M3. II WW, - SSsO II ill l.. L III aHr.wfril
5
s
THOMAS LORING,
rniTOE AND PROPRIETOR
TERMS :
THE NORTH CAROLINA STANDARD
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ya.ia. r-;; j,c re to
discontinue at
ing to give nonce " , - . . . , p mav have
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A deduction of 33 J per cent, will be made to
those who advertise by the year. T
Letters to the Editor must come .free of
postage or they may hot be attended to. -
MR. VAN BURBN'S OPINIONS. ,
FROM THE RICHMOND ENQUIRER.
INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE,
detjcem Citizens of Elizabeth City County, Virginia, and
Mr. Van Buren.
We have the pleasure of laying- before our
readers this morning, a very frank and able let
ter from Mr. Van Buren, in reply to, four citi
,.n! nf Virginia. He developes his opinions in
relation to Abolitionism, the Tariff, Internal Im
provements, and the Militia Bill ot Mr. Foin
rTT. The last portion of the letter is perfectly
new and satisfactory. Mr. Van Buren expli
citly declares, that the Bill was not submitted to
him. before it was transmitted to Congress ,and
he moreover expresses himself in relation to the
arming and training of the militia, as every re
publican would desire." He cruelly dissipates
the humbug of the Whigs, on all these points;
and this Whig Standing Army ot 200.000 men,
will scarcely enter the field of electioneering a
gain. We recommend the letter fo the attention
of our readers-and we wonder very much,
whether General Harrison has answered the
same interrogatories. But he declares he will
not answer such interrogatories, whether put by
friend or foe. v
Elizabeth CityjCounty, Va., )
June 12, 1840. " $
Dear Sir : The prominent attitude which you
now occupy in relation to ihe coming Presiden
tial contest, confers upon every voter of this wide
ly extended Republic, however humble may be
his condition, a right to inquire your views upon
each one of these momentous questions which
now agitate the public mind.
Prompted, not by an impertinent curiosity, but
solely by a desire of ascertaining whether your
views, or those of Gen. Harrison, coincide more
nearly with our own, we are induce to pro
pound to you the following questions;vizr
1. Will you, if electetTPresielentr veto any bill
having for its object, the abolition, of Slavery in
the District of Columbia ; or would you sanc
tion any bill granting approp riations of public
money, to a?iy State, soliciting aid for the eman
cipation of their slaves?
2. Do you think that, at this time, the safety
of the public money requires a re-chartering of
the United States Bank; or would you sign a
bill. chartering such an institution?
3. Are you in favor of preserving entire the
tariff compromise?
4. Would you sanction any bill granting ap
propriations of the public money, for the purpose
of internal improvement, by means of canals,
rail roads, &c?
5. Do you approve of Mr. Poinsett's scheme
for the organization of the militia?
The preceding questions have been proposed
to Mr. Harrison. Believing their decision to be
of vital importance to the interests and institu
tions of the South, and hoping you may conceive
them to be of such consequence, as to merit an
answer, We are, respectfully,
Your obedient servants,
JOHN B. CARY,
A. G. HUDG1NS, M. D.
THOMAS JONES. J. P.
G. A. CARY.
Hon. M. Van Buren, President U. S.,
Washington.
mr. van buren s reply:
"Washington, July 3lst, 1840.
Gentlemen : Official duties growing out of the
closing scenes of a greatly protracted session of
Congress, added to those which are of daily oc
currence, have compelled me to postpone to this
time, a reply to your communication.
You have not, gentlemen, in the course you
have persu'ed, misjudged either the extent of your
own rights, nor the importance of a free-communication
of opinion between the constituent and
a proposed representative. The authority of the
elector to call in good faith on the candidate for
his favor, for an unreserved, avowal of his opin
ions in regard to all matters of public concern
that it may become his official duty to act upon,
is not only of inestimable value to tho success of
political institutions like ours, but may, 1 think,
witho.ut exaggeration, be regarded as indispens
able to the maintenance of republican Govern
ment. Viewing the subject in this light, and
having satisfied myself that in propounding ques
tions to me you have, as you assure me, been ac
tuated by an unfeigned desire to be able to be
stow your suffrages understanding, and to pos
sess yourself of information which you deem ma-
tenai to ma: end, l cheerfully comply with your
request.
