North Carolina Newspapers

THOMAS LORING, THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION OP THE STATES -THEY CMUST BF. RESERVED VOL. VI. NO. 298; EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. RALEIGH, N. C. WEDNESDAY, JULY 15, 1840. th-ree Collars per aNn1 n s : : HE NORTH CAROLINA STANDARD L published weekly, at three dollars per annum Labie yearly in advance. A subscriber fad- to Xe'notiJe of his desire to continue at fc expiration of the period for which he may have will be considered as having subscribed anew, Inontinued, at the option of the Editor, ntfl ordered to be stopped; but no paper will be continued, until all arrearages are paid. Advertisements, not exceeding fourteen lines, -iliSe inserted one lime for one dollar, and, twenty tve : cents for each subsequent insertion; those of heater leagth in proportion. If the number of in icrtions be not marked on them, they will be con tinued until ordered out. Court Advertisements and Sheriff's Sales, will 'he charged twenty-fice per cent, higher than the usual rates. -. .- - . A deduction of 33 J per cent.- will be made to those TVnO auverusc uy iuc ycoi. Letters to the Editor must come free of ..,. nr tlipv mav not be attended to. JJUHlf-rit " -i ; i SATORIAL RESIGNATIONS. We have been iurnished by Messrs. Brown an Strange, with the following copies of Letters sent to His Excellency the Governor of this State, to h? laid before the next General Assembly,by which these gentlemen resign their seats in the Senate of the United States, to take effect irorn and alter the meeting of that body. Whatever may be the re sult of this step, our Senators have pursued the course of hish-minded and honorable men, and will be still more endeared to the Democratic Republi can party of this State. The Rayner Resolutions will now be fairly before the people, and their a doption by the last Legislature of North Carolina, which was the consummation of the most vindic tive party spirit and the vilest hypocrisy, will be judged of by them. Washington City, ZQlh June, 1840. To the Honorable the General Assmbly of the State of North Carolina, which is to assemble on the third Monday of November next: Gentlemen : In pursuance of the determination announced by me, when I submitted to the Senate of the United States certain Resolutions passed by be Legislature of the State of .North Carolina, at it? last session, in relation to certain measures of the General Government, I tender to you my re signation for the residue of the term for which I was elected to the Senate of the United States ; to take effect from and after the meeting of the next General Assembly. The reasons which influenced rue in coming to this determination, were so fully made known by me in the remarks which I made at the time, when the Resolutions were presented to the Senate of tue United Snrtesr, that pot again recapitulate them, more than by briefly adverting to a few of the leading considerations which induced me to postpone tendering my resignation until the pres ent period. 1 did not believe, after giving to the Resolutions the most mature deliberation, that they were to be regarded as Resolutions of Instruction; or that those who passed them intended to recognise in i&em that cardinal principle in the Republican Creed. This conclusion was forced on me, not nerely from the absence of any assertion of the )rinciple of instruction, in the Resolutions theoi elves, but by the distinct rejection, by the majority vho passed them, of an amendment offered in both louses of the General Assembly, proposing to nake them Resolutions of Instruction. The asser ion of this principle in the Resolutions themselves, las been the universal practice among those who icknowledge the right of instruction ; not only in ur own Legislature, but in the Legislatures of o her States of the Confederacy, whenever they have eemed it their duty to resort to the exercise of this ;reat right. This practice is founded on the obvi )U3 principle, that when the Legislature, by reso utions of instruction, command their will to be lone, touching public measures, all further respon ibility is removed from the Senator, and the vote vhich he gives is the vote of the Legislature. Acting, therefore, upon the principle that when i Senator is elected by the Legislature of a State, ie is responsible to the people of that State, until he Legislature representing them chooses, by Re solutions of Instruction, to take from him that re sponsibility, and perceiving as well from the lan guage of the Resolutions themselves, a3 from the proceedings which took place on them when under :onsideration, that such was not the intention of he Legislature, I did not consider that I was bound ?ither to obey or resign. In deliberating on the course which it was mv 3uty to pursue, I anxiously sought to adopt thai which; in my judgment, was best calculated to preserve the rights of the people of the State. If the Resolutions had asserted the Right of Instruc tion, then there would have been no option, but prompt obedience or resignation. This, however, aot being the case, either would have been alike violative of the rights of the People of the State, tvith which I had been entrusted, and subversive Df the Right of Instruction. ' In thus tendering my resignation, I feel it my Juty to state that it is not prompted by a belief that ihe Resolutions passed by the