Her rich and productive gold tnires are unquestionably the loadstones that have drawn most persons to that distant land of prom- ise. ' Yet I am equally aure taai ine hucti tu.i- acter of her constitution will induce thousands oi industrious men to become permanent citizens ol thcCommoBweeltn of Caliibrna. who.under other circumstances, would have returned agara to their fatherland. This may be. denied by some, aod ridiculed by others. Nevertheless, 1 am satisfied H h true, w no can aooot ii tor a raoiopui wwu he beholds the ranid manner in which all the new States have increased in wealth and population. where they have recognized the principle that tax ation and representation ought to go hand in hand together? I do not mean by thia that a man should be represented in the Legislature in pro portion to the amount that be pays taxes into the Treasury. This would be ao outrage that ought not to be tolerated, and is not, even in money- making eorporationa. AU l meaa to assert is, that every man mat is taxed should be represen ted in the Legislature freely aod honestly: ' Ana i would aeresuomri, r.opner, work er these features in, the organic Imps nf the other States may not be correctly considered as one a moeg tne greatest oi au we loaucemcnia iu. iucj have held out to the poor and indigent of every realm, and more esDeciaUv to ibis nnmerous class of virtuous and enlightened men in our own Stale to leave tbe land of their birth, and tne Homes ol their youth, with a much speed aa it tney bad been chased away by a devouring pestilence, to Sod a home in the wilderness frontiers of tbe nets States, where there are ao oiber inhabitants .i .... . . . r .i r . near inem out in witu oeasu oi me wren. - Io my humble ioderoent, it was to secure such privileges as these Chat the battles of the Revolu tion were fought, and our independence declared. Yet, sir, these principles hive never (yeO been grantedte tbe people of North Carolina, though their rant to them has always oeen acKnowieasea from the foundation of our government lo the pre sent time. Bui whucoes the poor ekiu mawgiin bv an acknowledgment of bn inherent rights, when the constitution of the Slate in which he was born, still resides, and it may be bia fathers fought to ti.e death tor its laeepenuencedeoiea him not only the right of suffrage, but that which is more intolerable, the right of being fairly and honestly reDreseoted in its councils, when it compels him annually to contribute both in money and labor to the support of its government, and peril his life in its defence when reouired. These are no small items in the way of defence, and often does the poor man contrast them with the privileges granted to him under the Constitution of this State, and those tendered to him io the others. Do rou suppose, Mr. Speaker, that poor end in tellicent tiien in North Carolina are indtflerent to Ihe fact, that tbey have never had the privilege of kmuing a constitution lor tnemseives ana ineu postern v. like the Ireemeo of the other States How mort Hying roast the reflection be to sll such that the poorest emigrants from any part of down trodden Europe yes, sir, even when they come from IreUod, where hey have beard abolition preached all the days of their Uvea, are recognised in Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, in fact all the large slaveholding Slates u intellectual bewgi, who, alter a short residence, on ibetr soil, it will not inly be right but proper lo admit lo the balloi box, upon the same terms as tbe largest slave, bolder in their domain.' Yes, sit, tbey, like most of the other Slates, let every man be heard alike at the ballot-box that they require i jmf ppeir in the held wnest tbe country a invaded. These principles are not only just, but have proved to be highly beneficial to every community that has adopted them. And I assert, without the fear of successful contradiction, that when or wherever property is uoeauilly represented or taxed, or representatives unfairly proportioned to property owned nd taxes paid into the treasury as at present io this State, it is not only unjust but a flagrant outrasre on Republican principles. and ought to be remedied as speedily as possible, If Ibis doctrine be subscribed to, then it will be ad mitted that the Constitution of this State should be amended. For I contend, as before intimated that it secures none ef tbe objects before men tioned ; but on the contrary, requires them all lo be violated io carrying out ita behests. But, lor fearsome gentlemen may think I am better at making assertions than 1 am at giving proof to establish them, 1 shall proceed to give a few facia in vindication or what I hare just said. First, that the people of North Carolina have never had ao opportunity ot forming a Cunstitu tion for tbernseivea. If tbey have, I should like to know when it was that tbe people were called on to act ia