You ask me, first, "whether, if elected Presi
dent, I will veto any, bill, having for its object
the abolition of slavery in the District of Colum
bia : or whether I will sanction any bill grant
ing appropriations of the public money to any
State, soliciting aid for the emancipation of their
slaves?" My attention has been frequently here-
totore called to the hrst branch of your inquiry,
and my views in respect to it, given. The sub
stance of them was repeated, with additional ex
planations, m a letter recently addressed by me
to a committee composed of citizens of Louisville,
Kentucky, in reply fo a question, embracing a-
mong other things, the particular point now re
ferred to. As my reply to your several ques
tions, will, unavoidably.be of considerable length,
I have not deemed it advisable to repeat that an
swer here but will cause each of you to be sup
Plied with a copy thereof, and cannot doubt your
being satisfied that I have at least fairly met ih
i -
:
subject. The second branch of your inquiry,
though scarcely of less importance, was not
brought into view on that occasion. Nearly all
now agree that the Federal Government possess
es no power to interfere with the institution of
slavery in the States, and the general and un
doubtedly the correct principle, is, that the Fede
ral Government cannot applv-the national lunQS
to objects, upon which they are either expressly
prohibited irom acting, or in respect to which
there is an acknowledged absence of delegated
power. Usage, supposed necessity & apparently
uncontrollable considerations of expediency have,
from'timeto time, led to limited expenditures for
which it was not easy to find a warrant in the
Constitution. But these have always been re
garded by the sincere friends of a strict construc
tion of that instrument as matters to be regretted,
and as far as possible to be prevented. The
form of your question presents for consideration
the points whether the consent of the slave States
could confer- on die Federal Government the
constitutional power to apply the public funds to
the emancipation of their slaves, l unhesitat
ingly say it could not, and that I never could
give my sanction to such a measure. If State
consent could confer power where the want of it
would otherwise be so manifest, I find it difficult
to conceive of any case in which the same result
could not, with at least equal propriety, be claim
ed to follow from the same cause. The esta
blishment from such a principle, must, in my
best judgment, inevitably lead t the prostration
of that partition of powers between the General
Land state vjrovern menus, vvimu iu name. a ui
the Constitution intended to erect, and might
well be dreaded as an opening wedge to an ear
ly and more extended action by Congress upon
the particular subject under consideration. We
have seen too much of the progressive character
of constitutional encroachments in the early sta
ges of the Government, to fee. assured, that a
continued practice of contributing to the emanci-
Dation of slaves by the appropriation ot money,
might not in course of time, lejd to attempts by
the Federal Government to accomplish the same
object, without either the consent of the slave
holder or indemnity for his loss."
You next ask me, gentlemen, whether I think
that, at this time, the safety of the public money
requires a re-chartering of the U. States Bank,
or whether I would sign a bill chartering such
an institution. My opinions upon the subject ot
a United States Bank were asked when I was
first a candidate for the Presidency, in 1836, and
were so fully given as to meet not only your
question, but also, I think, every aspect which
the subject can be made to assume. They will
be found in my letter to the Hon. Sherrod Wil
liams, of Kentucky, which has been extensively
p'ublished, and are therein thus expressed :
"You next ask whether I will sign and ap
prove (if it becomes necessary to secure and save
from depreciation, the revenue and the finances
of the nation, and to afford a suund currency to
the people of the United States,) a bill (with pro
per modifications and restrictions) chartering a
Bank of the United States.
"In the published letter of Mr. Butler to Mr.
Garland, which has already-been referred to, he
thus slates my opinions upon the subject of the
Bank: 'Mr. Van Buren's opinions in regard to
the Bank of the United States, were expressed
in the Senate of the United States, in 1828; re
peated in his letter to the Shocco Springs com
mittee, whilst a candidate for the Vice Presiden
cy, and have been so freely uttered by him, that
there cannot, I think, be occasion to say much
upon that subject. But to close the door to cavil,
I state 1st. That he holds that Congress does
not possess the power to establish a National
Bank in any of the States of the Union, nor to
establish in such States, the branch of any Bank
located in -the District of Columbia; and 2nd.
That he is, therefore, decidedly opposed to the
establishment of a Nation! Bank in any of the
States: and is also opposed to the establishment
of any such Bank in the District of Columbia,
as unnecessary and inexpedient, and as liable to
a great proportion of the abuses which have, in
. -e , j l-- .i d-i,
nis opinion, oeen practises uy me cxiauug uaim.
"This declaration, with other uniform, repeat
ed and published avowals of my sentiments, in
regard to a United States Bank, would, I had
supposed, be sufficient to save me from further
interrogation on that subject; but as you have
thought proper to push the inquiry further, and
to that end, to place the matter before me in a
form studiously adapted to present the question
in its most avorable contingent aspect, you will
I am sure, be neither surprised nor dissatisfied,
if I deem it due to myself aswell as to the sub
ject, to give it more particular and enlarged con
sideration than I have heretofore felt it necessa
ry or proper to do.
