Newspapers / The Raleigh Register (Raleigh, … / March 5, 1851, edition 1 / Page 2
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"1' SPEECH OF ' , fjo V delivered in CommitUiofihi bU Ms CHixasiaict I wise to address the. (fcmrnltfee.uhaer hreteht tireumstaacti, not bsrressrnent;. because Ie?ree with the du tinguished gendeman from Wake, (Mr. Stun der.) fho laid, the other dtj when he spoke, thai tbit vru aquestlori Cifmore-importance, than anyvlhat had arisen irouI4 bo likely to arise; during Abe, pretent 5eo of the Legidawre and because! feel how utter ly incapab'a l am doing justiceHo that side of one of the main questions (involved in this HUen&orrt Which I have' espoused, and by which 1 mean to atand.t Another cause of reluctance lo speak, of embarrassment felt by ma at this tlnit.Js, that a. great deal pf. time hu alreadr .been .Consumed- -ani many speeches have beeh; delivered (and some of ihem or mucn lorce una aouiiy,; noi oory in this Hbuser'trot alio In the .Senate', on this most vexciin ind -abiorbing: question to most (W wlftcn I haTsnttn tii the attention 1 Bare.. oeeaaoie,. mna in some ot wtuca hire been much interested. .I now ask the" House to indulge me(I hope for no great length of time,) while I shall en qeavoriO.SUDmii lor in lunuerconsiacrauou in some general remaxkii the views and opin ions that I enteijaia; on this question, which has beenMiscusaed to the exclusion of every thingelse b? ieVeril days pait :? And, since in most, or the speeches inat nave oeen maae, the doctrine' of Secession hat held promi nent: part, and been dwelt 6n to a Tery great Ttent to ia extent, in my ooiulon. with ctaesubrnission to the judgment of others. unnecessary ana uncaueu ior wnucni aiTjirpst and believe i the case, that it nei ther has. nor u destined to obtain any consid erable foothold in this Legislature and still lets, -greatly test among the honest. Union - lovinw mna diuiuw iicciucu m ivvu vawv imsT (tir to avoid a much as possible the lea'en track and to take as far at I may . bejablel a practical and general vjew of the . .watt m a question.- And in doing in it i snail giance at some of the motives and considerations that ought to influence and govern the Leg islatureon this question, notice as briefly as possible, ibe arguments upon which gentle men' contend, for the right of tecetsion and try to show, that it is unwarranted by the Constitution, and in its tendency fraught with mfschief. I desire also to discuss briefly the resolutions of the majority of the joint select committce.tha minority report, the measures of Adjustment of. the last Congress and the YsTue of Ihe'Union to as and our posterity. I submit, Mr. Chairman, that whenever coranronities of men, or whenever any de liberative, or. r legislative body, are about to adopt, any course of action, by the passage of jeaolutioos,' or ?ihe enactment of laws, by which ft. people, or a nation are to be pet haps afiected prudence and wisdom would dic tale "that'they should thoroughly consider, and look welt to the tendency and conse quences o? the course they propose to adopt And that . therefore, we ought to approach, with the greatest care and caution the sub- . - i A It . tecs Deiore us, or any vomuaciare may tend to threaten, or endang. r the integrity or the perpetuity of. our gloria Union. The statesman' or any one worthy the name of - t , ii'u ii i i an JjmericaA wiizcnAUQuia surrey uie wuote ground in a matter so momeaous,and of such Feaifunmkgoinde,Vand pause and ponder long, and examine toe queuton in all its aa pectvil4beariB and reuita, before pursu ing a course or giving a vote that might wea keMthe.bopdref thia Union ; and, if practi- tally cxU put, wp and destroy the liberty oUAU greuounjry., .. . . . , lthinlsv therefore, that the action of the present Legislature (if indeed any action, whajeter. bfejrecessary or expedients ought to "be of a conservative character, and adopted, withunanimity, after the calmest a'd.fnatarest deliberation, free from undue aWUonaVor party feeling, regardless of party ncjc or party defeat. It is a question that etrght to be piifted high ' above the w mire aaddlrf. of ?Aj- politicks, and snatched out oflhe bands of demagognes and ire poJi tcins,who are endeavoring to excite and pSame the' pubHc mind, and dissatisfy the people with their government and laws ; men wbosemeanness'and unhallowed ambition are BY&nifested by their love for themselves rath eitha; lor their Country, and who desire 'rgn' .prbraofioja, and aggrandisement, or (ailing in this.to pulldown, oiiert,) rather tkanjhe prosperity and happiness of a great, bited nl "free people. I hope for the creditof the State, there are none such in thbody, and. tL at our consultation together, tod our action on this question, may result in gooti to our own beloved S at, and the Nation it large r for, sir, however low North Carolina may stand among her sister States, for her backwardness or Jbe sabject of In temsl Improvements, and. the development df her great physical and natural resources, toad for the want of tbe diffusion of general education among her people , yet, sir, for politic I virtue and integrity, for her law-abiding, and, conienatiye spirit; her contempt fb(tbstractipai,, humbug, and the various ttstr'of the iay; fat her political sagacity, her elevated natiioUaia and sincere devotion IdUbjerty and the Unionhe stands tuuvrpas-. Med, by any State In this Confederacy. And ttougbi-totbe av mittier of pride with her . ifizen. Jo know, that her opinions carry with there as much weight and morl force, and k are it mucb7 idught after and respected, as k Qtote ol aqy State in the Union. ",.U thereforei' itii airman,1 we W lend i a listening ear to the teachings of the past ; if we dei ermine to reflect what we honestly believe to be the sentiments of our respective constituencies, who (while we are discussing this most delicate question and wnile gentle men are labfrinz to prove the right of North Carolina, to! tecede from the Union,) are at twmcv engaged in their labors and tbe daily avocations of life, strongly attached to and deeply loTing this Union from remembran ces aCthe put, from present .blessing and the hope of futurA erood ia he derived from , them' and their children ; if acting with -due regard to these considerations and not forgetting thatit is the constant tendency of thoented wflipowe! to imagine they njoy .it n theirs nl and by their own SS??fl- .rtand benefit, use and present to the Stit. a .wTir , an Winded V?lj. rtS ,i.huuh result of such action ay,effect much and lastinr eood. . I come new. Mr. nhi'.m.n k.t.4i He and resolutions of the