this matter 7 . Surely no one will con lend that a ComnnUes tf Thirteen, appointed as tbey were by the housekeepers and freeholders of tne Province of North Carolina, did give the peo ple an opportunity of being beard in the election of the Delegates to tbe Halifax Con rent ion .'when thev "ordered" them to be chesen from the free holier mnd fry lb freel$oUen mloiu, of each Coun ty, not exceeding five in number from tack rttpec tatty, without regard to the number or wealth of ill xnhabiUnU. or the size of its territory, with an additional Delegate from each of' the towns of Beth, Brunswick, Campbellton. Edenton. Hali fax, Newbern and Salisbury. ?iow, sir, let me ask gentlemen around me here. of all parties, if there is one among tbem who honestly believes that either ibe people c the pro perty of ibe State were fairly renreaeoted io ibe Convention that convened in Halifax on the 12th of November, 1776? If there be one, sir, on this floor who entertains that opinion, I am sure he differs with me, and every other roan 1 hove heard express his views on this subject. But, Mr. Spea ker, 1 rejojce to know it is ia my power to give other and much stronger proof of this fact than I nave yet done. And 1 am sure I cat do this by reading to you a abort extract from a long letter written by tVUEarn Hooper to Samuel Johnston. Esq.t in which he ridicules, very sarcastically, the idea tnat rrmnkixn, and tbe eminent statesmen in Pennsylvania, entertained of forming a Constitu tion in which tbey proposed giving the people more power than he thought they were entitled to. from the services tbey had rendered to tbe cause of Liberty in the teated field. But to the letter : "You have seen tbe Constitution of Pennsyl vania ; Hvmano eapiti ertvit sessuto juneta, (a man'a bead and a botse's neck.) the motley mix ture of monarchy and an execrable democracy ; a beast without a head: the moo tvtoeV m second brmneh of legislation ; laws subjected to tbeir re visal io order to seform tbem ; washing in erdvrs by tney of purification. T&terru and armm shape are the councils to which the laws of this Suite are to be referred fat approbation before they pos sess a b ndiog Influence. It ia a melancholy con sideration, that public proceedings are now, in a great measure, the histories of those concerned ia them, aad p priority, interest, tffies, are the strong outlines wnsea snara tae production. . in this in tbey all work powerfully.' shsM latn nt any frsanssrssiaa sftotud teres Ufcm txee tn Cantata tnjmmar of tks WISDOM i poEHes this Stab, or that the name which aatbeatiealea tbe public acts o( the Convention should have aay weight to givemh aruuia cwreacv. Mistnda th KxeaxMurr fftks expiring gsnnts ofpoStUal mam k ,,r . - I. Thus it ; aeemt,' Mr. Speaker, that 1 Mr. Hooper thought and wrote from Philadelphia, on the 87th of September; T76, but a short time before Ihe Convention was to aisemble to form a cooatitution lor the Suite. Now, it should be borne ia mind, that Mr.- Hooper wat an Eastern roan, of great influence, and spoke the sentiment of 'that section on all political matters. And to show, that it was this section of the State that formed the coin stitutioo of our Stale, I heed but refer to the fact that there Wcri3leoiinCei,-aevetj towiis and two districts represented in the Conven tion by 168 Delegate, 125 of whom resided li now the Stale if Tennessee-. Gentlemen will, sea.by-. this, that, in the very commencement of- the'organixation of our State government., all political power Was ia the hands of iJie'aiority .which reside iq the'Eaia Jra.majtirUjr f whoHm ed the viewf o( MHieper; or to use the language of deaeeadant of one of them "they were high-toned conservative, and tarred the ertdion cf a nltndid roverruurni, independent 'of Ue control of the xoi, aid of course- of thevr boasted leaders. . in oiner words, their views of popular government Were similar to those entertained by Mr. Hooper: and. like him. most of them no doubt ridiculed the constitution of Pennsyl vania, as ririnsT too much power to the moo, io one branch of the Legislature of that State; 1 a 1. . 1 .L . J a ! J ana, taxing qis aavice, tney aciermuicu, m forming our constitution, that they would be come tuck high" -toned conservatives at to then all such political pArenzy, by smothering the voice of the mob at the ballot-box, as they chose to call, the people. And this they did most effectually, notwithstanding mere were strong exertions made by some of the Dele- Jates from the West, even then, to have tbe ustices of the Peace elected by the people Waitsill Aery, ' the grandfather of the gentleman from. Burke of. the same name, being one of the number who urged this alt important- measure, i. .ado wiij ww ii, mi. Speaker, that the Delegates from the West then thought proper to press such measures on the attention of tbe Convention, as are now demanded by a majority of