"I am induced to embrace for this purpose the
opportunity you have presented to me the more
readily, from a deep conviction of the incalcula
ble importance to the people of the United States,
that this loner agitated and distracting subject
should be finally settled, and from a hope that
what I have to say upon it may. Irom the situa
tion in which the partiality of my fellow-citizens
has placed me, contribute in some degree to so
desirable a result.
"I jrreallv fear, that whilst there is in any
nuarter reason to hoDe that a charter for a new
Bank can in anv condition of the country be ob
tainpd from the Federal Government, there will
bo- neither order nor stability in the pecuniary
operations of the country. If it can be ascer
tained that a discredited currency and pecunia
ry embarrassments, will bring a charter, what
security have we that such a state oi tnings win
not be Droduced ? Is it doinir violence to truth
and justice to attribute to expectations of this
character, the crusade which we have witnessed
for the last two years against the deposite Banks,
against the efforts of the Administration to re
store a specie currency, and against all the fis
cal arrangements of the Treasury? Will any
candid and well-informed man pretend that such
thino-s would have been, if it had been consider
ed as settled that the Bank of the United States
is not to be revived? I think not. The settle
ment of the deposite question, by the. bill of the
1 .Ml J ' L.I '
last session, win, uououess, cause busjjcusiuu
of this destructive career but is there not reason
to annrehend that it wiir recommence with the
first appearance of any thing like a reasonable
chance for the re-estabhshment ot a lNationa
Bank? Every thin?, therefore, which may
serve to arrest or prevent the agitation of this
subject, if only for a season, is of great value.
Tn ihs nnhlished oni-nions tn which I have al
ready referred, my opposition to the establish
TBfE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION OF THE
RALEIGH, N C. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1840.
ment of the United States Bank, in any of the
States, is placed on the want of constitutional
power in Congress to establish one. Those who
concur in denying this power, nevertheless, dif
fer among themselves in regard to the particular
views by which their respective opinions are
sustained. Some admit that Congress has a
right to create such an institution, whenever its
establishment becomes necessary to the collec
tion, disbursement, and preservation of the reve
nue; but iasist that no such necessity existed
when the charter of the old Bank expired, or
has arisen since. With this class, the conside
rations to which you allude, would be essential,
and m.ight have a controlling effect for such
persons make the power to establish a Bank de
pendant upon them. My objection, on the con
trary, is that the Constitution does not give Con
gress power to erect corporations within the
States. This was the main point of Mr. Jefier-
.'..'An vo n e-f tha acta Kl iQ K
suns ceteuraieu uumiuu uu-wob v.vv..i i
ment of the first National Bank. :It s an objec
tion which nothing short of an amendment to the
Constitution can remove. We know it to be an
historical fact, that the Convention refused to j
confer that power on Congress, and lam oppos
ed to its assumption by it upon any pretence
whatever. If its possession shall at any. time
become necessary, the only just way to obtain
it is to ask it at the hands of the people, in th
form prescribed by the Constitution. Holding
this opinion, and sworn to support that instru
ment as it is, I could not find in the circumstan
ces to which you refer, either warrant or excuse
for the exercise of the authority in question ; and
I am not only willing but desirous that the peo
ple of the United States should be fully informed
of the precise ground I occupy on this subject.
I desire more especially that they should know
it now. when an opportunity, the best our form of
Government affords, will soon be presented, to
express their opinion of its propriety. If they
are in favor of a National Bank, as a perma
nent branch of their institutions, or if they
desire a Chief Magistrate who will consider it
bis duty to watch the course of events, and give
or withhold his assent to such an institution, ac
cording to the degree of necessity for it that may
in his opinion arise from the considerations to
which your question refers, they will see that
co-ooeration in the promotion of either of
these views cannot be expected. If, on the other
hand, with this seasonable, explicit, and publish
ed avowal before them, a majority of the people
of the United States shall nevertheless bestow
upon me their suffrages for the office of Presi
dent, scepticism itself must cease to doubt, and
admit their will to be that there shall not beany
Bank of tho United States, until the people, in
the exercise of their sovereign authority, see fit
to nve to Congress the right to establish one.
