Newspapers / The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, … / Sept. 14, 1842, edition 1 / Page 1
Part of The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
, ,;-. - - ' 1-,-. THOMAS LORING, THE' CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION OP THE STATES THE Y , fMU.3T EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR RALEIGH, N.C. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 1842. TH.R E E(DO L LARS, PE R ANN U J)l. - 4 ' 1 ; , -. 1 ). THE' CONSTITUTION AND THE ONION OF THE ST ATE3 THEY, "MU.ST BE PRESERVED," r ' ' . 1 1 VOL. VIII. ' NO. 111. jj TIiBOKTHCAROIIIf ASTANDAlXp IS PUBLISHEfi'WEEKLY, AT ! THREE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE: Those persons who remit by Mail (postage paid) ,55 will be entitled to a receipt for g6, ,or two years' subscription to the Standard or lico co pies for one year, for the same amount. , . vlx five copies, : : : - -: : : $12 , I CC - , - 40 , The same rate for six months. ' " fo order will receive attention unless : the 'iioaey accompanies it. Advertisements, not exceeding jourieen lines, ' ... . . .1 ' C ,1 . 1 77... r. Will te instiicu uic mioa tut c iwn.i , auu twentv-'ive cents for each subsequent inseition; those of greater length in proportion. If the number of insertions be not marked on them, will be continued until ordered out. Court A lrerlisemenls and Sheriff's Sales, will be charged 25 per cent, higher thanthe usual' rates. A deduction 01 jj$ per cent, willibe made to those who advertise dy tne year. Letters to tne jailor must come jree oj jjusiuc, or they may not be attended to. Office on Hillsborough street, south side, be tween McDowell and Dawson streets. SENATE OF TOE UNITED - STATES D 'bcJa 011 the passage of the Tariff Bill, August 27,. 1342. On motion of Mr. Evans, the Senate took up ill-; bill to provide revenue from imports, and to change anl modify existing laws .imposing duties ; compose the Union, and of the Union itself, is on imports, and for other purposes'. The question j so low that no money can be borrowed upon the (ending being on ordering the amendments to be pledged faith of the United States. In the pub aioTOSsed fora third reading lie journals, capitalists are forewarned against him Mr Buchannan said he owed it to his own pe-iand cautioned not to render themselves the dupes !inr nosition hi relation to this bill, as well as I position ) tho im do nance 01 tne interests 1 - r . 1 . ts which it in vol v- oJ. to address the Senate 1 for a few minutes upon iiie subject un Jar consideration. He had never tl h himself placed in a more embarrassing posi lion than that which he occupied at the present lmmnt. In this situation he had anxiously en deavored to discover the path of duty ; and having as ho believed, succeeded, he had determined to trct'.d it without fear of consequences. Sir. (continued Mr. B.,) the only alternatives now presented to the Senate, is, whether we shall ! ins this bill, or leave tne country m us present deplorable condition ? Every substitute proposed for t!i3 bill has failed; and it is morally impossi ble that any other measure can now be introduced i:i iis stead, with the least hone of success. The Ln hour of th 3 session is rapidly approaching ! "v rnn't speedily resolve either to pass the ! j, resent bill, or to do notnmg. In what I intend to say, I shall studiously re- ! . " . "l . . 1 1 . t 'Hi i.om arousing anv nuniicai ui ut'isuiui lut-i- but shall be content simply to puce my i.i 'that nosition before my own constituents self and the country WI15 e 1 desire to srana. r T 1 L t us. then, for a few moments, consider the two horn? of the dilemma the two alternatives ' p:-r s.r.t? I to the Senate. If you shall adjourn with :Kit passing any bill, what wTill b3 the consequen ts? In the first place, you will then continue, mi l most probably perpetuate, the distribution of t'.i- proceed of the public lands among the sever id States. This is injvitable, if you should not n:53 tho duties on imports above twenty per cent. Now, sir, whilst I freely accord to my Whig i'rionds the utmost honesty of purpose in clinging to this distribution, they will allow me credit for an equal degree of sincerity, when I declare that, in j f.? A. " my opinion, it is one 01 tne mosi unwise nay most unwise nav dingerous measures which has ever been adopt- . I ej by Congress. I do not mten I to go into the rr-.n-.r, nnpc'inn n nrfspnt having already, djr- s ....... .r. nificent inheritance of the public lands, it is my firm belief that we and our dscen l ints will regret tho deed to the last posterity. Whilst we retain . . m -m this glorious fund, purchased by the toils and the llool of our revolutionary ancestors, let foreign war come when it nuy; let our commerce be s.vept from the ocean by a superior naval power; end let thre no longer be any revenue from cus- t;::i3) still we shall have a never-failing resource in the revenue from the public lands to assure our ialepen lence and our safety. This consideration one is sufficiently powerful to maucc me to vote he almost any bill which would arrest this fatal 1 1 Ml 1 would consider almost any 0111 (and, in several particulars, I dislike this bill as much as any Senator on this floor) a triumph, which shall restore the land fund to the treasury of the United States, and settle this agitating ques tion. I introduce this subject, not for the purpose of exciting political debate, but for that of present ing myself in my true