late General Assem bly imposed on me any such obligation, but from an anxions desire to submit my public course to jhe decision of the people of the State ; which would have been done at an earlier period, if an election had sooner intervened. I avail myself of this occasion to declare, expli citly, my belief in the right othe Legislature of a State to instruct their Senators, and of the corres ponding duty which it imposes on them to yield obedience or to return the political power which has been entrusted to them to those from whom they derived it. , 11 i cannot conclude this communication without expressing to the General Assembly, and through em to the people of. the State, my most sincere aad grateful acknowledgments, for the distinguish ed honors which they have at different limes con- firred on me, and the lively gratitude with which these manifestations of public confidence will be ever cherished by me. It would be presumptuous in me to claim exemp tion from error, in acting on the many important questions which have been before Congress, since I have occupied a seat in the Senate of the United States. I have, however, the consolation to know that whatever errors I may have committed, my motives have been disinterested, and that my pub lic course has been dictated by an anxious desire to promote the happiness of our common country, and to perpetuate its free institutions. I have the honor to be, With great respect, Your obedient servant,' BEDFORD BROWN. To the General Assembly of the State of North Carolina : , , , " I herehy resign" thd trtret with which the legislature ot the State of North Carolina was pleased to h6nor me as one of her Representatives in the Senate of the United States; which resig nation I desire to take effect at the commencement of your next session. 1 No unwillingness to serve my, country ; no' un der estimate of the high and undeserved honor I enjoy in representing a State whose character is unsullied and whose people are unsurpassed for moral purity ; no insensibility to the heavy debt of gratitude that rests upon me for the many marks of confidence and the unmerited favors I have re ceived ; not even the conviction I feel of my own inadequacy to the responsible and weighty duties of the station I fill induces me to resign it. On the contrary, the proudest retrospect I shall ever have is, that the representatives of one of the nob lest States of the American Union, thought me worthy to represent her in the most august body under the Sun ; and the most cheering conscious ness I shall ever experience, will be that of having discharged the duties of the station with a fidelity measured only by ray ability. My political principles have never been disguis ed and they were well known not only to those who elected me, but to every other citizen of the State with whose acquaintance I was- honored. No one can say that I have given a vote in the Senate of the United States, which could not have been foretold by every man at all conversant with public affairs. Those votes have, I firmly believe, been just such as the people of N. Carolina,of their representatives, by whom' I was elected, would have instructed me to give. Yet, since my elec tion, a general election for members of the legisla ture has taken place and made some change in he complexion of that body, whether or not fairly representing tne sentiments oi a majority oi lae people, is a question which the ; people themselves must decide. At their last session, majorities of both branches of that body," were pleased to adopt resolutions'expressive of the opinion that my course was not in conformity (6 the wfshesof the people. From that opinion mine respectfully differed. Had that body assumed its proper responsibility and instructed me, how to act, I should have.either obey ed those instructions literally or forthwith resigned. The mere expression of opinion, left all the res-1 ponsibility upon my shoulders, only increasing thereby its weight and delicacy, I was not igno rant that there was a design in some to use these resolutions as a snare in which I was to be caught and my political death accomplished. Nay, many believed there was no way for me to escape. If I treated the resolutions as instructions and resigned, (for the terms of the resolutions rendered obedience impossible,) and thereby insure my place being filled by an opponent of the administration, I should bring upon myself condemnation as a trai tor to those who had trusted me, or as a cowardly deserter of my post in the hour of trial. If on the other hand I neither resigned nor obeyed, I should be denounced as one who disregarded the will of my constituents and set at nought their right to instruct me. I saw ihe dilemma m which I should be placed, and resolved to escape from it by throw ing back the responsibility where it properly be longed. I was well convinced that I could not with propriety treat the resolutions as instructions, and so respectfully informed the Legislature, re questing at the same time, that if I was wrong, I might be set right. My conclusion if wrong, was not corrected, and I might have contented myself in my position until its term expired. But I knew the public poind was much stirred concerning the doctrine of instructions, and that ungenerous per sons would, notwithstanding the pains I had taken to set myself right, impute to me the design of holding under constitutional forms a place for which according to its spirit and substance I was unfit. It had been said" by high authority, that I was sup porting an.adminislration to which my constitu ents were opposed.