'It is because 1 cannot doubt that the expres
sion of the popular will, made under such cir
cumstances, must have a tendency to arrest fur
ther agitation of this disturbing subject, for four
years at least, and most probably, from the great
moral influence which the often expressed opin
ion of the majority of the people in a republican
government is entitled to. for a much longer pe-
nod, that 1 am thus lull and explicit upon me
ooint to which you have called my attention
However much we may differ upon the abstract
question involved in this controversy, no reflect-
in" man can doubt the healthtui ana invigora
tins effects which any thing that looks like a set
tlement of this Question must have on all the
business, as well as political relations of the coun
try. The public mind has been long and pain
ullv ao-itated bv it. and needs repose. 1 he truits
of this agitation have been bitter and abundant
J CD . -
Men of business require to be put in a situation
that thev may adapt their affairs to a state of
things which promises permanency. I hat
character is alone necessary to give success to
the present system. No rational plan for the
Teoulation ofthe fiscal affairs of the country can
fail to succeed, if-the mass of our industrious and
enterprising population, without regard to local,
sectional or political distinctions, are oniysincere
Iv desirous for its success. Once satisly them
that thinns are in this respect to remain stable,
and it is not in the nature of things possible that
they can refuse their aid and support to that
which concerns them so nearly, and upon wnicn
their prosperity, private, as well as public, is.so
essentially dependent. If our correspondence
hal have the eHect to contribute in anv degree
to bnnff about a siate oi imngs in wmcu wc an
have so deen an interest, and which should be
desired by all, I will rejoice that it has taken
nlace.'
Mv conviction of the truth and justice of these
views upon this vitally important question, have
been confirmed by all my subsequent experience,
and will. I doubt not. from the principles upon
which they are founded, endure to the end of my
life.
Mv opinions upon the Tariff, which is the sub
lect of vour third question, were asKeu wnen i
. ' i . i j i i
was a candidate lor tne vice residency, oj' a
Dortion of mv fellow citizens of North Carolina,
... - 1 -WT .-ft -J 1
and freely given. Their application reached me
but a short period before the then approacning
election, and to secure in every portion ofthe
Union, as general and early knowledge oi my
. - - - . t
views as was practicable, 1 caused them to be
forthwith published at Albany. 1 ney were reit
erated in 1836 when a candidate for the Presiden
cy, and contain the general principles by which
it is mv intention to regulate my omciai course.
I was sincerely friendly to the passage of the
Compromise bill, and have always been and sn
am disposed to carry it into full and fair effect
The opinions ef which 1 have spoken were ex
pressed in the following terms
"Although mv official acts in relation to the
protective system might well be regarded as ren
dering the "avowal unnecessary, I think it,
nevertheless, nroner to say, that I believe the es
tablishmeni of commercial regulations, with a
view to the encouragement of domestic products,
to be within the constitutional power of Congress
Whilst, however. I have entertained this opinion
it has never been my wish to see the power in
question exercised with an oppressive inequality
unon anv portion of our citizens, or for the ad
vantage of one section of the Union at the expense
of another. On the contrary. I have at ill times
believed it to be the sacred duty of those who are
entrusted with the administration ot the tedera
nvernment to direct its operations in the man
ner best calculated to distribute, as equally as
possible, its. burdens and blessings amongst the
spvpril States and the people. My views upon
this subject were several years ago spread before
th rjeonle of this State, and have since been
I 4
STATES THEY "MUST bE FRESBRVED
widely diffused through the medium of the pub- be restricted to the
lie nress. Mv obiect at that time was to invite extend1 in that fo
tha attention of mv immediate constituents to a ings, when carrie
dispassionate consideration of the subject in its
. . I l I
various bearings, bein well assurea mat sucn
an investigation would bring them to a standard
which, from its moderation and lusnce, wouiu
furnish the best o-uarantee for the true interests
" s .1
of all. If, as has been supposed, those views
have contributed in anv degree to produce a
state of feeling so much to be desired, I have rea- Federal government the right to make appropri
son to be gratified with the result. ations in aid of works which might be regarded
"The approaching, and, it the policy oi me
present Executive is allowed to prevail, tne cer-
tain and speedy extinguishment of the national
debt has presented on opportunity for a more
equitable adjustment of the tariff, which has been
already embraced by the adoption of a concilia-
tory measure, the spirit of which will, l aouot
nou continue to be cherished bv all who are not
desirous of advancing their private interest at
- jjitf sacrifice .pf those oi the public, and wno piace
. . . , . ?. i i ii
a iust value unon the neace and harmony ol the
Union
7 1 '
The protective system and its proper adjust-
ment became a subiect of frequent and necessary
consideration, whilst I formed a part of the cabi-
noi- and tha manner in ivhih th Hrpsirfpnt nro-
ft.v,. , uimiuv .i.uiftwv.. ... .. . . i
Dosed to carrv into effect the policy in relation to
imposts, recommended in his previous messages,
has since been avowed with that frankness which
belongs to his charactor. To this end he recom-
mended a modification of the tariff, which
should prodice a reduction of the revenue to the
wants of the government and an adjustment of
the. dutn untn imrtorts. with a view to eaual jus-
. - . . . - . 1
in rolnhn-n. in nil mi.T nn.tinnaL interests, and
' -- I
to
as
In these sentiments I fully concur : and I have
vnnti hi i.niri.ous in innse. interests. I
kn .hue Pr.ir.t in the statement of them, that
hprp maw fc no room for misannrehenaion as to
my own views upon the subject. A sincere and
fiiithfnl annlication of these nnncinles to our let?-
islation, unwarped by private interest or political
design a restriction of the wants of the govern-
mpni tn a simnle and economical administration
nf its nffn'rs the onlv administration which is
consistent with the purity and stability of the re-
publican system a preference in encouragement
aivpn to such manufactures as are essential to the
national defence, and its extension to others in
proportion as they are adapted to our country,
and of which the raw material is produced by racter spoken orand not embraced in the excep- millions, the immense and consequently orjpres
ourselves, with a proper respect for the rule tion which has been pointed out, for the present, sive excess of the existing 'preparatory enrol-
which demands that all taxes should be imposed
- I
lit U I UliUl Willi V uvrawvy uuu v4 iwivu I
.,t,v.:svn trx ihfttk nhilitir onH nr.nnif inn m tha I
contributors, would, lam convinced, give ulti-
mate satisfaction to a vast majority of the neo-
ple ofthe United States, and arrest that spirit
of discontent which is now unhappily so preva-
lent, and which threatens such extensive injury
to the institutions of our country."