attitude before the people of the country. Again : if we adiourn v ithout passing any bill j what will be the condition m. wnicn- ws suan leave the treasury of our country? "Why, sir, many of the ablest lawyers throughout the Union well as a large, majority in both -Houses of Congress, hold the opinion that there is now no h'v in existence under which any revenue can be collected. This is the almost universal opinion of the Whig party; and it is also the opinion of my friend from South Carolina, Mr. Calhoun. op whose judgment I am disposed to place great re liance. This, I confess, is not my opinion ; but experience has taught me to distrust my own judg ment, especially upon legal qncstionsj when it comes in conflict with that of wiser and abler men. Should they prove to be right,--if we ad journ without passing any billwe shall fix a deep and disgraceful blot upon" the character of the country, which time could not efface. But, even suppose it should hereafter be decided that duties can be collected under existing laws: the conscqnonces would be almost as appalling.' Eve ry dollar of duty which is how paid, is paid under protest; and, to say. the least, it is extremely doubt ed whether every cent of revenue that is now re ceived at the custom-house must not eventually be refunded. The whole scanty and deficient revenue of the Government i3 now in litigation; and if we .should adjourn without passing any bill, will con tinue to be- in litigation ; and no man knows what will be the result. ' This is the condition of the treasury of our country at the present moment. ow. sir, is this a condition that any mm any American citizen any American patriot can contemplate without ft-elings of shame, mortifica tion, and sorrow? . '.... -'. And how stands our national credit at the pre sent moment ? In that abject posture to which our feckless course has reduced.it. . Sir, public credit !s the very lifeblood of. the nation. To restore it, we ought to make every sacrifice consistent with 1"." - ITI - 1 II iri.T the present session, fully presented my views uany orcaa Dy uiu s-.vuii ui men. ana juu cpm the subject. Thus much, however, I shall j lv entitled to our sympathy and kindness. Urvuer d'clare that if we squander away our most mag-1 the uniform twenty. per cent, ad valorem duty of honor. - We had ever maintained our credit un sullied, from the time. when we sprung1 into exis tence as a nation, until the period when unfortunate dissensions' arose between the dominant party and the President. Now, our treasury is insolvent; the public creditors have large demands" against it, which it is unable to meet; the state of things is daily growing worse;-and there is even danger that the operations of the Government may be wholly suspended:- and yet we propose to adjourn leaving the country in this fearful, this deplorable condition. Bad, indeed, must be the bill present ed before me, if it be, as it is in this case, the only alternative for these evils, for which I should not vote. 1 confess I shrink from the responsibility of recording my vote against this bill, when its fate may, and most probably will, depend upon my single voice. I have never, in the whole course of my life, read any publication with .deeper feelings of mor tification than an extract from an article in a Lon don paper, which I have just seen in the National Intelligencer of Thursday last. In what estima tion is the credit of this great and glorious Repub lic now held on the other side of the Atlantic ? That proud and arrogant nation, to whom you have sent a special messenger to beg for a lOanto supply your exhausted treasury, has received your iTnsenger with contempt and scorn. 1 he langu age 01 tnis article is so strong ana so unjust, inai I shall not repeat it in the American Senate. Your messenger is treated with contempt, when he presents himself before the British capitalist. He is told that the credit both of the States which ot our Government. AnI th:s m .knglana! How mortifying to the honest pride of every true hearted American ! Now, I maintain that the first duty of an A merican statesman is to make any honorable sac rifice of opinion which may be necessary to sus tain the credit and character of his country. Without the passage of this very bill for we can obtain no other we shall be disgraced at " home and still more disgraced abroad. Without it, we descend from our lofly elevation, and tarnish that high character which it is our duty to maintain iu rvery sacnuce. But the worst has not' yet arrived. If Con gress should adjourn without passing any revenue bill, after having already appropriated twenty four millions of dollars, in what condition will the Government itself be placed? Ot will be des- titute of the means to meet your own appropria tions: and it may not even be able to Keep your navy afloat, or to pay the -officers and soldiers of your army. We shall leave behind us a bank rupt treasury, and shall return home to meet a ruined people. With what joy. such disastrous events would be hailed by the enemies of our free institutions throughout tho world! whilst the friends of freedom in every land, who have been looking to our example as their stars of hope a midst the gloom of despotism, would receive the dismal intelligence with the most melancholy forebodings. Without adverting further to the condition in which we should leave the treasury and the Gov ernment of our country, let us take a hasty glance at -the consequences to Hrge classes of our best and most useful citizens. If you pass no bill, you will 1 . C 11 .1 1 1 rum a very large portion 01 an ina mecnanics ana artisans throughout the country. These are not ao be counted by nunureus or dv mousina, out hundreds or by thousand by hundreds of thousands; and for intelligence and .1 IT devotion to country, tney are not suipaaoeu Dy any other class in the community Liiy i,au men ... . 