- I am among the last men to question the represefitativefcharacter of our gov ernment, or to deny to the people the right of set ting up and pulling down at pleasurej and I would sooner perish than avail myself of a position in which their generous confidence had placed me td' thwart their wishes. Believing Jthat the legislative elections had not taken place in reference to any such resultand that the -ap'pomtrrient of my suc cessor could not be made in conformity to the ex pressed wishes of the people myjmmediate resig nation would not have secured obedienee to their will. But, I determined and accordingly promised to resign in time for the people to avail themselfes of the first occasion of indicating their choice of a Senatorial representative. That pledge is now redeemed. I return to pri vate life, with a bosom glowing with the same zeal for my country, and the same confidence that the people will do right, as wheal accepted at their hands a trust, conferring more honor than a dia dem. - That every citizen of the State may be apprized of my resignation and the motive that leads to it, I shall take the liberty of furnishing a copy of this letter for publication. I am with very high respect, Your obedient Servant, ROBERT STRANGE. Washington, June 30th, 1810. MESSAGE, FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE U. STATES, In relation to the adjustment of the Northeastern Boundary. To the Senate : The importance of the subject to the tranquil lity of our country makes it proper that I should communicate to the Senate, in addition to the in formation heretofore transmitted in reply to their resolution of the 17th of January last, the copy of a lette.r just received from Mr. Fox, announc ing the determination of the British Government to consent to the principles of our last proposi tion for. the settlement of the question of Ihe northeastern boundary, with a copy of the an swer made to n by the Secretary of State. I can not doubt that, with the sincere disposition which actuates both Governments to prevent any other than an amicable termination of the controversy, it will belound practicable so to arrange the de tails of a conventional agreement on the princi ples alluded to, as to effect that object. The British commissioners, in their report communicated by Mr. Fox, express an opinion that the true line of the treaty of 1783 is materi ally different from that so long contended for by Great Britain. The report is altogether exparte in its character, and has not yet, as far as we are informed, been adopted by the British Govern ment. It has, however, assumed a form suffi ciently authentic and important to justify the be lief that it is to be used hereafter by the British Government in the discussion of the question of boundary; and, as it differs essentially from the line claimed by the United States, an immediate preparatory exploration and survey on our part, by commissioners appointed for that purpose, of the portions of the territory therein more partic ularly brought into view, would, in my opinion, be proper. If Congress concur with me in this viewof the subject, a provision by them to ena ble the Executive to carry it into- effect will be necessary. M. VAN BUREN. Washington, June, 27th, 1840. 31 r. Fax to Mr. Forsyth. Washington, June, 22, 1840. The undersigned her Britannic Majesty's en voy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, has the honor to transmit to the Secretary of State of the United States, by order of his Gov ernment, the accompany iiig printed copies of a report and map which have been presented to her Majesty's Government by Colonel Mudge and Mr. Featherstonhaugh, the commissioners employed during the last season to survey the disputed territory. - The undersigned is instructed to say that it will, of course, have become the duty of her Ma jesty's Government to lay the said report and map before Parliament; but her Majesty's Gov ernment have been desirous, as a mark of cour tesy and consideration towards the Government of the United Stales, trtar documents bearing up on a qliesTTon of sarn.uen' interest and importance to the two countries should, in the first instance, be communicated to the President.', -The docu ments had been officially placed in the hands of her Majesty's Government only a few days pre viously to the date of the instruction addressed to the undersigned. Her Majesty's Government feel an unabated desire to bring the long pending questions con nected with the boundary between the U. States and the British possessions in North America to a final and satisfactory settlement ; being well aware that questions of this nature, as long as they remain open between two countries, must be the source of frequent irritation on both sides, and are liable at any moment to lead to events that may endanger the existence of friendly re lations. It is obvious that the questions at issue be tween Great Britain and the United States must be beset with various and really existing diffi culties, or else those questions would not have re mained open ever since the year 1783, notwith standing the frequent and earnest endeavors made by each Government to bring them to an adjustment; but her Majesty's Government do not relinquish the hope that the sincere desire which is felt by both parlies to arrive at an ami cable settlement will at length be attended with success. The best clew to guide the two Governments in their future proceedings may perhaps be ob tained by an examination of the causes of past failure: and the most prominent amongst these causes has certainly been a want of correct in formation as to the topographical features and physical character of the district in dispute. This want of adequate information maybe traced as one of,ihe difficulties which embarras sed the Netherlands Government in its endea vors to decide the points submitted to its arbitra- - m i r I . 