You next ask me, whether I would sanction
any
1 1
money,
bv mear
- . . .. . I
Mv views upon the subject of internal improve-
J . .' ' - . . .
ment bv the federal ffovernmenl were given at
thf. surnn n'mp and unon th same annlication.
Thev are as fo lows :
r 14 I
Tntmal Tmnrovoments arts so diversified in I
iheir nature, and the nossible arencv of the Fed-
iral Government in their construction so variable
ir rhnracipr nnrl He'trreH. as to render it not a
ittli difficult to lav down anv precise rule that
will embrace the whole subject. The broadest
and hst defined division is that which distm-
euishes between the direct construction of works
of internal imorovement bv the general govern-
ment. and necuniarv assistance eiven by it to
such as are undertaken by others. In the for-
mer are included the right to make and establish
roads and canals within the states, and the as-
sumption of as much jurisdiction over the terri-
tory they may occupy, as is necessary to their
preservation and use. I he latter is restricted to
- - . - - . i i.
simple grants of money, in aid of such. works,
when made undr stale authority.
Th FVdraT Government does not in mv o-
pinion, possess the power first specified ; nor can
derive it from the assent ol the state in which
such works are to be constructed. Ihe money
power, as it is called, is not so free from difficu
ty. Various rules nave irom time to time Deen
suggested by those who properly appreciate the
imoortance ot precision and certainty in opera
lions of the federal power ; but they have been so
ita nrartlrnl annlication to the ooerations of o-ov-
. i 1 1 l 1.1 ti , i
ommonr has neen sensiDiv jeiL uv an wnn nave
been entrusted with the management of public
"-.-, " r J - . .
nflT.;rs The whole subiect was reviewed in the
President's Maysville message. Sincerely be-
- J
hVuintr that the best interests ofthe whole coun-
trv the auiet. not to say the stability, of the
j , '" . J
Union and the preservation otlhat moral force
V" . .
which perhaps, as much as any other, holds it
tocrthflr imneriouslv reauired that the destruc-
tive course of legislation upon that subject then
prevalent, should, in some proper and constitu-
"The opinions declared bv the President in
the Maysville, and his succeeding annual mes-
snoe as I understand them, are as follows . 1st.
.. . ..
That Congress does not possess the power to
make and establish a road or canal witnin a
-- ... . . I .
vious amendment of the constitution conferring
that power and defining and restricting us exer-
cise, vvith reference to the sovereignity oi iue
states, is indispensable. 2d. An intimation oi
his belief that the right to make appropriations
in aid of such internal improvements as are of a
national character has been so o-eneTally acted
, w -. -
Propriauons snuutu, wnu mo .f .
r i ... i k.1,T i.nk.
. ...a. mi. n rA Avruiii iiiii ui aiii.n
as relate to ngm uuuoco, umw..-, "--J--r
lie piers and other improvements in the har-
bors and navigable rivers of the United btates,
for the security and facility of ourloreign com-
... - - rf . - , .