the people of this State 1 ft was done, sir. in obedience to the commands of tbeir enlightened con stituents ; and tbey felt free to demand them because they, had fougbt for them. Sir, it would be worse than superfluous for me torepeat-bere again where and how they struggled to secure tbe blessings or a free and independent government, and all the inestimable rights of free white citizens, though it may be profitable as well as hu miliating for me to rhow how signally they failed to secure the object they .had so much at heart. This cafi be done in a few words, as I conceive, by showing that the basis of representation under Ihe old constitution was such as to effectually smother the voice ol the people, or, as Mr. Hooper would have it, the nob, ' I use this word frequently, not for the purpose of trying to cast odium upon Mr. Hooper, or a "majority of the member, of the Convention. Bv no means; far be that thought from me,1 sir; I believe they were patriotic and intelligent men, wno ar dently desired to dfrwhat they thought was right, and best calcufatedto build up a strong , , - J W.a. " a a a ana sptenaia governjnens. uui, in luempi- ing to do this, be feUennr tAe mind of man. they were greatly mistaken, as the history of Pennsylvania and all tne otner Mates will abundantly prove. But, let us see -what restrictions were laid on the noble-hearted freemen of this State, especially in the Western portion of it, where the ball of : the Revolution was first put in motion, and their right to be a free and inde pendent people first ascertained and declared to the world. The Convention, after delib erating for a few moments (for I believe it was in session but three days) thought it would be best to commence their labors with the acknowledgment , of the fact, that all political jMnccr is vested in and derived from ih people alone J" ahaV'that I he people of the State ought to have the sole and exclusive right of regulating the internal government and police of the same. . These are no doubt the principles upon which the, Revolution was conducted from its commencement to its close. And the Delegates to the Convention did well to ac knowledge them in the manner they have, if tbey did : nothing more ; as they are true land-marks to guide us in tbe old Republi can paths.; There is also an important les son taught from these articles, which is again being verified upon this floor ; and that is, that men may acknowledge right, and pro fess principles the former of which they will never grant, if they can help it ; nd the latter violate at enjr, time for gain. This inconsistency appears to have marked tbe proceedings of tne Convention that formed our constirution, to a remarkable degree. For, after acknowledging all that could have been asked or desired by tbe people, they seemed to have turned right round and formed a consFitulJon on such principles as to violate the two first anct fundamental sec tions of the bill of Rights, that they them selves bad just formed. . And to prove this beyont. cavil, I xiiall tow proceed, as I have just promised, 10 notice, as briefly as possible, the basis upon which representation whs fixed by them. : , The State at this time, Mr. Speaker, was, as I have before remarked, divided into 35 counties, 37 of which were East of this place, and 9 only, I believe, West. These coun-tit-s were each allowed three Representatives, be it large or small, rich or poor, sparsely or densely populated, it mattered not ; each was allowed three members, and some of them four when they bad a small town in their borders. - This arrangement sot only showed great contempt for the ''people, by making the covntitt tbe basis of representa tion, but it was exceedingly oppressive to the large counties fop West, aa tbeir peo- le were forced to travel- many miles to aod rom Court, and oflen to camp out for weeks at a time, while in attendance on Court as jurors or witnesses. '.Ifet were they not only uepnveo ot oeing repretenieu according to numbers, i bof they rarely succeeded in get ting a county divided, it mattered not hotr large its territory might at, or what the ne cesstties of the people might require, for the simple reason that it would decrease the pow er of tbe East; This argument was sufficient to prevent any laws passing for the relief of tbe West consequently, though there were thousands and ten of thousands of acres of land entered and sold in the Western coun tie, at different rates, we find no money ar DroDriated ih that direction scarcely at all. They told- these laadt got tae money aad then appropriated it in the East, clearing out rivers, and dngcipals, andihe like, where tbey had: -naturally, five Times the facilitie to get their produce 'and goods to and from market, than ihey bed ia the .counties from which-these large sums. were mostly caUec nna isaroiina omm laueo, wiw. au net na tural resources, with