1 .1 lion in JeiU. 1 ne same nas oeen leu oy me Government in England ; it has been felt and admitted by the Government of the U. States, and evenbv the local Government of the contig uous State of Maine. The British Government and the Government of the United States agreed, therefore, two years affo. that a survey of the disputed territory, by-a joint commission, would be the measure best cal culated to elucidate and solve tne questions ai is sue. The President proposed such a commis sion, and her Majesty's Government consented to it ; and it wa believed by her Majesty's Gov ernment that the general principles upon which thfe'eommission wis lobe guided in it3 local op erations had been settled by mutual agreement, arrived at by means of a correspondence which took place between the two-Governments in 1837 and 1838. Her Majesty's Government accord ingly transmitted,' in April of la year for the consideration of the President, the draught of a convention to regulate the proceedings of the proposed commission. The preamble of that draught recited textually the agreement that had been come to by means of notes which had been exchanged between the two Governments and the articles of the draught were framed, as her Majesty's Government considered, in strict con formity with that agreement. But the Government of the United States did not think proper to assent to the convention so proposed. The United States Government did not," in deed, allege that the proposed convention was at variance with the result of the previous corres pondence between the two Governments ; but it thought that the convention would establish a commission of "mere exploration and survey-" and the President was of opinion that the step next to betaken by the two Governments should be to contract stipulations, bearing upon the face of them the promise of a final settlement, under some form or other, and within a reasonable time. The United States Government accordingly transmitted to the undersigned, for communica tion to Her Majestyis Government, in the month of July last, a counter-draughf of convention, varying considerably in some parts (as the Sec retary of State of the United States admitted, "in his letter to-the undersigned of the 29th of July Iast,Hrom the draught t proposed bv Great Brit- am. $ut the Secretary of State added, that tne . . . . Unitea states Government did not deem it ne cessary to comment upon the alterations so made, as thetext itself of the counter-draught would e found sufficiently perspicuous, -Her Majesty's Government might certainly well have expected that some reasons would have been -given taf explain why the U. Stated Govern? meni aecimea to connrm an arrangement wnicn was "founded upon propositions madeijy that Go vernment itself, and upon modifications to which that Government had agreed ;'4Jr, that if the A merican Government thought the draught of con vention thus proposed was not in conformity with ihe previous agreement, it would have pointed out in what respect the two were considered to differ. v Her Majesty's Government, considering the present state of the boundary question, concur with the Government of the U. States in think- ng that it is, on every account, expedient that the next measure to be adopted by the two Go vernments should contain arrancements which will necessarily lead to a final settlement; and they think that the convention which they pro posed last year to the President, instead cf being framed so as to constitute a mere commission of exploration and survey, did, on the contrary, contain stipulations calculated to lead to the final ascertainment of the boundary between the two countries. There was, however, undoubtedly, one essen tial difference between the British draught and the American counter-draught. The British draught contained no provision embodying the principle of arbitration. The American counter draught did contain such a provision. The British draught contained no provision for arbitration, because the principle of arbitra tion had not been proposed on either side during the negotiations upon which that draught was founded; nd because, moreover, it was under stood, at that time, that the principle of arbitra tion would be. decidedly objected to by the Uni ted Stales. But as the United Stites Government have now expressed a wish to embody the principle of arbitration in the proposed convention, Her Majesty's Government are perfectly willing to accede to that wish. The undersignediis accordingly instructed to state, officially, to Mr. Forsyth, that Her Majes ty's Government consent to the two principles which form the main foundation of the American tountefdraugnVnahiely