merce, be deterred at least until our uauai
is paid. 3d. That if it is the wish of the people
that the agency ofthe federal Government should
t i .1 . If .M Mn.l nam
bill granting appropriations OI me puOllC I esi anu uuuuinuu vm iug umciciu oiaica ceuiu U1CSD cuiuaiib nuiuo. jLh io iauriuti)Kuiuiit
, for the purposes of internal improvement, lail to receive uinmaieiy me constitutional sane tne. wnoie aauu population -or tne country can,
I I 1 n I . ! . . 1 V i r,i.ir ...t ft U Z ft 1 I I ....II r . . n 1 f k tkmOallTOD .ffllll Bltinlue ..Eft-
lS or canals. lai iroaus. cz,c. ; iiiun, wuuiu uc uuwi" lujuonic iu me iuiciii"nice iui win iuimwu niciusfito ,i.ii iuc uw.im ic-
requently infringed upon by the apparently una- limited ; but 1 will nevertheless give you such more equitacie disposition oi me wnoie military
i ii : .- ,u, 1, fii nnA inon,, aa T have Kp.hi nKlu tn tal'a -f tha dhV!ui. (nrcf nf ihft couiitrv than anv heretofore nresent-
satisfactory settlement of the question has beeu of your inquiry. ed, appears to have been the opinion of the coni-
prevented. The wide difference between a defi- The Constitution of the United States authori- mittees of both houses of Congress. The
niimn ni i n nower in uuesiiun u nun naner. biiu ucs uwhsiooo iu uiuiu iui ui a u,u.ti; , ui un.it ii i a w. . . - . . - , -- ...
tional way be arrested, J throughout gave to me nve, wnu some eiiuiuemieu eAcepiins; are duu mc uunueua oa nui ao ucnemo, muionjudi
measure of which that document was an exposi- to be enrolled and divided by the several States ly distributed among the people. 3d. In exclud
t.nn mwactiw Htilous. and anxious support. into companies, batalions, regiments, brigades ing from enrolment all between 18 and 20 years
state, with a right of jurisdiction to the extent I at their own expense. 3rd. That they shall be spects the oinerent plans ar understood to De
have stated and that if it is the wish of the peo- disciplined according to the rules approved and substantially the same. They are so with re
plethat the construction of such works should be established by Congress, on the 29th of March, gard to the authority of officers over the pivates,
LruVon K ti.o Trml Government, a pre- 1779: and 4th. That the rules for the govern- and the rules for the government of "all when
upon, and so lonw acquiesced in by the iederai ges every citizen ouiy en ronea, to oe -constantly i nerc cenamiy exiais w buius caicui a fju
and state o-overnments and the constituents of provided with arms, accoutrements and ammuni- dice in the public mind against the'application
each to justify its exercise, but that it is nev- tion," was re-enacted during the administration ofthe same rigor in the discipline of citizen
erthe'less highly expedient that even such ap- uf Mr. Jefferson: and so much of that act as es- soldiers, who are only called out for short pe-
..- .l.u .k., ..vmmn ofsnch faKHshod tha discinline and regulations ot Baron riods of setvice. as that which is applied by au
appropriation of money, and
rm in aid of such undertak-
d on by state authority, then the
occasion, the manner, and the extent of the appro-
I lift t . t ..
priation, snouia oe mane tne sunjecioi coasmu-
tional regulation.
-m mese . views l
concurredfltnd I likewise
. sot m "
participated in the dilnculties wnicn were.en-
countered, and expressed by the President, in
adopting the principle which concedes to the
as oi a national character aimcumes wnicn
arose as wen irom tne danger oi consmenng
mere usage the foundation of the right, as from
the extreme uncertainty and consequent inseca-
rity of the best rule that had ever been adopted,
or that could, in the absence of positive constitu-
iionai provisions, De estannsnea. ine reasons
on which these objections were founded are so
fully stated in the document referred to, and have
oeen so eens.veiy promuigateu inai ir is
- ...7 1 i
unnecessary for me to repeat them here. Sub-
sequent reuecuon anu experience nave con-
.13 ? j r l i
firmed my.apprehension of the injurious conse-
quences which would probably flow from the
continuation of appropriations for internal Im-
nrovements : with no better rule tor the oovern-
j , . o
ment of Congress than that of which I have
spoken ; and I do not hesitate to express it as my
opinion, that tne general and true interests or tne
country would bo best consulted by withholding;
them, with the exceptions which I have already
referred to, until some constitutional regulation
upon the subject has been made. ,
"In this avowal I am certainly not influenced
. r , r -n . S - . ...
bvieelinss 01 inuinerence. much lass ot hosti itv.