njritj o(L Joint ttlecl commiliem and also to the ninon'ry port am? resolutiona, and here I may'- b al lowed to say that the opiniona I held and avowed ia that committee jal out of its mem bers, I still, taterUin after all I tiave. heard and afteftxamintng such authorities, on one of the questions involved,! I have beeu'able to ooiain. Ana, sir, uiose opinions win gov ern my yote l have all along believed and still believe, that f it were thought expedient for the LegiiliturtHo lakeany action, that, that action should be of iyrecitcai character and coi.fioed exclusively to the contingency of the repeal by Congress of the 'Fugitive Slave bill; and I will eive my reasons for this opinion before taking my seat I thought from tne outset and continue to think, that this notion or doctrine of secesiion peace able constitutional secession, ii absurd and preposterous; that it is a contradiction in terms and is founded in error and upon a total mis construction of the Constitution. I think it is neither justified bv nor can it be deduced from any reserved rigklt of the States of which gentlemen talk eo mucn; mat no prac tical good can in any view come of it, but that it Is frauzht with mischief and bodes evil to the country ; because the establishment of the principle and the assertion of the right oi tecesnon oj jvegiaiiUYa caacimeni, iniui directly to weaken the bonds of tbe Union and if practically carried out, would destroy it. :. . , , ... .i. And, while I say thu, I mean to impute no improper motives, nor want of patriotism to any member of this body. I trust 1 am in fluenced in" tne course I shall pursue by pa triotic motives and an honest and anxious de sire to do what I solemnly believe to be right, and I am wiling to accord the same motives to tnose who differ with me in opinion. Mr.' Chairman, there is one tact connected with this, doctrine of secession that has not been alluded to during the discussion which I regard -of some importance as it may and I hope will influence the votes of gentlemen on this floor. 1 mean the origin and nutory of secession. For, sir, the opinion has obtained to no in considerable extent and that too on this floor, that it is of recent date and origin. A new political re relation and light just dawned upon us, just discovered by the sagacious states men of 1850, that it is of as modern origin as the,"JrijgAr' law" so recently promulgated in Congress and at the North by miserable wicked fanatics, free-soiler and disunionists and recognized as of more binding force than the laws and constitution of the land. Sir, secession dates at least as far back as 1832 It is precisely as old as nullification for it is a twin titter of the tame birth ; ana so hugely resembling nullification that many sensible men think, notwithstanding its dress is changed, that its voice, its looks, manners, gestures, actions and purpotet are the same I To change the figure. Secession, therefore, like nullification is not indigenous to tbe soil of North Carolina, but it is an exotic ; and I sincerely hope wul never take root in our midst, but like nullifieaiitn, wither and die and pass away, at toon, from among us But, sir, I am here met by the report, put forth by the minoriiy of tbe committee, which contains tbe fellowin? lansruazei "Tbe mi nority will not insult the understanding of the Legislature by an argument to convince them that the right herein contended for, (the right of secession) is very dissimilar Irom nul lification, nor can it be confounded with that doctrine except by individuals who are wil ling to deceive the people, to aid their selfish and sinister purposes. Now, in reply to this, I ask every candid and fair-minded man, to examine respective ly nullification and secession.enquire into the origin of each and the definition of each the effect and results of each their conse quence and tendency, when practically ear ried out What is nullification declared to be by South Carolina, as defined in her ordi nances of 1832 ? It was the asse tion of the doctrine that a Sta'e while a member of the Union, ha! the constitutional right to nullify ai act of Congress ; and to decide for hertelf whether such an act snould be operative on her citizens. And now, sir, what is secetsian as explained by its friends and interptetors, but the constitutional rieht of a State to de cide for itself, whether it will secede, or with draw from tbe Union. Tbe eject is precise ly the same. IniofAeawsaStatebasangAi to decide tot kerself. buppose for instance, Congress passes a law which Massachusetts conceives seriously affects ner rights and in terests and she decides tfanequestion for her self and secedes. Another law is passed by Congress; say a tana act wnicn south Car olina regards aa oppressive and onerous and sne aeciaes ior nerseij ana muitjus Now, I ask, if tbe nuPifiers of South Car olina could be punished lor resistance to the laws, by the same reasoning could not the Seceders of Massachusetts likewise ? Wbat would be tbe excuse or plea of tbe people of each of those States i Why, that, their State had decided for herself f And the very same plea would hold good for Vermont That State has taken ground against the Fugitive Slave Bill ; and if South Carolina can nullify and Massachusetts tecede, wny cannot Ver xiont adopt either remedy ; for let it be re membered the Slate itself has the right to decide and act accordingly and so on, totiet ouot ms, until every state shad withdraw from the Union. For, if the argument is worth any thing in the one case, it must carry with it equal force in alL To prove wbat I have said that nullification and secession had the same origin and were regarded as amounting - rr- . ,Lfl T I in eneci to me same iumg, i nera oniy re mind gentlemen (who seem to be rather for getful on thia subject and desirous that the nullification humbug (which has no longer a local habitation and a name "amoaest us) shall not be mentioned in connexion with se cession,) that both doctrines are contained in the ordinance of South Carolina that State reserving to herself the option of nullifying the tann act and obstructing the collection of duties ; or if an attempt were made by tbe General Government to have the law execu ted to tecede and withdraw from the Union both of which doctrines are met and combat- ted by General Jackson in his Proclamation and nullification Message and their absurdity and dangerous tendency exposed. An! yet sir after all this, so respectful to our feelings are gentlemen that they will not "insult our understandings" by showing the great dissim ilarity between wemton tna nullification 1 They are se nice