first, that the commis sion to be appointed shall be so constituted as necessarily to lead to a final settlement of the questions of boundary at issue between the two countries-; and, secondly, that, in order to secure such a result, the convention by which the com mission is to be created shall contain a pro vision for arbitration upon points as to which the British and American commissioners may not be able to agree. The undersigned is, however, instructed to add, that there are many matters of detail in the Amer ican counter-draught which Her Majesty's Go vernment cannot adopt. The undersigned will be furnished from his Government, by an early opportunity, with an amended draught, in con formity, with the principles above stated, to be submitted to the consideration of the President And the undersigned expects to be at the same time furnished with instructions to -propose to the Government of the United Slates a fresh, local, and temporary convention, for the better preven tion of incidental border collisions wilhin the disputed territory during the time that may be occupied in carrying 'through the operations of survey or arbitration. The undersigned avails himself of this occa sion to renew to the Secretary of State the assur ance of his distinguished consideration. H. S. FOX. Hon. John Forsyth, fyc. fyc. tyc. Mr. Forsyth to Mr. Fox. Department of State, .Washington, June 2G, 1840. The undersigned. Secretary of State of the U. States, has had the honor to receive a note ad dressed to him on the 22nd inst., by Mr. Fox. envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentia ry of Great Britain, enclosing printed copies of the report and map laid before the British Go vernment by the commissioners employed dur ing the last season to survey the territory in dis pute between the two countries, and communica ting the consent of Her Britannic Majesty's Go vernment to the two principles which form ihe main foundation of the counter-proposition of the United"States for ihe adjustment of the question. The undersigned, having laid Mr. Fox's note before the President, is instructed to say, in an swer, that the President duly appreciates the motives of courtesy which prompted the, British Government to communicate to lhat of the Uni ted States the documents referred to; and that he derives great satisfaction from the announce ment that Her Majesty's Government do not re linquish ihe hope lhat the sincere desire which is felt by both parties to arrive at an amicable settlement will at length be attended with suc cess; and from thff prospect held out by Mr. Fox of his being accordingly furnished, by an early opportunity, with ihe draught of a propo sition, amended in corffbrmity with the princi ples to which Her Majesty's Government has acceded, to be submitted to the consideration of this Government. Mr. Fox states, thaV his Government might have expected that, when the American counter draft was communicated to him, some reasons would have been given to explain why the Uni ted States Government declined accepting the British" draught of convention ; or that, if it thought the draught was not in conformity with previous agreement, it would have pointed out in what respect the two'were considered differ. In the note which the undersigned addressed to Mr. Fox on the 29th July of last year, trans- .... .i - .i tT. u.. i . J mining me American counter-araugni, ue auneu -ai, m tunsrquence oi tne then recent events on ine irontier, and the danger of collision between the citizens and subjects of the two Governments, a mere commission of exploration and survey "vuju uc lurtucijuaie io me exigencies oi tne oc Jllt.l: . i-d&ion, ana iau Denma the just expectations of iue people or notn countries; and referred to the importance of having the measure next adopted bear upon its face stipulations which mast result in a final settlement, under some form, and in a reasonable time. These were the reasons which J 1 . I i . . inaucea tne president to introduce in the nw project the provisions which he thought calcnln": ted for the attainment of so desirable an obiVrt .... ... J 1 'and which, in his opinion, rendered obviously unnecessary any allusion to the previous aree ments referred toby Mr. Fox. The. President is gratified to find that a concurrence in thost! views has brought the minds of Her Majesty's Government to a similar conclusion ; and from this fresh indication of harmony in the wishes pfihe two cabinets, -hepermits himselfeto antici-J pate tne most satisfactory result from the meas ure under consideration. The undersigned avails himselfof the oppor tunity to oner to Mr. Fox renewed assurances of his distinguished consideration. - JOHN FORSYTH;' H. S. Fox, Esq., Envoy Extraordinary, fyc. Spc. fyc. "The Globe represents Gen. Harrison as a do tard and a drunkard, as a maniac breaking from his cage, and rushing into the streets of Cincinnati with insane violence, and blasphemous language."" Senator Preston's letter of the 2Sth May, to a com mittee of the citizens of Georgia. We have been lashed, as the Globe has been, for re-publishing the articles from Cincinnati, touching General Harrison's violence towards Mr. Buchanan of Ohio. In consequence, we have written to Cincinnati to ascertain the facts but an article from the last Catskill Recorder, supersedes the necessity of nny further inquiry. The Catskill (N. Y.) Recorder, of