- . , . . . " I
lents. As such, they can
them all the proper aid in my power, for which,
uuve uu ciiciJiica. j uave never omi ueu 10 f ve
bv the wa y. I claim no particular merit, ns I do
not believe there is an honest and sine man in
the country who does not wish to see them pros-
per : but their construction, and .the manner in
which, and the means by which they are to b'e
effected, are quite different questions. Rather
than arain expose our legislation to all the
corrupting influences of those scrambles and
combinations in Congress which have been hero-
totore witnessed, and tne other attairs ot the
country to the injurious effects unavoidably re-
suiting from them, it would, in my opinion, be
infinitely preferable to leave works of the cha-
to the supports upon which they have reposed
m i - I
with sn TTlIlfh SriffPS hi T ihf Inct t'rt vonrc
" - - j I
viz : State efforts and private enterprise. If the
great body of the people become convinced that
the progress of these works should be accelerated
by the Federal arm, they will not refuse to come
to some proper constitutional arrangement upon
thesubject. The supposition that an equitable
rule, which pays a proper respect to the inter-
f ii t . i . t . i I
oi tne country, oy sucn a settlement oi tne
...... " i j j
question, our political system, in auuiuon to me
other advantages derived from it. would, in
1." . .1 1 t , I
relation to mis suoject ai least, oe relieved irom
those dansrerous shocks which sprinsz- from
diversities of opinion upon constitutional points
of deep interest: and, in the mean time the re-
sources of the country would be best husbanded
by being left in the hands of those by whose
labor they are produced."
To this exposition ol my opinions upon the-
general subject, were added some additional ob-
servations, in my letter to .vi r. vviinanis, already
referred to. They were chiefly applicable to
'"the improvements of our harbors and the remov-
al ol partial ano temporary oD&iructions in our
navigabla rivers, lor the facility of our foreign
commerce," and the best means of checking the
tendency to abuses which such appropriations of-
i. i j rn . . i : j i i I i i i
ten proauceu. io ine principle i;uu uown in me
two publications referred to, I still adhere, and
u nas Deen my enueavor to carry mem into iuu
and Iair endCl 10 trie administration or the uov
eruiuciu, oiutc . uavc i.ocu oi 3 urau. " UCY
have been departed from, in respect to any
works commenced under my administration I
am not advised ol n.
In conclusion, you ask me, "whether I ap-
prove of Mr. Poinsett's scheme for the organ iza-
tion ofthe militia?"
Mv knowledge of military affairs is verv
and disciplining the militia, and for governing
I -. I . L I L. . . . C ft 1 FT . I . . J . . I
inem wueu m ine bcivivc ui iue uuiieu omits
. . . . -
reserving to the States the appointment oj ojjices
and the authority to zratrathe militia according
1 - I
to the mode of discipat?prescnbed by Congress.
In execution of this grantof power. Congress,
during the administration of General Washing-
I . , . j i...
ton ana upon nis recommenuaiton, passeu a law
I . . . r . . . i-t ,
tor the organization oi tne mmtia oi tne united
States. By this act, it is provided 1st. That eve-
ry free white citizen of the United States, resi-
dent therein, between tne ages oi nneen and lorty-
and divisions, upon principle therein established,
i j i ! i . ca ii .1 i :
ana in nice manner omcereu oy .uem, acco ruing
to the rules prescribed by Congress for deter-
mining their number and respective rank. and.
I mi .1 llJ .L. L. I
-lnatme numm mus enroueu, sunn uc nucu
ment of the militia when called into the service
of the United States, (the manner and occasions ot
aoing wnicn oemg pouueu uui uy wauan uc
the same rules and articles or war, as are provio-
ed for the government of the troops ofthe United
States.
The provision of the act pf 1792, which obli-
i i i . 1 1 i .i .i
i i:iiii x iru inn .a il. i iiiiuu miu ieuii
, ' , , , . ,
I cla,,kan enKaoniiontltr rMnoaln. nnr in, svs.
.. . .. . r , "
tern of discipline and exercises oi me regular ar-
my was adopted for tne militia.
These addition-
al provisions, with occasional acts respecting the
appointment ot the officers by the States, and
,rtr,rriorr th rpffnlftimns coDcemin? 1 the nav and
subsistance of the militia when in the acfChlscr
I.. . . . . . T I . ,1. r. I. 1-
TOLi-Yt NO. 305.
THREE DOLLARS PER ANTtUM.
vice ofthe United States, and the preparation and
distribution of a system of tnctics, constitute eve
ry material part ofthe legislation of Congii;ss'up
on the subject of the militia since the establish
ment of the government,
. The organization of the militia thus establish
ed has been in force nearly fifty years, ft va?
ries in many essential particulars from that re
commended by Gen. Washington, and has beeti
regarded ever since its adoption as defective in
air eminent degree, as well by the successivo
Presidents of the United Slates, as by all other'
persons whose habits of life and opportunities
of personal observation have fitted inem to form'
sound opinions upon the subject. Its improve
ment was thereore an object of unceusing'and
anxious solicitude on the part of Gen. Washing
ton, and almost every successive President com
menced his career with calling the attention of
Congress to the subject, and closed it with ex
pressions of regret that.these recommendations
had ' proved unavailing.1- General "Cass, when'
Secretary of war, stated in an official report, that
this subject had been presented for consideration''
no less than thirty one times in official execu
live communications, commencing wan tho in
augural address of President Washington.