they can divide, A hair 'twirl JYbrtA, and Worth vest tide ! And yet 3 ' ' 1 C '"Skiaoft mere should such difference be,, v , . J. wixt fwMtffe fiM ana nteeatt am v I ought not, I will not be so uncharitable at to suppose for a noneni that those who see. or profess to see such a great dissimilarity be tween secession and nullification are the "sVs dividualt who art willing to deceive the people totMlheir selfish and sinister purposes".. -. Again, tba Minority" report sets out-wtlh fan assumption f from-which principles are wn,au uptxi wnicn, arguments are bis- ed which I submit, e unwarranted, and can not lot a moment, near me test oi exsmiu tioh. It reads than "It cannot be denied that tinea the establishment of the Constitu tion of the United Slates there has. existed tw parties ill the country, one contending thil said Constitution, delegated only Certain enumerated and defined powers, and that all the powers incident to sovereignty which were not therein granted, were reservea io the States respectively." This is pretty good doctrine, and corresponds very, nearly with my opinion, but the report continues as ollowt : "The other party contenaing ia the government created by that instrument wis a consolidated Government, witn no lim it to its power, but its sovereign will and pleasure." - And a little further on in the report, the same party is spoken of as those who acaoiesce in the doctrine that "the gov ernment at Washington is all powerful, and I ask the question and desire an answer, who are the party that recognise any sucn aoc trine as thiaf Where is that party? In what part of the countryt in wbat Stale can it be found ? Who, and where are the mon that believe in any such doctrine f 1 hat the Government created by the Constitution of the United States is a consolidated gov eminent, with no limit to its power but its sovereign will and pleasure ; that tbe States have no risrhtt! Sir. the party with which I have tbe honor of acting, entertain no sucn -a . -.. , opinions, ana. never nave, ado a iqsisi uiai , l J T . no such party can be found, ioi tne plain, and obvious reason that it does not exist and never has existed I Araia. the Minority report, alter laying down the premises, that the Government must always recpuod to tne wisnes oi a majority oi tae aggre " at la. I gate mass oi tne wnoie people oi ine uniiea Suites, aska the following question : ' And can we doubt what that wish is now, or shortly will be. on the subiect o( sla? ery ? If we do we must shut our eyes to numerous signs which are visi ble in every part of our political horizon. And again, this vast institution (slavery) is unknown lo a majority of the States o! the Union, and is re garded with hostility by a majority of' the people of those Stales." now sir, lei mis oe granted. end then let us enquire wbat the minority report proposes, in the very fact ol its own language, as the great panacea lor loose erns, and lor tne pur Dose ot Quieting agitation ana seining ine ques tion. Why, sir, an amendment of the Constitu tion ot the United states. The Government vnlL' sava the report. res pood fo the wishes of a majority of the people of the United States, and that, that majority is op posed to slavery, and a majority of the States are hostile to it ana yet tne conclusion wnicn ine minority of the committee have arrived at, for the salvation otlbe Union and tae security oi slavery is a proposition to amend the Constitution ot the United Stales and the assertion of the right ofse- eemton! I will dismiss tBis report, by expressing the hope that the people will read rt and pass upon its merits, for themselvea, after examining for a moment, how far tbe foregoing sentences which I have quoted, correspond with the following language from-ihat remarkable prwtuetvm, when they come to discuss the propriety of amending the constitution of the United States. It reads thus : ' But certainly it is unworthy of American wisdom and experience to say, this Const iru tion cannot be amr-odeo, or that im cannot trust the justice and fairn ts f our countrymen wiUi the task of amending u. v nat i irusi to our uountry men, tbe amendment oi ine (institution oi me United States, fixing on a firmer and surer basis, the institution of slavery, when a majority of those countrymen and of tne States are opposed and hostile even to the existence of this institution, so much so, that this same minority report is as serting the right of eecetsion, with a view ol vilk drawing from the Union, unless Northern aggres sion snail cease. Truly, consistency is a jewe ! It seems to me, Mr. Chairman, that gentlemen who insist on the rurht of accession, confound the Constitution of the United States, with the articles of Confederation. They argue that the Consti tution is a league, subject to be determined at any time, by the trill or decision of any one of the Stale ; no aupremacy, whatever, attaches, or ia incident to the Constitution of tbe United States. This argument in the main, would have held good under tbe ConfedArauon, and before, therefore, tbe Constitution was adopted ; because, the old Con- greaa under the Confederation had no power, whatever, to enforce laws ; indeed, the enactment of laws mounted to nothing, and were of no ef feet until tbe States passed apon and ratified them. There was, therefore, no coercive power in the Continental Congress, to carry into effect any of their measure. There was no power to lay teat and collect ; for this power was expressly reserved to the States, and the evils growing out of it were tekxtslt felt during the Revolution. Different States in their commercial regulations, (and in their rivalries and zealousies.) adopted measures ot retaliatory legislation, until great ex citement and feelings of resentment prevailed be tween some of them, to an alarming extent At this time, snd under the Confederation, the right of secession or nullification might have obtained, if, indeed, a State could be said to secede from a Union, to which said State never had assented. Bat, sir, under the great snd manifest difficulties, disadvantages, and increasing disaffection of the States under that system of Government, the Continental Congress, in February, 1787, adopted, almost unanimously, a Resolution, calling s Con vention of Delsgatea of all the States, to revise the Articles of Confederation, and to M report." continues the Resolution, " to Congress and the several Legislatures, such alterations and provis ions therein, as shall, when agreed to and eon finned by the States, render the Federal Constitu tion adequate to the exigencies of the Government and the presertatktn