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flTl 1 THOMAS LORING, THE CONSTITUTION AND f HE UNION OP THE STATES THEY "MUST BE PRESERVED." VOL. NO. 447. ; EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. RALEIGH, N.O. WEDNESDAY, MAY 24, 1843. THREE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,' THE WORTH CAIlOMIf A STANDARD IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY, AT THREE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE. Those persons who remit by Mail (postage paid) is will be entitled to a receipt for $6, or two years' subscription to the Standard or two co pies for one year, for the same amount. Kore copies, : : : : ; ; " ten t twenty" : . : : : : 40 The same rate for six months. tr-So order will receive attention unless the money accompanies it. 1 Advertisements, not exceeding fourteen lines, will be inserted one time for one dollar, and twenty-ftve cents for each subsequent insertion ; those of greater length in proportion. If the number of insertions be not marked on them, ther will be continued until ordered out. Court Advertisements and Sheriff's Sales, will be charged 25 per cent, higher than the usual A deduction of 33 J per cent, will be . made to those who advertise by the. year. Letters to the Editor must come free of postage, or thev mav not be attended to. ?rf-Office on Hillsborough street, south side, be tween McDowell and Dawson streets. STANDARD YARD AND GAM-OI 9 MEASURES. SEALED PROPOSALS will be received at the Ex ecutive Office, until the 10th day of June next, for he construction of a Standard Yard Measure for ,,ch County in the State -the Measure to be of Box, or other hard wood, to be approved by the Execuiive io be well-lined and stamped, and similar to the Stand ard now in the Executive Office, without the Matrix the Measure to be well-fitted into a good box of Maho eanv Cherry, Walnut, or other wood to be approved, with appropriate facil.ties and implements for taking copies from the same. Similar Proposals will be received also, until the same time, for making one set of Standard Liqcid Measures for each County in the State, consisting of One Gallon, Half Gallon, Fourth of & Gallon, One Eighth of a Gallon, and One sixteenth of a Gallon vimilar to the set now in the Executive Office. Bids will be received to make them of Copper or Brass, of sufficient thickness, not alter the construction of those in the Office, but of precisely the same capacity each set to be contained in a good box, securely packed, and i-earfy for delivery. The Contractor will be required to give bond and o-ood security lor the due execution of the work, and will have permission to use the Standards in ihe 'Ex ecutive Ottice to construct the others by. which can be seen at any time upon application. The bidders will name the place of delivery, and the Executive will retain the privilege ot declining the bids, if he do not approve them. Each Measure must be thoroughly tes'ed in the pre sence of the Agent, appointed by the Executive for the purpose, and any expense attendant thereon, will be paid by the Contractor. 1 3 J. M. MOKE HEAD. Executive Office. ) ijWt May 11843. J NOTICE. Wa taken up and committed to the Jail of Caswell County, North Carolina, as a runaway slave, on ihe 17th inst., a Negro who repre sents himself to be a free man, and who calls himself HENRY MERID1TH, and says he was raised in Guil ford County, in the State of New York, and about three miles of the City of New York. He has papers repre senting him to be a free man. lie says ne recently left New York on board a Steamboat, and landed at Charleston. South Carolina, which place he immediate ly left for Richmond, Virginia. Said negro is evident ly a slave : is a black fellow, about five feet ten or eleven inches high ; nasasman r uvcimucjc, and is supposed to be about twenty two or three years or ase. The owner of said negro is requested to come forward, prove his property, pay charges and lake him away. Said negro has some inarits oi ir.e lasn about him. Z ACIIARIAH LOCKET, Jailor. April 21, IS 13. 4I3-if. MR. JO. . PE.DEU, of N.Carolina, hav ing visited Europe for the purpose of perfect in" himself in his profession, is now prepared to exe cute PORTRAITS, MINIATUKESor HISTORICAL PAINTING. Those wishing to avail themselves of his professional services, are requested to call at his anellier, in the old Secretary building, where speci mens of his execution may be seen. Feb. 22, IS 13. 