The principal objections to the present sys
tem appear to arise from the great and unneces
sary extent of the enrolment ofthe militia held
to actual service, and who are required to mus
ter and to do duty a certain number of days in
the year, and from the want of adequate means'
or inducements to secure a proper instruction j
bv reason of which this heavv tax is not only
rendered in a great degree useless, but jsaloo un-
reasonaoiv ourueri!uiut
ill J
tJy tne Jb euerai oonsniuuon, congress uua iue
. -v-. . l I .u
execute the laws of the Union, suppress msur-
uuci - ij i " nui. .v.. wunwi .vim ...w ..........
rection and repel invasions. I he militia force
provided for these purposes by existing laws,
and vvrncn to render it effective, ts compelled to
be at all limes provided with arms, accoutre-
ments and ammunition, and to ba mustered and
drilled at stated periods, and kept always ready
for service, comprises, wiin limited and enumer-
ated exemptions, the whole of the able bodied
male white population of the United States, be-
tween the ages oi id ana 40. w nen ii is. fw
sidered that the number of these according to
official returns exceed a mil lion and a half of
men, and probably at this period, amounts to two
ment, beyond the possible wants cl the country
II W - .
mn&t hrt nnnarenttO ail. HOW iaf tfie eXlSLiniT
organization and laws passed by the States m
Tl 3
pursuance thereol have proved successmi in ac-
complishing the great object in view, viz : tho
instruction and improvement of citizen soldiers
in military tactics, you are able to judge for
yourselves. The results were a short time since
summed up by the oracer beiore alluded to, in
quireapy iaw , or iuai lueir coueeuuu, ior any
i r j .i iv i a: i . .la
i i i . .i ,.i I- ii . : r
numoer oi uay iuey tun uuuru iu uevuie iu mis
obiect. and under the utual circumstances of
sucn assemoiages, can prouuee any oenenciai
I LI J 1
effects to themselves or their country. Alrea-
dv, in a number of the States, the. system has
sunk under the weight of public opinion, and
the practical question now is, whether we shall
remain in fact, defenceless, or resort to a large
standing military force in time or peace, mat just
dread ot all iree. Utovernment, or adopt an em-
cient plan, which will prepare for the public de-
tence me grea;esi lorce ai me leust . eosi, ana
without danger.
To remedy the evils of the present system, it
Uas been repeatedly proposed to reorganize the
militia in such manner as to reduce the number
Qf me0 who shall be filled and always ready to
perform the service contemplated by the consti-
" . , - .n.
tution, say Irom the number ol two mriions to
two hundred thousand and to pay the latter
a reasonable compensation out of the JNational
Treasury, m order to remunerate them tor the
increasea ourioeii tnus imposed upon mem.
Several nlans. to effect this purpose, have, from
time to time, been submitted lo Congress, by suc-
eessive Secretaries of War., commencing with
General Knox's, in 1790, and ending with that
of Mr. Poinsett's in 1840. T hat Mr. Poinsett's
is, in many respects, preferable to those which
have preceded it, and is calculated to effect a
the able reports made by their respective chair-
. ,ftM n, V-i loot coclnn ir UiaU hn tru Ktf n mi K.
men. m 'a .
.... i I 1 . J J . . J
lished and extensively circuiaieu, ana are stated
as lonows,
1st. It extends the pay, lor the period occu-
. i a
pied in training, to privates as well as to com-
missioned and non-commissioned officers, to whom
-. i: :. . j . u i .i c i .
u was immeu in mo jjiaus oi uiueis. ;u. xi
I . j . i : r i i
introduces me principle oi rotation, oy wnicn.
the period during which the citizens are engag-
ed in traiuing is diminished, and the instruction
mey receive more uirecuy impaneu to me mass.
of age, being the period in life in which young
i i .!,;. .:
men are euipiuyeu m uuisumg mwr cuutnuou,
learning a trade or studying -the profession by
wnicn mey nope
to obtain
a livelihood, in
In all other re
I.L
mese cicicm-co,
I concur.
called out for drill. They all propose, that the
rules snouia oe tnose estaousnea lor tne gov.
cimuciu ui ic juo -Mmuig up
pnes tuose ruies w me muw, wuen caneu ini
the service of the United States, and has done so
for many years past. Mr. Poinsett's plan does
not add a single penalty or new provision.-
i m i
I . , , .r.,.,,:
nntmns ta those who make arms a profession.
it win De ior congress iu iu5p a.ucu uy iD
. ... , ,. . r . :aa u.. u
oninions of experienced military men, whether
the discipline of the militia, when called into
the service ofthe United States, will admit of
I nv relaxation. No one appears vet to have
- thought so. The rale by which Congresn
ij
t
t :
i :
M
w