such a climate and inch priirileges.'toadvMoa- in wealth and greatnett's as hat Other sisrert" hate done. . No, sir, the wdhdet ri ftaV WterV. North arouna , rat. not oeen .depopulated . before thit; vr, uu pcupte, am sure, nave aver been more oppressed, unacr form of a topubnean govejamept, tfcxQ Wl have. The proof li abundant, and at hand, to errab- Hn thit fact ; vyet will refer to but few. which I think will be sufficient to satisfy the most incredulous. . Tne first . Legislature which assembled wnder the; constitution of this State, contained 115 members on Joint from the This shows that the East had, in the begin ning, all power in the pretended councils of the State. And they used it as tbey wish ed. and. of course, always to their own ad van i aire, and to the oppression of the "West. I ,'idr. Speaker, 1 mako t&ene remarks, not Jor tbe purpose of creating any sectional leer ing; but because 1 know ibeare true ; and believe tbem to be important for the pur pose 1 have in view. Now, if tbe wealth, territory, or population either, had justified aucb an apportionment of member, Ibe leg islation that resulted from it might have been borne wi.tb more, patience and cotnpoeure. But this was not the case. Via, sir the ap portionment could not be justified oil either uftbeso grounds, when it was first made and, it not, then it is certain it could not beat any subsequent period: ftr it grew worse and more oppressive every day, juat as tbe West increased in wealth aod population, u.,til we find, by the census of 1830, the fol lowing to be the result of population and representation ia th State. The State was then divided into 64 Counties, 27 west of Raleigh, and 37 east of it. The western Counties contained a population of 372,424 souls, who were represented in the Legisla ture uf the State b 81 members. The 37 ea-trrn Countains contained 346,622 inhab itants, who were represented in the councils of the State by 111 member!'. Thut giving them a majority of 30 members, when the population ol tbeir section of tbe Slate waa 25,902 lesa than that of tbe wesU But, Mr. Speaker, let us take a more crit- icalviewof this matter. 1 find, sir, upon examination, llist 24 small Counties in the east, to wit : Tyrrell, Lenoir, Washington, C Jumbo, Hyde, Greene, Jones, Carteret, nauuLo. tJliiiwan. die. dec. coniaiitini? iHimilation of 101,025, sent to the Legula lure 72 members; while 6 Urge Counties in the west, to-wit : Orange, Lincoln, Row an, Buncombe, Guilford, and Rutherford, containing a population of 106,174 souls, wt-re allowed only 18 me in ber. Thus g-v-ing the East 54 members more than the West, when Ihe Utter portion ni tne oiair contained a population of 4,240 souls more than that of the bast. In addition to this, Mr. Sneaker, I find, by a calculation, that the expenses of each County lo ihe State at that time, was pre cifly $1,270 dollars per year ; and yet, sir, Hyde, Cwluiubus, and Iyrrell, paid into ll. e Public Treasury, the year I speak of, but 91,144 50; all three paying less than the charges of one to the State : and Currituck and Carteret both added to Ihe above, will mike them all five still pay but tbe sum ol $2,085, an amount less tlian this, and other laree Counties of the W:st paid. Yet the five eastern Counties sent 15 members to the Leginlature, and the County ef Wake only 3. Yet this is not all. Unequally as Wake and other Counties in the West were rep resented, that which aggravated this cruel injustice was, that their people were tsxen to pay the Representatives from the East who came to the Legislature to vote appro, priation. after appropriation to the East, ami Ngainst everything in tbe West, even to tbe dividing of a County, until they have rereiv ed from the State Treasury east of this place, aoinelhing the rise of four millions; while we' have received West, not exceeding $60, 000. ' Is it any wonder, Mr. Speaker, that the West should have been dissatisfied, and that tbey should now be poor 7 Aye, sir, do you not suppose Western , men feel, and that deeply, too, when t.iey hear Eastern gentle men tauntingly say to them, with a smile on tbeir countenances, ' You are poor, and have put little into tbe Treasury ; therefore, you shall bave nothing." Bat some may contend that this is not the language of tbe majority. Let such persons look at the appropriations in the State ; lei them look to ihe division of the School fund ; let them look to Ibe denial of the Charier ot the Danville and Charlotte Rati Koad ; and then, Mr, to the ruinous attacks that have been made on the North Carolina Rail Road when two-thirds of the million necessary to secure tbe Charter has been subscribed in this City and tbe Counties West ; and a bore all, U the quarter from which these at tacks have come. Contrast the liberality of the two sections of Ibis Slate in these par ticulars, and all others, if you please, ami how soon is th