cf the VnunV And, sir, in pursuance of this Resolution, the Convention met in Philadelphia, and after loner and anxious dis cussion snd consultation together, in a spirit of compromise and conciliation, and with s wisdom and foresight almost super-human, framed this globious Chart of our nations safely and rights the Constitution of the United States which was subsequently submitted to, and ratified by all the States. And North Carolina, with a cau tion and calmness that has ever characterized her, came into the Union'not until 1789, last of all the States, save little Rhode Island. And, air, I trust she will be the last to go out of this Union, unless her existence in it shall be rendered intolerable, or her honor shall peremptorily require it I will now proceed to give in a few worda, wbat I regard as the correct theory of the Government, and the relationship which the Government of the United States sustains to the several States, and the powers of each. I believe that the people of tbe ssveral States, in ratifying the Constitution of tne U ruled .states, yielded up, cedea aioay, and delegated to, the General Governmentcertain rights and powers (of a sovereign character J which the States possessed before the adoption of tbe Con stitution of tbe United States. To declare war, for instance to coin money to make treaties. These are all attributes of sovereignty, delegated to tbe General Government by the States, and In these and other pewera granted' in' the asms way, the Constitution of the United States is so e&urn and supreme; tor it declares exprettlj that no State shall have the power to declare war, coin money, er make treaties f but that thia pow er sovereign snd supreme shall be in the Gen eral Government, in pursuance of the Constitution of the United States. Then It appears most clearly, that there are grants ot powers to Congress, and that there are' prohibitions on States; The mere statement, therefore, ef the proposi tion (hat the Constitution of the United States is a league or compact, between independent and sovereign States, dependent for its existence upon State eenstruction, stats discretjoa,and State de cision, carries cn its face its own refutation. ' So that, m I conceive, before establishing the right of secession, U becomes necessary first to prove, that the Articles of Confederation, and the Con stitutaoa of the United States means the same thing ; for unless we" are atflJ in the same eondf aMMMMMMwTataaaaaaawssaTaBaaMaaa tion , we were undo the- Confederation, then the arguments of gentlemen fallacious, and must fafitothe grounder .f ! !k 's A.- Before quoting one or vo abort extracta (te provs my positibnO from the opinions of soate of the great men, who were the most active memners run.nfU ut framed the Constitution, 1 desire to notice some remarks that fell from the gentleman from Wake, (Mr. oaunaera.; That gentleman refers with evident pride and complacency, ttjt the opiniona of Thomas Jeeron ss most autoorawaanacoriuMvHiu"T"" fH. rirrht rvf aoaatt And SO deVOted S fllSClple is he of Mr. Jefferson, that whenever his name is mentioned, otherwise than with unmixed admira tion and reverence, he rises in his place, expreeses his sarpriw, talks about Repnblkarusm, and waraa nances. Sir. I am not to be driven fronuny propriety in this way, snd I tell that gentleman, that every man is not to be hrandad as a federalist, because he tells the truth and dischargeshU duty. I mean to apeak out what I believe, and what the promptings of my heart impel me to. It is a pny najrslr, it is a solemn duty, when speaking of the writings and public acts of men, whether living or dead, to tell the whole truth- nothing extenuate Nor sel down aught in malice." I will, therefore glance, very briefly, at prominent points in Mr. Jefferson's histo a few listory and wrilinors. And in the 6rst plsce it is not a little remarkable, that while we are here, discussing tne slavery nutation, denouncing, fand properly loo,) Aboli tiooisra snd Freesoilism at the North and talking about secession and a d ssolution of the Union, on account of Northern aggression on this institution ; that gentleman with tbe hope of proving thia right of a State's seceding quote the opinions of the first Frte Soilerfor excellence. Thomas Jefferson ! who was the iW of the Ordinance of 1787, which is in, almost, so many words, the odious Wiltnot Proviso ef the present dsv ! And wnicn Mr. Calhoun, said, fin his speech in the Senate in March last.) was the first in the series of mea- sures, calculated lo enleeble tbe SSoutn, ana De prive them of their just participation, in the bene fits and privileges of thie government And sir, let it be remembered, also, that Thomas Jefferson, in his 'Notes on Virginia' (which were published snd hswked sll over the land, and even republished ia France in the French language,) said, (among other tnings, on in is subject,) that the institution of slavery was at war with every attribute of the Deitv, when he must have known that slavery was expressly recognized by the Saviour and in the Scriptures. But l suppose nis reply to inis. weuiu have been. that, (while he acknowledged a Su preme Being ) he did not believe in the Christian rligion. but discarded the Scriptures, or large por tions of them; which his apologist snd Biogra pher admits in effect ; and which is fully proved by his letters lo one Thomas Paine, snd to a Jkfr. Short even as late as 1820. Again it is a fact, long known, not only among us, but throughout the Union, that the. revolution ary ball was first put in actual motion, in our own beloved State. That the Star of promise and hope and liberty first dawned and rose in North Caro tioa. And tbe Committee appointed in pursuance of that part oflhe Governor's Messsge relsting to Washington s Monument, witb the honorable gentleman from Wake, (Mr. Jefferson's Cham pion,) at their head, but the other day made their report recommending, (and I think most appropri ately,) thai the inscription, to be placed upon the block of marble, cent from North Caroliaa, to be placed in the Monument of the Father of his Coun try, should be. commemorative of the Jdcklenburg Declaration of Independence io May 1776. And t Thomas Jefferson, tbe d fmtner of North Caro iaa, has proclaimed again and again, that tbe Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence was a ham forgery!' 