1 1 . 1 r.L":r " ,1 tne compromise law, iney musi auauuuu mtii uu siness, or be aeprivea 01 empiuynu ni. I have 1 r been informed, from numerous and authentic sour ces, that sore distress already prevails among them, especially in our large Atlantic cities; and' that . a .MI their prospects for the next winter are ternoie. The price of mechanical labor is much cheaper in Europe than in this country ; and, therefore, if you impose no higher rate of duty upon the made- . 1 .1 1 I composed, you must destroy their business. Im-j up article, than upon the material ot wnich it is pose the same rate of tluty upon foreign cloth and upon ready-made clothing upon loreign leatner and upon boots anil shoes and your tailors and shoemakers have no incidental protection what ever. Ardwhy? Because, notwithstanding your duty, their labor comes into equal and direct com petition with the pauper labor of foreign countries, and we shall be supplied with ready-made cloth ing and with boots and shoes from abroad, at low ernrices than they can by possibility be afforded I at home. I might greatly extend this list of me chanics, by adverting to hatters, saddlers, and oth- 1 m -r TTTf . . 1 er tradesmen; but 1 lorbear. vv natever, men, may be your duty upon the articles which these mechanics work up, you must discriminate by im posing a higher duty upon the article when pre pared for use by the foreign mechanic, or you must deprive our own mechanics of employment. Such a result would be deprecated by every Sena tor upon this floor. The present bill makes the necessary discrimination. I shall not now dwell upon the distress which would be produced throughout my own State, among the laboring classes who have heretofore foundemploymeht at our numerous furnaces and forgesand in our coal-mines. From their habits of fife, they are in a great degree unfitted for other employments; and even' if this were not the' case, there is no demand for. their labor in any other pursuit. My heart sickens at the prospect of mis ery and distress which will visit them ' and their families throughout the approaching winterif no bill should pas3. u But I have heretofore adverted to this subject more at large, and shall not farther pursue it at the present. ' - - ' ; I have thus hastily sketched one side of the pic ture; and now let me hasten to the other. I ad mit, most cheerfully, that the bill is extravagant in the" protection which it affords; and, in some in stances, is altogether prohibitory. It is a bill of which I do not approve,', and for which I would not vote, were it not for the present unparalleled condition ofthe existing law. the treasury, and the country. I had earnestly hoped that it might be modified and amended by' the Senate'In such a manner a3 to render it more' acceptable but in this I have been utterly disappointed. No reduc tion of duties whatever has ' been made upon any ofthe protected articles, with the exception of iron, an article in which Pennsylvania is deeply in terested and one cent per square yard on-cotton bao-o-in. The duties upon hammered, rolled, and pig iron have - been reduced considerably be low the standard of the act of 1832' but of this I do not complain. I do not desire that any manu facture of Pennsylvania should be protected by a prohibitory duty. . All I ask is that such inciden tal protection may be. afforded as will enable the manufacturer to live. I ask no more, notwith standing the annual value of iron and its manufac tures alone, produced in that State,, has been esti mated, by those who understand the subject, at more than twenty-one millions of dollars a great er amount than the whole value of cotton produced in any State of this Union. No Senator can sup pose that I would patiently witness the sacrifice of such a vast interest in my native State. The quty on iron in bars is so far from being prohibi tory, that in 1839, when it was nearly thesame as it would be under the present bill, it alone.yieM ed to the treasury more than two. millions of dol lars. I venture to predict that bar iron, under this bill, (should it become a Jaw,) will -yield a great er amount of revenue, in a fair proportion, than any other article in the whole catalogue. Sir, most of the other great interests of ' the country have received as great, and many of them 'a great- er, protection than was afforded them under the act of 1832. If, therefore, I were to look at this bill in a sectional point of view ; or if it were pre sented to me in any other aspect than as a means of saving the country from impending elistress, I should most certainly vote against hs engrossment. When I came to Congress at the commence ment of the present session, I confess I entertain ed better and brighter hopes. I thought that the propitious moment had arrived for settling the tariff question upon a permanent basis. I hoped that such a scale of eluties could have been agreed upon, considering the pressing demand for reven ue, as would have afforded sufficient incidental protection to our leading branches of manufacture, and proved satisfactory