i)ie 25th inst., contains a correspondence between Dr. E. P. Strong and Mr. C. Hale of Cincinnati, which amply confirms the report?, lately published, of Gen. Harrison's towering passion in regard to Mr. Buchanan of Ohio, and his violent langunge. Gen. H. did not hesitate to use such expressions as these: He "said Buchanan had calumnia ted him, and was a DAMNED SCOUNDREL for saying that he had signed a bill while Gov ernor of Indiana, that. a man should not vote without holding 50 ficres of land; GODDAMN HIM, (Buchanan,) he was a lawyer and knew better, for the ordinance of the Territory requir ed it, and he (Harrison) would not-veto any law that the Legislalure'assed. That Bucha NXN was a DAMNED SCOUNDREL, and any person who took his part, and th party were all a set of DAMNED SCOUNDRELS !" Having been severely abused for publishing an account of this scene, we shall plead the truths by publishing the -whole correspondence. Mr. Hale is the gentleman, with whom GejKtjAR rison bad the conversation at Cincwnatii;V . Jlidimond Enqttvizi The Testimony cf one Who Knows him. The federal party of Zanesville (Ohio,) and thereabout, have claimed as a convetl.to their cause the venerable and consistent demo crat, David Robb. Mr. Robb is a log cabin man of the old stamp plain, blunt, upright and downright, and thus bespeaks in relation to the matter. "I cannot, however, vote for Gen. Ham'son under any circumstances. I presnme lam bet ter acquainted with the General than any man in Guernsey county. I set with and voted with him during two winters and look a.slrong stand against him in his plan of selling free while citizens of Ohio into slavery, for the want of ability to nav fines and costs for the most tri fling offences-such as assault and battery, selling spirituous liquors without license, riding faster than a walk over a bridge, &c. I believe that it is only necessary for a democrat to be well ac quainted with Gen. Harrison, to be induced to withhold his vote from him. I for one cannot support him because I believe him to be a feder alist of the old stamp because he is opposed to the leading measures of the present administra tion because he is the bank canaidate because he is an anti-masonic candidate. In a word, be- cause he is the candidate ot the nartv that is made of the fractions of all fictions, and the fas ends of all parties. "In speaking of Gen. Harrison, I must be understood as confining myself to his political principles and his want of qualifications for the office to which he aspires. A3 a man. I respect many traits in his character-; as a citizen I be lieve him honest in his dealings, and a friendly companion, tie was. my personal friend; and advocated my cause in several debates of a per sonal character; but as a politician I never ad mired, and 1 like him less now than before be cause I think he has lent himself to serve those who during the last war, were his worst ene mies those who cursed him then for a coward, and all lhat sort of thing those who cursed the war and all its advocates rejoiced at our defeat, and at the success of the enemy and .who now, without any change in either his creed or theirs, extol his military and civil qualifications to the skies when in fact, I think, as they professed to belifve, he never performed any exploits as a General. But what destroys my confidence in his present professed political friends more than any thing else, is that during the last war. whilst they cursed him for his cowardice and imbecility, I, and many others defended him, not that we believed him to be a great General, but because we were willing to sustain him for the sake of the cause of our common country; and that he was doing as well as he knew how; and notwithstanding they pretended to dread with holy horror the elevation of a 'Military chieftain,' to the office of President in 1828- they now predicate his claims to that office, up on nis military exploits, l say that there is something 'rotten in Denmark,' that it is not for the good of the country lhat they wish to elect him, but to serve their own party designs, in the overinrow ot our democratic form ot govern ment. Neither do they take Harrison as a mat mm . ter oi cnoice, out ot necessity oecause he is the available candidate, pliable and credulous by nature: and in a word they think if elected, he will beHhe President ex: officio only while Clay, Webster & Co., will be in fact; this I say of them as a political parly ; as citizens and men I esteem many of them as highly as any , others. - tKnf X ." VOICij OF MORALITY Effects of hard cider. It is as we sup posed. There are those even among the whig party whose notions of propriety revolt at the invitations to drunkeness which belong to the whig method of canvassing for the approaching election of president. Their prejudices can car ry them a good way but not quite so far 83 to approve of such, disgraceful means of recruiting the ranks of their party. 