'Yes! sir, after incorporating the principal pans of ii with scarcely the alteration of a word or letter, into the National Declartion of Independence, (and by the way it is tbe strongest, most pointed snd, most beautiful Isngusge or sny part of that masterly production,) when this fact comes to light, be net on y denies the plagiarism, but insolently, pronounces the whole sffatr, a forgery. Sir, I stsnd ready here or elsewhere to defend the noble ok! state that gave me birth, s gainst the false aspersions of any man, or set of men, whomsoever. I know not how it msy be with others, but I owe my sllegtsnce lo her and not to Thomas Jefferson or any ot her calumnia tors. On the other hand, for that part of tbe de claration of Independence which did originate with him (although be was aided by the other members of the Committee, by no less men than J. Adams snd Benjamin-aFranklin,) I honor him. For such of his pctiticsl principles as were not jacobtnical and agrarian in their characters, but purely repuh Lean, he is en at ed to much praise ; for many of them were held in common with those held by tbe true father of. llrpublicanistn James Madison. For tbe immense South We? tern territory acquir ed during his administration and for his encourage ment ot literature and the sciences and general education, too inuch.cannot be said in his coca menuation. But. sir, I Will proceed to read a short extract from Mr. Madison which I think is conclusive against the right of s Stste to secede from ine U nion. He uses the following Isngusge: "In or der to understand the true character of the Con stitution of the United States, the error not un common, mus$ be avoided of viewing it through the medium either of a consolidated Government or of a confederated Government, whilst it is neith er the one oor ahe ether, but s mixture of both. And having in no model tbe similitudes and ana logies applicable lo other systems of government, it must more than any other be its own interpre ter according te its text and the facts io the case. " It wss formed by the States, acting in their highest sovereign capacity, and formed consequen tly by tbe soma authority, which formed the Stats Constitutions.'" Being thus derived from tbe same source as the Constitutions of the States, K has with each State. the same authority as the Constitution of the Stale; and is as much a Constitution in the strict sense of the term within its prescribed sphere ss the Constitutions of iheSistes are within their sphere; but witb this obvious and essential difference, that being a compact among Statea in their highest sovereign capacity, and constituting the peop e ihereofens people tor certain purposes, it cannot be altered or annulled at the will of the States in dividually, as toe Constitution of a Slate may be, at ita individual" will." M And that i divides the Supreme power ol go vernment between the government ot the United States sod the government of las individual Slats is stamped on jibe lace of the instrument; the powers of war and ef taxation; of commerce and of treaties and ether enumerated powers vested in the government of the United States, being of as high and sovereign a chsrscter as sny ol ibe pew. era reserved to Ibe Suite governments. And like tbe Stste go vera men ts it operates directly on per sons and things; ; and like them it has at command a phjiical lores for executing the powers commit ted to iu" "The Constitution not relying on any of the preceding modtticauoas, for its safe and success ul operation, has expressly declared "that tbe Con stitution and tajrs mads in pursuance thereof shall be tbe Supreme law ot the land, anything in the Constitution orlsws of any Slate to tbe contrary notwithstanding." This Mr. Chairman, is the matured end deliber ate opinion of that good and great man, who, (aa a member of the Convention that framed the Constitution.) is regarded as having contributed more than any other nian ;nd it ia from thia great Republican leader, and . expounder of that in strument, that ! have drawn most oflhe opiniona submitted by me to the Committee j and I leel safe in his lead, and am proud to say that many of the political principles, which! hare imbibed, and by which I hope ever , to be governed, have' been formed from his opinions and writings. And if Mr. Madison's opinions on this question are cort eot, what becomes of Secession ? It tails, it cannot be sustained j :y, . COHciuDID lit OXTft XSZT. f - New- Oaxiini, Feb. 19,, 1831. Jenny Lind proved immensely, attractive here. - Her first five concert have rialixed over 90,000. She gives five:? more, and '.then toe to ,St Louis, and will be la Cincinnati about the lit of April. -', f "V ", .. .-4JNION QF THE STATES. ; Extract from aasaddress delivered by William Eaton, Jr., in Warrentotio on the 4th of July; 1853 m: Every thing dear to tWs Amrrksa patriot is In separably osanecisd with the Usloe ef ths flu tea Does ae sengat tn ioaa rtmiowcenuw y--history of hit country 1 Does bs eontemplste with pridt the victories sne nas wsn mpom u, r -plsndid menameots of her civic fame: that renown and tboas brillisnt schievements, are to be attribu ted to harmony and concert Doeshefiodsnything Sheering in br present condition, iu the amplitude of her rich and beautiful territories, tbe great num ber of bar free sad happy population, her boaodleaa resources, ta security that reigns within her limita, or ta respect which she commands throoghool.tse civilised world ' Alt or these advantages hW from the Union of the Stales. . Doe he derive a heart flt satisfaction from (he eootemplatioa of her future destinies her distinction at soma approaching epoch in arts, in literature and in arms t and the, lofty height she msy srrive si- beyond say nation under the skies J these bright snd transposing boose can only be realised by preserving unbroken and frater nal bond. It should bs Inoaleated id ear school and in the family circle, it shoald be maintained in deliberative assemblies, and impressed upon the whole American People through the msdiam of the press, that the existence oflhe nation, its bappioeM harmony, pesos and renown, all dpsnd upon the anion of tits severs! members of this Illustrious con federacy. As patriots, ss philanthropists, ss friends of good government snd free principles throughout the wo- Id we should tndeaver to remain as a band ot brothers, and preserve unimpaired the bsantiful temple of civil" liberty which has been reared by ear wur, virtuous and patriotic ancestors. One united nation iih one general government wielding the sword of uatiohal defence, and concentrating the energies of the American people, we have nothing to fear from any force that can be brought against na Our brave and patriotic yeomanry, soon aa the footsteps of the iovader shall be pressed upon oar soil, throughout tois broad expanse of States sad Territories will rally