to the whole country. I was prepared to go as far as I possibly could, to satisfy the wishes of my friends in the South : and I believed that they were also desirous of meeting me halfway, and compromising this vexed ques tion. I was disposed to yield much, believing that less incidental protection would be sufficient for the manufactures, when they knew it was to bi permanent. This spirit of conciliation was that which gave birth to our institutions, and this alone can preserve them. In such a spirit, I advised a valued friend in the House Mr. Ingersoll to introduce a bill restoring the duties as they stood in 1839. This bill would have scarcely produc ed sufficient revenue to supply the wants of the treasury; and it would have reduced all the du ties under the act of 1832 in equal proportion.. I regretted to find that this measure of conciliation received no support from my Southern political friends, with whom it has ever been my pride and pleasure to act in harmony. Even a proposition to restore the duties to what they were in 1810 met with a similar fate. And such was niy anxie ty to manifest my friendly disposition on the sub ject, that I would have voted on yesterday for a similar proposition introduced by the Senator from Virginia, Mr. Rives although I knew it then came too late, had it not contained the (to me) odi ous tax upon tea and coffee. If the present ex: travagant bill should be forced upon the country I fl-el conscious that I have done every thing that I could to avert it, in the only manner possible by most earnestly and sincerely endeavoring to unite our political friends in favor of a moderate and conciliatory measure.' I would upon the pre sent, as upon almost every other occasion, hare 1 acted upon the principles of General Jackson n 1 1 l- 1 -.1 r I man nearly as much distinguisheil for sagacity and statesmanship, as for his courage and conduct on the field of battle. That illustrious old man, having the subject of the review.aud reduction of the tariff of 1832 distinctly in . view, uses the fol lowing language, in his annual message of De cember in that year: ' ' ' "The sounJest maxims of public policy, and the prin ciples upon which our republican institutions are founi ed, -recommend a proper adaptation ol lhe revenue to the expenditure ; and they also require that the expenditure shall be limited to what, by an economical administra tion, shall be consistent with the simplicity of the. Gov ernment, and necessary to an efficient public service. In effecting this adjustment, it is due, in justice to the interests of Ihe different States, and even to the preserva tion ofthe Union itself, that the protection aCbrded by existing laws to any branches of the national industry should not exceed what may be necessary to counteract the regulations of foreign nations, and to secure a sup- j fthose arlis 0fnumufactureessentiaUothena- tional independence and safety in time of war. In several of his previous messages to Congress, he avows similar principles, in terms still strong er; and in one of them he', cites the authority of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, in their support. This is my creed upon the "subject of the tariff, and I am both willing and anxious to carry it out fairly into practice. I am willing to unite with my political friends from the North, the South, the East, and the-West, in- reducing the expendi tures ofthe Government to the lowest point, con sistently with the national honor and the national safety. I would hot impose one dollar of duties on foreign imports 'beyond what may be necessary to meet such an economical expenditure. In ad justing these duties, however, I shall never aban don the principle of discrimination in favor of such branches of home industry as may be necessary c:to secure a supply of those articles of manufac ture essential to the national independence and safety in time of war." And this more especial ly after such manufactures have already been es tablished, at immense expense, on the faith of your laws. I would safe them from sinking into ruin, by a rate of discrimination necessary to preserve them. I repeat, that this is my creed ; and it has always heretofore been the creed ofthe fathers of the Democratic church. - ' :''" ' v I admit that the measure before us goes fir. be yond these principles in "many particulars; "and yet, with all its imperfections on its head, I would rather take this bill, which will be instrumental in replenishing the treasury, and' restoring prosperi ty to the country, than leave the Government des titute of revenue and the great interests ofthe na tion in their present deplorable condition. . I shall accept this now, as - much the . least of two evils; and look forward with hope ta better times for an adjustment ofthe tariff, on a scale more consonant with all the great and various interests of the Union without sections.; "..It is possible that, in arriving at this conclusion, I may have erred ; but, if so, I have erred honestly. If the question were, pre sented to my constituents, I have no doubt but that they would decide in the. same manner. Indeed, iudging from the numerous Jetters which I have received ijpqn..ine, suojcci, irom pure ana iusiiut:j: csted sources, and relying, still, more upon. the unanimous vote of the Pennsylvania delegation in the ..