1 he other day a meeting was held at the Cen tral Presbyterian Church in Broom street, to a dopt measures to prevent the sale of intoxicating liquors in the booths and teoti erected around the public eround on the fourth of July. D: Reese of this city, in the course of a speech made on that occasion, a report of which we find in the Commercial Advertiser, said : "But yesterday I saw a virtuous widowed mother agonized over the body of her only son, not yrt verged into manhood, brought to her peaceful home drank. anl not for the first time-, and made so at a political meeting to which curiosity had led him. Sir, I am not indifferent to party feeling; I, too, have my preferences, and strong ones, too; but I had rather every political party annihilated to-morrow, than that the virtuous aged hiatro'ns of our country should be brought down to their graves in sorrow bv the ruin of their sons, in the first introduction to public life. It seems from the account of Dr. Reese, that these Tippecanoe clubs arg traps for the inexpe rienced and unwary. Here they take their first essons m vice. They venture into these places of debauchery, and "an enemy is put into their mouins 10 steal away their brains." Here is a story of a young man who was never drunk in his life : he attends a political meetinjr. not to take a part in what is going on, but merely for curiosity; he is a fair mark for the whig recruit ers; he is taken into their fellowship ; he is, plied witn Dumpers and dizzied with sonars and cho ruses, made a Harrison patriot, and finally sent home helplessly drunk to his mother. In rela ting this incident Dr. Reese, as we learn from a gentleman who was present, stated that it took place at one-or tne log cabins erecieu in this city; but in the report of the Commercial, this designation of the place is accidentally or pur posely left out: No wonder that tbo&e who see their friends and the members of their families debauched and depraved by these exped;ents, should be ready in their intense abhorrence, grief and dis gust, to separate themselves from a party which no longer pretends to contend for principles and measures, but seeks to multiply its numbers by corrupting those whom it wishes to seduce. N. Y.- Evening Post. Thefollowing extract is from a leading and intelligent gentleman of, Virginia: Warrenlon, June 9th, 1840. "I airi no partisan ; I always acted with the LWhig3 up to the nomination of Gen. Harrison to which couid rial give my adhesion. Gen. Elarrison (who Is said to be a Jeff?rsohian Dem ocrat, by those who . tyould hale him if they thought so,) iVa federalist of the indelible stamp of. the Elder Adams. It cannot be denied that he returned, on one occasion from the seat of Government to Cincinnati, with a black cock ade m his hat, and it is a notorious fact lhat he advocated the most ultra Federal measure which has ever been known to the-people of this coun try, for in. the heat ofiis excitement against the Constitutional right of a sovereign State td pro tect her own peculiar'and local interests, he pro-, nounced Gen. Jackson's Proclamation the best act of tis life. I do not believe, myself, that the Federalists consider Harrison's capacity equal to the important duties of the high and responsi ble station to which they would call him. Har rison has lived nearly three-score and ten years, and his present supporters, have jtrst discovered thnt he is a statesman "Tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the streets of Askalon." The fact is, the federalists in the violence of Iheir opposition to Martin Van Buren, discarded their favorite because they did not .consider him suffi ciently popular, and united upon one whom they hoped to run into office under the captivating title of 'hero.' They have hoisted a banner with the words "military chieftain" emblazoned upon it, and are now claiming for their new idol, the homage of a free and intelligent people. They are trying to kindle into a blaze the dying em bers of his military fame, and to revive laurels long affo faded. "Suffer me to say, in conclusion, that Uid not think when Gen. Harrison was first nominated for the Presidency, tliat so important a trust ought to be committed to his charge, nor do I be lieve now, that he is qualified, in any respect whatever, for the chief Magistracy of this great ItepUDiic. 1 am, Sir, Very respectfully, &c. &c, EDWARD DIXON. A HARD HIT. General Harrison gave as a toast, some years ago, the following, which fig ures at the heads of many of the Whig papers: "The People- They are competent to do their own voting and their own fighting." At a Democratic meeting in JLoudon county, Va., a resolution was passed which admits the truth of the General's toast, and adds : "And it is the duty of all candidates to do their own thinking and their own writing." Harrison's friends don't agree to the amend ment. A good thing A strong cement for Glass, Wood, 4c. Steep isingliss twentyrfour hours in common white brandy, then gently boil and keep stirring, until the composition is well mixd, and adrop, if cooled, will become a strong jelly. Then strain it through a clean linen cloth into a vessel to be kept closely stopped. A gentle heat will desolve this glue into a colorless fluid. Dishes of wood, erlass, or earthen, if united with this cement, will break elsewhere rather than separate in the old break. In applying the ce ment, rub the edges which are te be united, then place them together and hold them for two min utes, and the work is done. This is very easily done, and incomparably better lhan any thing; else for the purpose. Melancholy. William Ritchie, esq. a mer chant of Philadelphia, while bathing in the Ohio river, at Wheeling, on the 12th ult-i after hav ing swam across, sunk on returning, to rise no more. . -1 !! : f ill' t. ' t I f i ' ! 'I'.:' 1 i'.1 f t -A