question answered, aud tbe scale turned iu our favor 1 But some gentlemen may wish lo know why it is, I refer to these matters, all of which have been compromised in tbe Convention we permitted you, with a4l oar power, to call. i will answer these inquiries. My main ob ject in referring to these things baa been lo show, that, if the East had the power on their side, the West had equity, justice and right on their's, not only to expect, hut lo demand a Convention not such an one n tbe East thought proper to give us ; but an open and unrestricted Convention to alter the Consti tution to suit Ihe views of Ibe people. And, sir, if we bad a right then to an opCn Cou vention, ve have that right still. For such were the restrictions thrown around the Con vention of 1835, that it was impossible for them to regulate tbe basis of representation io this-Slate, at the people desired it tboeld be done. - No, air ; tbey were bound to the letter, and under an oath to fix it as the ma jority in the East desired it. And how wa that, Mr. Speaker? Why, sir, they required that tbe Senate should be based on taxation, and the ComuiOs on tbe federal population, provided, each County should be entitled to one member, whether it had the requisite population or noi Now, let roe ask gentle, men where the Unuotiea lie that art bene fitted by thia provision in tbe Constitution 7 If there are any, do tbey not all lie in the East 1 Most assuredly tbey do. T6 n what d.d the West gain by amending tbe Const i. tution t Scarcely anything at all, air, ex cept the poor privilege of dividing a few Urge Counties. And to substantiate, this fact, I will now proceed to call tbe attention of the members of thia body to a critical ex amination of thelasis upou which the Rep resentatives pf the people are now chosen or, rather, io some of the practical results that How from it to freemen. Martin County ia entitled to a Senator, , under the present arrangement, with white population of 4,438 sow Is, Md by paying into me ireatury sji4uiv SuV The Buncombe district contains a white population of 13,107. and pays into the Slate Treasary $ 1,007 75. Yet Martin County baa at great t voice in the Senate as all the Western Counties in thia, district put togwther V . ; Hen lord,. with a population of 3,384, and by paying fcf tie treasury $993 58, is en. titkd to a Senator while Guilford, With l"5,89i; and-payinjr'intd the Treasury the sum of $3,664,39 it permitted to enjoy tbe same privilege ; ' Surry and Ashe, with a white population in their territories of 4,165,70, after paying into the Treasary $1,056 68, have the right, tinder tbe present Constitution, to be heard in t he "Senate in eply io the senator from Onslow, who represents the great number of 4.675. white souls, who pky in taxes lo -the Treasury, the enormous amount of $868 91. In these six Senatorial District, which are but a specimen of the rest, we aee the. enormity of the outrage that' is committed against the rights of freemen under the Con stitution. -s , ; "-' - Again, sir; we will look at this matter in a different light Suppose five farmers of the West own each 107 acres of good land, worth, under the hammer. $3,00 per acre. That, would make 535 acres that tney own and cultivate, worth $1,605 This much real estate, under our State laws, would have to pay into the Treasury $1,00 And, now, sir, for the sake of contrast, we will suppose a gentleman to reside in Hertford County, who owns five negroes an old man and his wife, each fifty years old, with three chil dren, the youngest a girl of 12 years of age. According to our laws, they will have to pay ii. to the Treasury of the S ate $1.00 also. Consequently the land and negroes have precisely the same weight, voice, aod influ ence in the Senate, notwithstanding tbe real estate is imperishable and immovable in its character, and supports upon its bosom five families of 10 each, in all 50 souls, who are in ev- ry. respect, identified with the best in terest of the State, and that which is more important, its only hope of defence in the hour of insurrection or invasion, f say these five farms contain a population of 50, from the fart- that the census shows that there is io' the Western Counties of tbe State a pop ulation of 9 for every voter in them. Then, let me appeal to gentlemen, and ask them if they think it is just, that five old and young negroes of both sexes, that, like other mor tals, are liable to disease and death, and who can be removed at the will and pleasure of the owner, not one of whom are in the least degree identified with the soil, or personally interested in Ibe prosperity of the state, should have as much weight in forming the Senate, as the land, its owners, and the families, in all not less than 50 souls. Is there any bold enough here to answer yes ? I beg leave to propound to such a republican, another question. Is it right, in his