-other House, in favor of this . bill, I,think I should hazard little in declaring that, at the least, four-fifths of those whosa will I am bound to obey, if placed in my. situation, would vote for the pre sent measure. Believing this, and ever acting upon the principle that the W ill of the constituent, when. clearly and fairly expressed, ought to gov ern the conduct of the representative on all ques tions of mere expediency, I should he faithless to my trust if I were to vote against this bill. .. Mr. B. said he had, on yesterday,, voted against se'veral 'substitutes proposed for the present bill, which fixed the duties at one uniform rate on all articles imported. This he ha'd done, because he was opposed to any horizontal tariff which could be devised by the art of man. Such a tariff was all wrong in principle, and would ever prove, as it had already done in this country, ruinous in prac tice. He trusted that the idea of a horizontal tar- jii would be abandoned now and forever. ' A l statesman, in framing a tariff of duties for this vast country, embracing as it does so many diversified and conflicting interests, even if incidental protec tion were out of the question, must review all these interests m tneir. respective relations towards each other, and subject foreign productions to such va rying, rates of duty as will best consult the wishes and promote the wt-Ifare of all our people. This was nrf. question to beciphered.out -by the rule of three to be solved by merely ascertaining the a mount of our imports, and then imposing such a uniform ad valorem duty on the mass as would produce a sum equal to our expenditures. This had never been the practice of any nation, ancient or modern, so far as his knowledge extended ; it had certainly never been thei "practice of this coun try, until it had been , adopted since the 30th of Junedast, under the compromise law. Each ar ticle of foreign import deserwd a separate consid eration, as much as if it were,contained in a sepa rate bill. The fif-rcaching sagacity of Gen. Jack son, at an early period, foresaw what-would be . the effect of this horizontal scale of duties In his celebrated message to Congress, of the 10th Jan uary, 1S33, he. used the following language.: "The majority of the States and of the people will cer-. tainly not consent lliat the protecting duties shall be whol ly abrogated, never to be re-enacted at any future -time, or in any possible . contingency. .Is little practicable is it to provide that 'the same rate of ihtty shall be imposed upon the protected articles that shall be imposed upon the unprotected,' which, moreover, tdovd be severely op. pressive to the poor, and, in time, of war, would add greatly to its rigors." " , '-- He had not the bad taste to d.scuss the question at length, at this late hour or the session, and whilst all were anxious to decide the fate of the present bill before our adjournment to-day.- He would, therefore, -merely enumerate a few of the inevitable evils and bad effects which must result from the want of any discrimination in the assess ment of duties. -Even the com promise. Law itself J 1 m. 1 J T. . .1 . . uiu not uo.ogaie uiscriminations. - it was true mat it fixed 20 per cent ad. valorem as the maximum; but it contemplated discrimination below that rate of duty, . ; . . . . . . , : , , ; - And. in tbp first nlar.fi. n 'nnifiirm mtp. nfilntvl "would be severely oppressive to the 000," be-; ? aaaents both for and against the present bill; cause it would impose the some ad valorem tax, v after, on the one side, considering the strong objec in all cases, upon the luxuries and the necessaries ;tl0ns ty lt and, on the other, comtemplating the of liffr-r-u'pon tb.3 costly Avines used by the rich, I miserable, the distressed, and the Jiopeless condi and upon the coarso woollen garmVnt Accessary to 1 1 ion of the peopb of this country,' and the still Iprotect the poor from the piercing cold of the nor- them Wast. W ith all his heart, therefore, Had he ,U1 i,JU" -- om suuuu uin voted for'thc 'discrimination proposed by his-friend i Ps; I have determined that my vote shall not from . Missour i, Mr. Bentox and which had : prevent it from becoming a law. formerly existed in our tariff laws,. in favor of low I "iTPF VI'V" ' ' duties" 11 non low-priced cloths and blankets. It'rri ' I;i -, ', 1 n ' , - " , r.L n 1 - t -- , - 1; - t- I 10 settle and define the Boundaries between the was both a wise an a humane policy to impose . rn - .- . - , TT . , t , , f-, : i,k : taxes upon property rather than upon labor. I , ..' 1 . . - . -r . -.1 In the seconJ pla e, a horizontal tariff, be it hr or low, would rtiK .-. z. II, your mechanics 'and j artisans who prepare forcisru fabrics lor us?. You must discriminate in their favor; by impos ing a higher rate of duty on the ready-made arti cle than on the material of which it is midd ;" or you Will be supplied with coats' and hats from London, and. with boots and shoes from Paris. But I have already sufficiently adverted to this subject. ' In the third -place : in imposing a tar iff of duties you ought, as far as may be consistent with sound policy, to give incidental advantages, , by discrimi nating duties, to the productions of one foreign na tion which admits into its ports your own domes tic productions upon liberal terras', over thoso of another which -closes its ports , against your most important : articles of exportation. . Ail nations have acted more or less uponuhis principle. cIf Franca receives your agricultural productions on more fa vorable terms than England, a statesman, in imposing duties, ought to encourage, tho trade with France, rather than with England. In the fourth place: articles the; consumption of which among the people sound policy requires you. to discourage, ought to be subjected to heavi er duties than those imposed upon articles the use of which ought to be eneburaged. Who, for ex ample, would think of imposing the same- ad va lorem rate of duty upon French brandy and upon coffee ? .