with enthusiasm around the American eagles, and oar gallant navy will win for ear country uufadiag laurels is eery conflict ia which she may be engaged. But if divided, the several Suus then alien and unfriendly might fall victims te an adversary which this powerful asso ciation of united republics might crush at an effort. Upon a separation, those lofty ranges of mountains which diversity snd adorn the American landscape, would sound different 8 tales often at war with each other, and the Mississippi mnd Ohio and other beau, uful ,t reams which sre now animated by the trade of s peaceful people would roll their waters between hostile republics. The lovely domain of the Amer ican people won Id no longer be poeaessed by a band f brethren, but by rivals and enemies, and our smiling plaius of peace and plenty would be conver ted into scenes of desolation. The blood of the ploughman would (e.tilise the sod which he calti v stes, and the camp, tbe battlefield and ths fort, would not unfrcquenily cover those grounds, now decked with the golden treasures of agriculture. Well might the patriot then exclaim in the lan guage of the poet, Heavens,' my bleeding -country sever" We learn from the last Elisabeth City Old North 8taie, that Mr. Outlaw is s candidate for re-election to the 32nd Congress, from the N:ota District. Mr. Outlaw, it appears, na eadaed himself to be announ ced for re-elceuoa with as moeh eeolnees aa if be possessed s life tenors in the office. We have heard other gentlemen spoken of aiooog ths Whigs as Mr. Outlaw's successor before the people, among them Mr. Barnes, of Northampton, and afeasrs W ins ton and Cherry of Bertie. Ws hope our Democratic friends will held their Convention, bring out their candidatend elect him. They can do iu All ibey have to do ia, to start an acceptable Saadidate. who will give ths district a thotongh canvassing, and the day ia out Standard. Col. Outlaw has not caused his name to be announced as a candidate for re-election toCongiess, as if he held life-fenure to the office, the Editor of the Raleigh Standard to the contrary notwithstanding. Six years ago, a ter tbe death of tbe lamented Cherry, a Whig Convention assembled at Winton for the purpose of nominating a candidate. Col. Outlaw was the nominee ef that Convention. Owing to the apathy in the Whig party consequent upon the defeat of Henry Clay, he was beaten by Col. Aa Biggs. Two years passed by, and a Convention again assembled at Gatesville, which alter mature delibera tion on the first ballot chose Cel. Outlaw, the second time as the standard bearer of the Wh g party. This choice evidenced conclu sively that in the opinion of tiiat Co-iventio , in which every cou .ty of the District was represented, no blame for the previous defeat was attributed to Mr. Outlaw, and the peo ple at the polls concurred in that opinion. Two years ago it was thought unnecessary to hold another Convention, as the people had so signally shown the estimate which they placed upon Mr. Outlaw by his trium phant election two years ago. The District was thoroughly canvassed by Mr. Outlaw and Gen. Person, and the people again showed their approval of the Colonel's course by again electing him. In view of these facts, and in obedience to the expressed wish of many of his friends he has presented himself before the people of the District for re-election, and until those who have twice honored him shall evidence dissatisfaction at his course, and express a wish for a Convention, his name will be before the people. We know Mr. Outlaw too well to hesitate one moment in savin? thai, if he had the most remote idea I that his beipg in the fie'd would jeopard, in iuo siiguiBsiuegree, me success oi me wnig party, he would instantly withdraw from the canvass, and accord to that candidate who might be the choice of a Convention his most hearty concurrence and support. Old Jforth State. RALEIGH AND GASTON RAIL ROAD. We learn from one of the delegates from this city, who returned last evening from the Convention, which met in Raleigh on the 25th inst., of the old stockholders and others interested in this important work, that there was a full attendance and the finest spirit prevailed among the members. The terms of the Legislature were accepted, and it was re salved to re-construct the road without de lay. Books ot subscription were directed lo be opened in many of the towns and coun ties of North Carolina, and also in Norfolk and Petersburg. The delegates from the latter place pledged i subscription on the part of that town to the amount of $100,000. The citizens of the old Noith State feel anxious that the people of Norfolk should be more intimately idea tified with them in interest, and we trust that they will not permit so favorable an opportu nity to escape them. Surely our city will not suffer Petersburg to outstrip her in enter. prise and a just appreciation of the value of sucn a connection r , Norfolk Argus. Nosxa Movncrjrr. Relief of Louis Kossuth and ass associate. tne louowing joint reaotuUoo was introduced into tbe Senate, by Mr. Foots, and passed, and doubtless received the prompt approval of tbe House ot Representatives'. " Whereas the people of tbe United Statea siDcere ly sympathise with the Hungarian exrteeKoesuth and hie aaeodatee, and fully appreciate the magnanimona conduct of tbe Turkish Government in receiving and treating these noble exiles with sindneas and hospi tality; and whereas, if it ia the wish of these exiles to emigrate to the United States, and the will of the Sultan to permit them to leave his dominions -There-foie. ... .v, . "Blyd by the Senate and House of Represen tatives of the United 8tates of America in CWress sseembled, That the President of the United Stares be, and hereby is, requested to authorise the employ moot of some one of the public vessels which may be tww croiabg m the Mediterranean, to receive and eon vey to the United Statea the said Louis Kossuth and his associates in captivity RALEIGH; REGISTER. rinn mtm thai clans of fair delightful peace, TJnwarp'd )aj party rage to live like brotfcere RALEIGH N C Wednesday, March 53 1851. MOVEMENTS OP THE DISUNIONISTS. On the 11th instant a Secession Convention assem in Mitimmirv Alabsmsl There were shout one hundred Delegates present. A number of vio Wit and inflammatory sDeecbes were made, and Re- lntinna dnnted fWlttrincr that Alabama WOuld secede if any other State- leads the wsy. The Gov ernor was requested to convene the legislature in order to appoint Representatives to the contem plated Southern Congress. Some of the Delegates declared openly for Disunion. The South Crrolina