opinion, to give the five negroes that we have named and the owner, four votes in the Commons ; and the land and the log cabins on it, which pay, as we have seen, as much tax as tbey do, not a single vote? And those who till it, with their wives and children, whom they love and live for, only five ? Sir, is not this ma king five negroes and their owner in the East, weigh down $1,600 worth of land in the West, and hush tbe voice of 45 white inhabitants of the State ? Yes . sir, that is the way the Constitution of this Slate operates. Yet the gentleman from Martin, (Mr. Miz ell,) says the West ought to be satisfied with the Constitution as it now rev.ds, as it is the result of a compromise made in 1835, be tween tbe East and tbe West. Yet he has taken especial pains to tell us, that he is in favor of engrafting on it Free Suffrage and nothing else, Aye, more sir he travelled out of bis way ie tell us if be had been in the Convention of '35, he should bave voted again 8 1 any change in the Coostiiu'ton. Mr. Speaker, my heart sickens for such a demo crat as the gentleman from jMartin is ! And I am not surprised that be sbou'd go for t ree Suffrage and nothing moie. No, sir; nor am I at all astonished that he should be op posed to a Convention, if he thinks the Constitution, previous toils amendment, was so perfect an instrument, that it needed no al eration w ha ever. 1 repeat, I am not sur prised that he should be opposed to a Con vention. Yet, I cannot see how an individ ual, advocating such doctrine, can have tbe face to rise here, and claim to be a Demo crat. His Democracy, I fear, is of the bas tard order, and he, in heart, is more of a despot than a Republican. But before I leave this point of my argument, let me ask the gentleman t tell me, if he looks upon the Constitution, as amended in 1835, oa a sacred compact or compromise between the f5l sections of this State, that should ever be regarded by all parties as inviolable, how it is that he has arrived at the conclusion that he and David S. Reid and his friends, have the right to alter this compromise ao as to permit all men to vote in the election of Senators that now have the right to vote for Governor ? Sir, if it ia a compromise, it must be considered such as a whole; and the moment it is violated in any particular, the party dis turbing the compromise have no right to complain if their opponents wish to make other and differ ent amendments from those thev have proposed ; especially where the latter are in favor of some thing substantial, when they are striving to delude the people by giving them a shadow. I es, air, the most of them; Tike the gentleman from Martin, are willing to barter off the rights of freemen, to secure to them a mess of pottage ! Sir, they shuli not be sold at so cheap a rate, if I can prevent it I have no objection to Free Suffrage, if they will let e- Jjuality of righta go with it And this the tree rienda of Reform will have. It is true, sir,' the ball has been put in mo .ion by others, and rolled on by their followers aiaidst the loudest acclama tions of praise. And now that triumph has re warded them for their labora and Ingenuity, thev would no doubt be willing t atop the suffrage ball. But aa for myself, I assure you, sir, that I have no disposition whatever to step it. Let it go, and ere it stops, the freemen of the Old North will have secured to them and their posterity, the righta of freemen at the ballot box, not only in name, but in reality. And for the purpose of securing these rights, I go for an unlimited Convention or open Convention not called upon the white basis, as has been charged. No, air, before I eould go for that, I would have to be assured that negroes would never be taxed. I go for an open Conven tion on the Federal basis. Yet those who favor special amendments by the Legislature a mode that I detest, charge us with being influenced by a lust, for political power. This I deny air. Ws are contending for principles and rights, which, though they have ever: been denied us, in this State, are aevertheleaa dear to our hearts, as tbey were to our forefathers and the rest of tbeir com peers in arms. And those who have been bold enough to make such unworthy insinuations as these ji cannot but believe, from their location, and many other circumstances, it is well for them, perhaps, that "Heaven'a Sovereign saves from all beings bnt himself, that hideous sight, a naked hu man heart," or we might see that they are not as pure in heart as the angels are ; or that they ad vocate' Free Suffrage per se, with the hope of be ing raised and elevated over the heads of their su periors, to aomo lucrative oSce of honor or profit in the State,v ( l.have" said thus much, to retaliate upon those ylho haVfe. thought proper to charge the advoeatea of. an open Convention with -being influenced to aucb a course by a lust of political power, waa