-' " In the fifth place: articles of very , small bulk and very great value such'as jewellery, diamonds and other precious stones must be charged with a low rate of duty, otherwise they will all be smurrodt-d into the country on tho persons of in dividuals ; whilst on the contrary, articles of great and -ponderous bullc, the original cost of which is trifling, and whose chief value consists in the expense of transporting them to your markets, ought to bo charged with a high rale of ad va lorem duty otherwise they will produce little or no revenue. . Coal is an example of such an ar ticle. Tho 23 per cent, duty which it now paysj under the e-o;npro;nis;3 act, amounts only to about 40 cents per ton, or les3 than on 3 cent and a half per bushel; although, under the ae't of 181 G, it was" subjected to a revenue duty of five cents per bushel. Such are the effects of a horizontal tariff ; Again ': in imposing eluties with a view to inci dental protection; discriminations ought to be made in favor of manufactures, the raw material of which is a production of your own country, and more especially if it be an agricultural produc tion. For this reason, the cotton, woollen, iron, and hemp manufactures oughtto be encouraged in preference to manufactures the materials of which are derived from foreign countries. - Yjjiu ought to discriminate in favor ofthe manufacture, of such articles as- will reader you independent in war. Indeed,' I might, state a -thousand reasons for dis crimination, which prove conclusively that the Procrustean rule of a uniform horizontal ad" va lorem tariff of duties can never be applied in adjust; ing the revenue laws of a great nation. 1 It is for such reasons that I voted against the amendment of my friend from Arkansas Mr. Sevier propos ing" a horizontal -duty of !25 percent-; although I firmly believe that a tariff might be-easily adjust ed, with proper discriminations,' which would yield sufficient revenue to the treasury, and afford sufficient incidental- protection to manufactures, without exceeding that average rate. " " ' ButT am not only opposed to any uniform scale of ad valorem duties, but to any- and all. ad Va lorem duties whatever, except in cases. where, from the nature of the article 'imported,' it is not possible to subject it to a specific duty. Our own severe experiepce has taught us a lesson 'oh this subject, which we ought not soon to forget. I cannot re frain'from briefly adverting to "some of my rea sons for this opinion. " . Our ad valorem system has produced great frauds upon the revenue, whilst it has driven the regular American merchant from the business of importing, and placed it almost exclusively jn the hands of the agents of British manufacturers. The American importer produces his invoice Ao the collector, containing the actual price at which his imports ere purchased abroad ; aiid he' pays tne tair ana regular duty jjpon this invoice.. -iot so the British asrent. . The foreign manufacturer. in his invoice, reduces the once of the nrtir.lps which he intends to'import into our country to the lowest possible standard which he thinks will en able them to" pass through the custom-house With out , being; seized for fraud: and the. business has been hitherto managed with so much' ingenuity as generally 'to escape detection. ' The conseduence iSjjthaUhe British, agent passes the goods of his employer through the custom-house on the .pay ment of a 'much lower duty, than the. faip Ameri can merchant is compelled to pay. In this man " a u j - r G , Kel Dy inf lore,?n-; .tv- lf.: n 11 , r, . ' - the public. revenue is fraudulently redubfd. Again; ad va lorem duties deprive the" AinerT- can manufacturer of nearly all the. benefits of in cidental' protection when it' is Ttnost required.- utu me ciuoiiitci ui two country isuepresseu, as it is at present:- and when the price of foreign" ar ticles sinks, to fir .less than their cost, your cfuty sinks in the same proportion', and you are also de prived., of revenue at the time when it is most needed. .... . -1 Our own experience, therefore, ought tohavecon vinced us that, when it is possible, from the nar" ture ofthe article, weought to substitute specific j ior aa valorem duties. Tnesp continue to ba Lao jSamauppn the same articles, notwithstanding the ! constant fluctuations in prices. Thev. afford a steady revenue to the- country, - an 1 'an equally steady incidental profection. ' When commodities are usually sold by weight or by measure, you may always subject them to-a specific duty; andl.t u: 1... 