papers say that their State Convention, recently elected, will be composed of one hundred and twenty .seven secessionists out of 1M members. The Convention meets next; Jrsll. No doubt the Disunionists in other . sections of tbe South are sealooa snd active, and new denwristrations may be expected ere long. What is to be the end of all this no one can foresee, but wb believe there ia good sense and patriotism enough with tbe people to crush all such mad schemes against tbe Union of tbe States. We trust they will be exhibited in dne time to save us from the irretrievable ruin which such men as Rhxtt and others would bring on tbe country 1 We appeal to every patriot in North Carolina to look to these things f Several Union meetings, with out party distinction, have been held in our State. Our readers are aware that one was" held in the coun ty of Suny, on the lltb instant Tie "Standard" in the very issue in which the proceedings of thia meet ing were published, put forth a leading article, in which, after deprecating tbe holding of such meetings, it makes an appeal to ita party friends, to keep aloof from them. Why waa thia t What waa the object I Was it not to prepare the way for a movement moor State, favourable to what is going on elsewhere ! Was it not intended to lull to sleep the friends of tbe Union amongst us, to stifle tbe voice of North Car olina, that the schemes of the Secessionists elsewhere, may be perfected with the more certainty, and with leas public demonstration of opposition to them f This is the secret of tbe ' Standard's" hostility to Union meetings. That press sympathises with the Secessionists here and elsewhere, and every where. Its whole soul is devoted to this cause, and though it would fain conceal the partialities and motives by which it is governed, yet, they will out occasionally, in spits of all its cunning. ' And is it not' time that the friends of the Union throTtgbout the; State were moving! Ia tbe voice of North Carolina to be silenced in a crisis like the one, which factious and deluded men are moving Hea ven and Earth to precipitate aponurt Her voice in times past bad a powerful influence on public opin ion. . It would exert a like influence for good noo, and if she remains silent until tbe machinations of the Disunionists of ths South shall have been perfected, she may find herself dragged, without the chance of redemption, into the vortex of civil War and Diau- UOQ. We entreat every patriot in the State to look these dangers steadily in the face. Be not deceived. An effort will be made, no doubt it is now going on in secret, to force North Carolina into a poaitkm hostile to tbe Union I We would in view of all this appeal to every man in the State who values the Union, ; and the manifold blessings it secures, to make common cause in this crisis. We care not what hia party af finities are, if be ia a patriot he will abandon bis party to save his country. We trust that Union meetings will be held throughout the State, and that the voice of North Carolina will be given in tones which cannot be mistaken 1 "Tax Constttctiox axd thx Union wow and roarvxa I" is our motto. Under it we in tend to fight, to the but, against all who assail them, whether they appear in tbe garb of Northern Aboli tionists, or Southern Secessionists I Again, we say, let the friends of the Union speak out, boldly and fearlessly. We call on tbe press to expose ths nefariouanese of the scheme which bad men have adopted to rash the entire South into the mia ous experiment of Disunion and civil bloodshed 1 " Aa in the manufacture of materials for domestic consumption, so also, says the Charleston Courier, " in that of arms for our defence, the State of South Caro lina ia gradually paving her way to that career of in dependence which will yet conduct her to prosperity and wealth." A powder magazine and depot for the reception of arms have already been established in that State ; and tbe Ordinance Department have just ordered to be cast within the State, two batteries of field artillery, consisting of eight 6 pounders and four 12 pound howitzers. South Carolina is preparing not only to live within herself, hut to defend herself, if necessary, against the assaults of her enemies." . Standard. South Carolina is preparing not only to live with in herself but to defend herself if necessary against ths assaults of ber enemies F Thus speaks the last Standard." What enemies I Is South Carolina threatened with foreign invasion ! ' Defend herself indeed 1 Tbe public must be blind not to see through all thu preparation for defence, and tbe People of thia Stats, North Carolina, cannot fail to perceive ths object of the " Standard's" oft repeated commends tioos of tbe course and conduct of South Carolina. She ia to hold a Convention in the Fall A large majority of that body are for Secession, Disunion, at once, and these " powder magazines and " Depots for the reception of arms" this casting of " batteries of field artillery, consisting of a pounders and 12 pound howitsers," and all such military preparations are intended not for defence against " her enemies1' but to make good, if possible, her resistance to tbe laws of the Country, to break np this Union, and bring upon the whole South the horrors of Civil war. Talk about Secession being a peaceable remedy I Tbe very movements which are hers detailed ss go ing on in South Carolina, prove, most conclusively, that she expects, should an attempt be made to carry this doctrine mto practice, a ceffiaion of arms. Yet all this is noted by the - Standard" if not with appro bation, at least with silent, lurking satisfaction. It is seen thai South Carolina ia preparing to breakup the Union if she can, snd not a whisper of warning ia heard from that print I Every man who speaks out boldly againat her rashness, and in favor of the en forcsment ol tbe law. is tauntingly and insultingly told thatheiaawomuitut7 And thia impudent and tyrannical arrogance ia nearly the whole stock in trade of those presses at the South, which if they are not encouraging, are, at least conniving at, the fiendish purposes of those who are resolved on the total over throw of the Government 1 j 1 ' We appeal to you, patriots of North CaroBna to do your duty in tbe approaching crisis. It become evrey man who has any thing at stake, to consider well, whether the voice of our State i should not be heard at once rsbukmg in bold and firm tones, the headlong course of fanaticism, both north and south t No ;fc d They, say very unpleasant things about Mta. Really f afuf what aorj of thingaf' " I can't tell precisely, but there are ugly stories