sorry to bear such a charge brought against ua by a Westera man, . We have been told by bun, and correctly too, that. East loses nothing and the West gains nothing by Free Suffrage., Still be advocates this great humbug, with a strong voice and a bold heart I would that gentlemen were aa anxious to secure the rights of their constit uents as they have maifested themselves ready to aHF their party in practising this fraud oo the West I aay Abe West, air, because I hate proven, be yond all quearlon, that political power is not now, v ccv ueen, lainy ana equally aiSQlOUted in this State; nor can it b underthejreaent Constitution. , , It is the fault of our fundaaiental law, that baa led to the partial legislation of which I bave bad reason heretofore to speak. - 'NeUunsr be plainer than this to my mind. I feel conn. dent, if oat representation had been fairly appor tioned among the people, from the first organiza tion of the State, to tbe present time, and the peo- pie nad tne election or tneir magistrates, at many of our people desired from the first, and tbe other States granted to their people, North Carolina to day, instead of folio wing all the other States, would be still tne pioneer ; as ane waa in tne days oi tbe Revolution, f -:a ' And, Mr. Speaker,.! believe, as honestly at I believe anything, that it will always be eotpafo. ful privilege to draw these humiliating contrasts," while 'the l onsthution of oar good and great Old State remains unchanged. ' l he manner it appor tions the members of the Legislature ia but one of iu defects.,. There is another to which I have mora than once alightly alluded, and which comes in direct conflict with the second section of the Bill of Rights which has been already quoted that is aa odious in my eyes as it is Anti Repub. lican in its character. 1 allude to the manner in which it requires the magistrates to be appointed, as well as to the powers it gives, and tbe duties it enjoins upon them. t ; Here a field opens before me for argument that I have not time now to occupy; but will merely glance at some of the most weighty objections to this feature of the Constitution. These men are appointed by the Representatives of the people for life, Tbey cannot be removed or impeached ; they ' are above the control of theii creators, and the only officers that have almost unlimited authority given to then over persons and property. The repre sentative who has the whole State to legislate for lias to give an account ef his stewardship directly to the people. This is the true Republican doc. trine, and it should be brought to bear in this State upon every oue who takes part in carrtirig Wt T her internal police or government The battles of ' the Revolution were fought by our fathers before they would consent lo be taxed by a parliament in which they were not represented. I bring no rail, ing accusation against the magMtratesof the State; for, in my Couuty, at least, I am sure tbey are " high minded, honest and intelligent men. Bat, notwithstanding, I contend that they should bo elected from townships by the people, as is now the cose in a large majority of the States. Then, sir, they will not be called on to levy taxes and do all the important legislation for a County, on the Tuesdays of Court. And when appropriations are made for County purposes, it will be done on bet ter authority, ana always after more mature delib eration than is now required ? and that which It perhaps more important still, at a time when the County is not paying jurors, witnesses and others for their services and attendance in Court la ad dition to these facts, I will here state that I know -that tbe Justices a County bave it in their power te crush any representative if they should desire ao to do, by acting in concert with this view when ihoy come to levy tbe taxes for County purposes To illustrate (bis, Mr. 8peaker, let us suppose that a Representative has voted for laying a tax of 5 cents on the poll and 2 cents oo the hundred dollars worth of property, lo build an asylum for the poor iosane of the Slate. And for the sake of illustration merely, we will suppose that ibis vole should, for some cause, give tFene to the whole body of Magistrates in a county so much so that i hey were determined io . come ' in cou tact -with him in levying taxes, and forthwith shouldrprsjk., ceed to increase the tax on land tnd po)l for the- . Common Schools, budding a Jail, a poor jlpuse, ' Bridges, c upul the lax should' be "jnciffed for such purpose, somsihiog like one, doUar aod fifty cents oa the poll, and, fifty cents 4q the bun, dred dollars worth-ol property.