1 . t j . . i4 una uuui aiways to dc none. . .. -Lct us, - then, abandon the idea, of a uniform horizontal scale of ad valorem duties;'-?and wheth e'rlhe duties be high or low, let 113 return, to the ancient practice of tho Government. "Lt us adopt wise discriminations ; and whenever this can bo d on 0, impose specific duties. -.' ' s r :-: Then, sir, after maiurt-ly weighing" all the ar: more miS3raDlo distressed, and hopeless condiuon inuuura ui uw umieu ouura ana ias posses- . t- , . - '1 . sions oilier Kiitmnm Maiestv in Psiorrh A - m erica, for tho fin al suppression of the Afri- an Slave Trade, and for the giving up of Crim inals, fugitives i from justice, in certain cases : Whereas certain portions ofthe line of bounda ry between the United States of America and the British Dominions in North America, described in the Second Article ofthe Treaty of Peace of 1783, have not yet beep ascertained and determin ed, notwithstanding the repeated "attempts which have been heretofore made for that purpose: and whereas, it is' now thought to bo for the interest of both'parties, that, avoiding ' further discussion'of their respective rights, arising in this respect under the said Treaty, they should, agree.on a conven tional line in said portions ofthe said boundary, suchas may.be convenient to both parties; with such equivalents an 1 compensations, as are deem ed just and reasonable :' and whereas, by the Trea ty concluded at Ghent, on the 21th day of Decem ber, IS 14, between the United States and. His. Bri tanic, 'Majesty, an articlo was agreed to and insert-' ed of the following tenor, viz : '-Art.- 19J Where as, the traffi: in Slaves is irreconcileable with the principles of humanity, and justice : And" where as, both His Majesty and the United States, are desirous of continuing their efforts to promote its entire abolition, it is hereby agreed tiiat both the hel contracting parties shall use their best endeavors ! to accomplish so desirable an object':". And whereas, notwithstanding the laws which have at various times .been passed by the two Governments, and the efforts made to suppress it, that' criminal traffic is still prosecuted and carried, on : And whereas, the United States of America, and Her Majesty, the Queen ofthe United Kingdom of MGfreat Britain and Ireland, are determined 'that, so far as may be m their power, it shall be effectu ally abolished : And whereas, it is found expedi ent for the better administration of justice and the prevention, of c rim o within the territories and ju risdiction of the two parties respectively,. that per sonscommittmgthe'crimes hereinafter enumerated, and being- fugitives from justice, should, under certain circumstances, be reciprocally d divered up : The United States, of America and Her Bri tannic Majesty," having "resolved to treat on these several subjects, have for that purpose, appointed , their respective Plenipotentiaries to negotiate ,and conclude a Treaty, that is to s.iy, tap. President 8f the United States has, on his part, furnished with full powers, Daniel Webster, Secretary of State of the United States, and Her Majesty, th Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire land, has on her part appointed the Right Honor able Alexander Lord Ashburton, a Peer of .the said United Kingdom, a member of Her Mijesty's most honorable Privy Council, and Her Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary on a Special Mission to the United States; who, after a reciprocal commu nication of their respective-full powers, i have a greed to and signed the following Articles : .; 0 ; ARTICLE I. . .. - v - - ... It is hereby agreed and declared that the line of boundary shall be as follows- - - - - Beginning at the Monument at the source of the river St Croix, as : designated ana ngreecuo bv tho C6mmissioners. : under the 5th Article in J the Treaty of 1794, between the Governments of the United States and Great Britain ; thence, North, following the exploring line run and mark ed by the Surveyors of the Governments in the years 117 and 1818, under the fifth article of tho treaty of Qhmt, to its intersection ' with the river St. John and to the middle of the channel thereof; thence, up the middle of the main channel of said river St. John to.'the : mouth of the river St.- Fran cis; thence' up. the. .mid'dle. of the channel of tho said river Str Francis, and of the . Lakes through which it flows, to the outlet, of the Lake Pohena gamook; "thence, Southwesterly, in.a straight line to a point on the. North West BranclTof the river St. John, which point, shall be ten miles distant from the. main branch ofthe St. John,. in a straight line and in the nearest direction ; but if,the said point shall -be found to be less than seven miles from the nearest point or summit or crest of the highlands that divide those rivers,, which ".errrpty themselves into tho river St. Lawrence from those which, fill into the river St. John, toa, point 7 miles in a straight line from . the said -summit or crest; thence.in a straight line in a cpurse about south eight degrees west to tho point ; where tho parallel of latitude of 46 deg 25 nun north inter sects the. South West .branch ofthe St. John-; thence, Southerly by: the said branch, to the source thereof in the highlands af the . Metjarmette port age ; thence down along the said highlands which divide the w iters which empty themselves .into the. river St. Lawrencafrom those-which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, to the head of Hall's stream ; thence, down the middle of said stream tiU the line Uius.run intersects the old ha of boundary .sur 7 ri-.A on 1 rSi rl-roi Ynr T7"i 1 - i I r r ovt.'l tf-! ! if nra viouily to the year 1774, as the 43th; degree of llUIlilK latitude, and which ljis been known .and understood to be the linn of actual division between the States of New .York and .Vermont on one side, and the British 'Province of Canada on the other, .and from said point of intersection, .west along the said dividing luieas heretofore known and under stood, to the' Iroquois or St. Lawrence river. - .. v . ARTICLE n. ; . . 