afloat rumors jwlncb sadly affect hia honor." "The devil. there arer?That, bad indeed That explaina why he baa been received ao coolly everywhere lately." w ' For my part, I intend in future to cut him." -And so ahallI)" ; ; " This world ia -ao formed, that, with many it often reqpirea no more than this todeatroy a man whose great success has created envy." No master of tbe human passions ever said a thing truer to nature, than the above, which ws find in one of tbe works of that great but corrupt genius,1 EtoihIi Soe. ft is indeed humiliating that we have constant illustrations of ita truth not only in the bumble walks of life, but amongst those whose, example for good or ill must neces sarily have a commanding influence on all around them If one wishes to " kill off" a political rival let him put on the mask himself and set the in ducer's tongue to work, and he may for -a while succeed. But there is a returning sense of justice in sll communities of men, and truth ultimately' triumphs. The character of the slandered is in ths end fujly vindicated. No one who values the fame of our great men, as part of the common property of the whole na tion; can help feeling indignant at tbe eoarse and vindictive attack nude by that nefarious Free Soil er, Alleh, a few days since, on Dahjxl Wza. bter. If his object be to break down tne influence of that great man, he is engaged in as useless and ridiculous a task as Xekxes wss, when be attemp ted to chain the raging Hellespont with his puny fetters.' He may record his slanders againat Das. nx Wibstee, but the big and towering bDlowa of his great fame will pass over and wash them out, with as much ease as the Ocean erases the letters maae by an urchin on its sandy shore L We read, some time since, the infamous letter of Tom Paike, in which he traduces the character ' of George Washington. It gave the anther a more despicable notoriety than he ever had be fore. Allen, of Massachusetts, has selected a noble exemplar, and will, no doubt, share the ' same fate in public estimation ! HARD TO PLEASE! A number of the South Carolina papers mongst them the "Charleston Mercury" detf. pounce President Fillmore's Message and Proc lamation in relation to the Boston Mob, in no measured terms. They proclaim the whole ortf ceeding a violation of the rights of the States, &c 1 bus it is, that men are led into the most contra dictory and absurd positions, so soon as they de part from the principles of common sense ! Some time since, these same "dear lovers of tbe Southir were giving Vent to their indignation, because ife wss thought the Fugitive Slave Law had not been. and would not be, executed. Now, the tune is completely changed, and they have joined in the chorus bf Chase, Hale, Giddings, and other Abo litionists, in denouncing the President for doing bis duty and requiring that the law be executed at all hazards ! Such conduct deserves the con tempt of honorable men. The truth is, tbe-vtola tors of the nublic Deaee at the South m ft K firmness of the President, the presage of theirtiwn doom, if they, tooi, resist the laws, and, dreading it, they are cowardly enough to assail hirtfrro oontG his dutt! ' 1 HON. ED W. STANLY. We perceive that a material error in the revolt of Mr. Stanlt's remarks in the lat debate be tween Mr. Ihge and himself; habeen'woinir the rounds of the papers. Mr. S. is made te amy : "Even those who voted with a mafiwity of Northern members are uncharitably assaihL" ' The word "Northern" should be Soitthern the difference being readily perceptible. Upon some of the Compromise measures, the Southern members were in a majority; and, as Mr. 8. as serted, it ill becomes a minority of Southern mem bers to accuse a majority of voting against the in terests of the South 1 Mr. Rantoul took bis seat, last week, as Senator ef the United Statea from Massachusetts, for the unexpired term which ended on yesterday. The " Washington Union" is out upon him with much severity, declaring that " casuistry itself cannot deny that his election waa a part ef the consideration for the election of Sumner, and by accepting, he not only confirms tbe coalition, hut redeems the pledge to enforce it." It then pro ceeds to say, that no new Senator wast ever more coldly received by bis brother Senators than Mr. R. This coalition between the Democrats and Free Soilers of Massachusetts is one ef tbe most infamous political movements on record, and proves what little dependence the South can place in the professions ol Northern Democrats ef at tachment and respect for the rights of the South ! The " Union calls it an " unholy combination," and rebukes Afr. Rantoul roundly for Buffering himself te he madShe tool of audi e faction, for the "empty bauble" of an eight days' seat in the Senate 1 . ... .THE CENTRAL ROAD. The " Greensboro' Patriot" speaks most encourage ingly of the prospects of thia great work. It says-. " A friend who ia "posted up on the pro gress of tbe N. G Kaflroad surveys, remarked that ova notice of the same a fortnight ago gave him a ebb-tit fell ao far and ao coldly short of the flattering point of progress already attained. Well we are happy to be able to take the chill off from any others who may have caught cold by said notice.,, Ia a casual conversation with tbe President of the Board, who- has since returned from a tour on the western end of tbe route, we were happy to learn that the surveys along the whole line are in rapid progress towards completion ; and we judge from the remsrks. elicited though we cannot make the statement ( by authority' that the entire route will be ready far the letting of contract by April next The several corps of en gineers have been going ahead in the peHbrmance of their duties with praiseworthy fidelity and despatch, in spite of the "sll sorts of weather" of tbe past win ter. Gov. Morehead speaks in most . encouraging terms calculated to infues a hopeful and confident spirit in all the friends of the Great Improvement and of the vital mterssts of -IMhtCaroh coiisequent thereon. Since the signal failure of the enemiea of the Road ia.the Legiskture, we have seen nothing to mjuie its prospects! The psopfc have its success at bsaaThe exercue ofastWy sntfand vnjtogging "Mrey op the part bf those directly interested in the Company are only necessary to speedy success.- The wind work is done j let the head-work snd the bonelabor go ahead with the asms seal and alacrity and the speedy accompliahment of tbe rjaagmficeat object is secure
The Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
March 5, 1851, edition 1
2
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