- Mr. .Speakei would there not be some grumbling about high, taxes, under such circumstances? And who. would be complained of most, do you suppose those who held their office independent of all authority, and all of whose appropriations b si been confined to tbe county -where the tax war laid, or would the people complain of the repre sentative who had legislated for Currituck aodt Cherokee as well as his own county f I am of opinion, sir, as they have no controltover ihese Magistrates, they would call "on tbeir represents,. live to be careful how be.increased their taxes, or they would discharge him fronj Hiehrservice. And. this is one reason why so many representative in ihU Hall are o exceedingly careful bow they vote to increase ihe burdens ol the dear people. As an evidence of this fact, we find that tbe State taxes on land and polls have been sel torn increas ed over G cents on the hundred dollars worth, and 20 cents on the polls; whereas the county .taxes have steadily and gradually increased from lit cornmeneenien of our government to thepreseol time all ol which may be attributed to hasty and imprudeui legislation on our County Court Benches. By the remarks I have made', you will under stand, no doubt, that 1 do not entertain as ex alted an opinion of our present constitution as to be opposed lo all other changes but thai of Free tSufirage. On the contrary, I think it very defec tive, and am desirous of seeing it speedily amen ded by an open Convention. 1 am opposed to all special amendments by ihe Legislature, in the first place, because it will lead to unnecessary excitement, if not coouaua! agi tation. Should this mode prevail, every dema gogue will be proposing amendments to tiie Coo sihuiion, especially when they are brought out as candidates lor Governor, aud are being nard run by their opponents. In the second place, I am sure that a Conven tion is not only ihe cheapest, bat faMhe most expeditious and unexceptionable mode of amen cl ing or forming a Constitution ; and. in fact, the only way it can be done fre from party and sec tional leehngs. And, as it has heretofore beett the uniform custom of other States to amend in this way, I cannot see why it is that gentleman ohjeet to it in this instance, when I remember that the people of North Carolina never have had a Convention called for this purpose. Under these circumstances, 1 think it not only the preferable, but the only proper mode in which bur constitu tion can be amended, at the present time. And; believing this. I sball steadily resisralU amend ments to tbe consutution of the Stale by Legisla te enactment; as I firmly believe Ibis is but the prelude to what is yet to come. And why is ii, Mr. Speaker, that I say his? Because many ot the dominant party in this Had are in favor now of other amendments, Tes, air, that peculiar organ of party , be grot and asMvasUt committee utnendmeqta to t Conttitotjoa, itself, have reported tome three or four amend men is to the Constitution. And yet they ase at willing to have a Convention called tn amassf ii. but prefer to hold back ech amendment tU a sep arate campaign, and for the especial beaeb oT the Democratic party. This is loo titfantiag a busi ness to suit my ,yisws.. I am in favor, not only of free srage. but ol free and equal suffrage, but I-canno vote for tbem in thia way. 1 go, sir, as I have- oren repeated, foran open, Convention; and this the people will have, though the Democrats way use-ail their ingenuity to defeat tbem. When thev go before tbem on the stump, they profess lobe their loving and devoted friends. But where, ,Mr. Speaker, ia tbeir friendship now, when we hear it openly declared that it will not da lo trust tbe people of the State lo alter or amend the Constitution 1 Ah, no ; it will not do to least them j they will be too radical ; the poor people of the Slate have too. much affinity to Abo&ion. to be trusted. Ala bama, Mississippi, Arfansss.Txas ICentucky Tennessee, Maryland aodt YirgtoiasJl eaQ,Uius4 tbeir citixens to hold opea Ceinwtion? ibote States that bave the roost slaves Iww adopted its white basis; yet their property i. infer and thai people prosperous. Why; faetm tbe Demo cracy object , to a Convention 1 h t because their strength lies ia tbe East aaa Ihat tbay feat if a Convention is called, that something akr jus tice will ha done to the West ; and that thereby tney win oe snorn ot some of tbeir Nhgottea pow er as a party r 4jv, sir; is tmt . not. the reason that we find some of our Derooeratie friends a gainst us in W matter in the West 1 What else could have induced them to go for the Bast, and against their own section, if it was not some such consideration as this t Why should they desert the West, while every -Whig and Democrat of tbe Bast stood up " manfully together for the in terest ot their section of the Slate 1 Thb great and united opposition of the Democratic party to the reforms desired by the people, will be hard with them and they will do it, to overcome, i ei, wit, me people are strong -v -
The Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 18, 1851, edition 1
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