'It is. moreover agreed, that, from-the .place ., where th joint commissioners - terminated'- their labors, uuder the sixth article of tho Treaty of Ghent, to wit : At a point in the Neebrik channel, near Muddy lake, the line shall run into and along the ship channel, between .St. Joseph and St. Tam many Islands, to the division ofthe channel ctor near . the' head of St. Joseph Island : the ncr, turning castwardly and' northwardly,' around the' lower en 1 of St. George's or Sugir Island, and following the middle of .the channel which di vides Su George's - from St. Joseph's Island : irin'ta n n r-t "T.-.! v , I r 1"V , M r. I t ... f ' . . St. George's - Island, through the m id die of Lake George ; thence west of Jona's - Island, -' into St: iMiry's River, to a point in the middle of that-riv-er about one inile'above St. George's or Sugar. Is land, so as to appropriate and assign the said Is land to the- U. States ; thence adopting ' tho . lino traced on the maps by the commissione:s, through the-river St. Miry and Lake Superior.. to a point north of lie Royal in said lake, one-hundred yards to the north and east of IlcGhapoau, which last mentioned island lies near the notheasterri point of He Royal, whore the line marked . by the com missions terminates ;. and from the last mentioned point, southwesterly, through the middle of the sound between He Royal and ihe northwestern mainland to the m'duth of Pigeon' river, an 1 at ths said river to, and through, the north and south Fowl Lakes, to the 'Lakes of the heip-ht of Land between Lake Superior -and the Lake of the Woods ; thence along the water communication to Lake.Saisaquinaga, and through that Lake; thence, to and through Cypress-Lake, Lac du Bois Blanc, Lac la Croix, Little Vermilion Lake, and Lake Name-can, and through the ssveral smaller lakes, straits, or streams, connecting the lakes here men tioned, toodiat point in Lac" la Pluie or Rainy Lake, at the CJiaudiero Falls, from -'which the Commissioners traced the line to the most north western point of the Lake of the Woods thence along the said line to the said most northwestern point, being in latitude 49 deg. 25' .55" north, and m longitude 93 degi4' 33" west from the Obser vatory, at Greenwich ; thence according to exist ing treaties, due south to its - intersection with the ' 40th parallel of north latitude, and along that par allel to the . Rocky Mountains. ' It being under stood that all the water communications, and all the usual portages along the line from Like Su perior to the Lake of the Woods;, and also Grand Pottage, from the shore of Lake .Superior to tho Pi areon. River, as now.actually -usd, shall be free and open to the use of the citizens and subjects of both countries. ' . .. . s . , -ar-ticle III. . . . v In order to promote the-interests and encourage' the industry of all the inhabitants of the Countries" watered by the River St. John and-its tributaries, whether living within the btato of Maine ior tho Province; of New Brunswick! it is 'agreed- that. where, by the provisions ofthe present treaty, the River St. John is declared to" be the line of boun dary, the navigation cf said river shall be free and open to both parties, and'shall in nd way'bs ob structed by either : that adl the produce of the for est, in logs, lumber, timber, boards, staves, or shin gles, or of-agriculture' not being manufactured, grpwn on any of those parts of the Stato of Maine watered by the river St. John or by its tributaries, of. which fact reasonable .evidence shallif requi red,, be produce'd, -shall -have free access into and through the said river and its said tributaries, hay ing their source vwithin the State of Maine, to and from the .seaport at the. mouth ofthe said .Rivet St. John, and-to arid around the Falls of said Riv er, either by "boats rafts, or other conveyance : . that when within tho Province of New Bruns wick, the said produce' 6hall be dealt 'with as if it were the! produce of s'aiel Province : . that, in-liker manner, the inhabitants of the territory.of the Up per, St. John determined' by this treaty to belong to her , Britannic Majesty, shall have free access to and through the river tor. their produce,", in those parts .where the said river rnns wholly through the State of Maine : provided always, that this a- greement shall givano right for either party to in terfere . with any, regulations not inconsistent with the terms of this treaty which-the Governments, respectively, ol Maine, or of New Brunswick may make respecting the navigation of the said .riv er, "when both banks thereof shall belong to the same party.' . -i - . . -c 2S - - - ..; . ' ARTICLE; li. . ' r ; . - All grants of land -heretofore made by either pairtyr within the limits of the territory which by ' this treaty -falls' within, the- dominions ofthe other party, shall be held valid; ratified, and confirmed to the persons iii 'possession under such grants, to the same extent as if Such territory had by - this treaty fallen within the dominions ofthe party by whom such grants were made- and all equitable possessory claims, arislng'rom a possession and improvement of any lot or parcel of land by the .' . h 3 i : Si 'I I; 1 I v.'t I -x t iV-: v i h 1 'if-
The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Sept. 14, 1842, edition 1
1
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75