434-tf. NEW SPUING GOODS. rrfIE SUBSCRIBER has just received, and is now 1 opening, a choice and well selected assortment of Spring and Summer Goods, of the latest style and importation, which for beauty of style and ttxinre, together with the manner they will be made andtrimmrd, he thinks cannot be surpassed by any other establishment in the Union. His terms will be as moderate as the quality of the articles admit. His Stock comp ises in. part Superior black French " Wool dyed black English I ' ' " Blue I f3 4t Brown I O Cirpfn nC various shades S "S ' black Cashmerett a beau tiful article for gentle men's Summer Coals, I r5 I Superior Wool dyed black English "1 41 a u Due 4 j " " bl'k French Doe Skin js " Fancy Elastic French I " black single Milled J . VESTINGS. Superior plain black Satin Fancy " Rich Figured Paris Silks " " " French Qaillings - Wove Silk figured Chally Wove figured London Mersailles 44 Satin striped " Plain white " Fancy London " Also a beautiful assortment of Fancy articles, com prising black and Fancy Satin Scarfs and Silk Cia vats, white Cambrick and Fancy Silk Hankerchiefs, black and white Silk, Fancy kid and black Hoskin Gloves, Stocks, Collars, Bosoms and Suspenders. Orders from a distance promptly attended to. N. B. All indebted are respectfully solicited to call and settle either by Cash or Note. THOS. It. FENTRESS. April 17,1843. 442-Gt. JOSIJV xlIAB EIV, & Co. COMMISSION MERCHANTS. RICHMOND, VA. JOnNMABEN & WM. B. HAMILTON attend particularly to the Sale of TOBACCO, and all Country Produce, on which, -vhen in hand, Cash ad vances will be made when owners desire a postpone ment of sale. REFER TO Judge Cameron, Raleigh. Hon. W. H. Haywood, John E. Twitty, Franklin Co. Geo. E. Spruil'l, Esq. Warren Co. Daniel Turner, Esq. R. B. Gilliam, Esq. Granville Co. Col. H. L. Robards, John S. Eaton, E'q. " Tucker Carrington, Esq. Clarksville, Va. A. W. Venable, Esq. R. Y. Overby, Eq. " Eustace Hunt, Esq, Pittsylvania Co. Va. Bannister Anderson, Esq. Samuel W.Pugh, Esq. Gaston. Edward Tarry, Esq. Mecklenburg Co. Va. Thomas D Bennahan, Esq. Orange Co. May 10, 1843. 445-2rn. THE PRESIDENCY". Parterre, near Rising Sun, Ind. Gentlemen : By this post you will receive the answers of four gentlemen, to the interrogato ries propounded by order of the Indiana Demo cratic Convention. These communications have been withheld till now, for the purpose of laying1 Deiore tne puwic, simultaneously, the letters ol all the distinguished men addressed by the, commit tee ; but the promised answer of Mr. Van Buren published in last week's Standard having been delayed by some unknown cause, it is thought that the publication of these, now transmitted to you, can no longer be postponed with propriety. I am, gentlemen, very respectfully, your obedient servant, ETHAN A. BROWN. ' Editors of the Indiana State Sentinel. REPLY OF MR CALHOUN. Washington, Jan. 26, 1843. Gentlemen : I have been honored by your note of the 10th inst., covering a copy of the reso lutions adopted by a convention of the Democrat ic party of the State of Indiana, held at Indianapo lis on the 9th instant, requesting my views in re ference to the different questions therein proposed to the individuals of the party who have been named as candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. I have embraced the earliest oppor tunity which my other engagements permitted, to comply with your request In answer to the first question, jn which I am desired to state whether I am in favor of, or oppos ed to, the chartering of a National Bank, or any other national institution, by whatever name it may be called, authorized to issue bills of credit for banking purposes, or to regulate exchanges? with my views of the constitutionality and expedi ency of such an institution, I reply, I am opposed to a national institution, be its name what it may, authorized to issue bills of credit for banking pur poses, or to regulate exchanges, both on the ground of expediency and constitutionality. My reasons for both, in reference to a National Bank, have been so fully stated in the various discussions on the subject, since the stoppage of payments in '37, that it is not deemed necessary to repeat them on this occasion, as they must be well known to the community. As to a bank or an institution of any kind to regulate exchanges, I hold that the objec tions to the expediency or constitutionality of a bank of issue are applicable to any such institu tion. To the three next questions, whether I am in favor of, or opposed to, the distribution of the pro ceeds of the public lands among the several States of the Union 1 Whether I am in favor of, or op posed to, a protective tariff, and also to an amend ment of the Constitution of the United States still further limiting the vt-fo power? I answer, I am opposed to each ; and for my reasons refer to my speeches delivered recently in the Senate on these subjects. The fifth and last question is, whether I will a bide bv the decision of a National Convention of the Democratic party, in the selection of a candid ate for the Presidency ? And whether I will give mv suDDort and influence to the election of the nominee of said convention, if not myself nomina ted by said convention ? This question seems to assume that I am a candidate, soliciting the office of President, and determining, by my individual judgment, the proper measures to be adopted to secure it. It is not the light in which I regard myself, or desire to be regarded by the public. My name has been presented for that high office by no agency or solicitation of mine: and it belongs to the friends who prefer me, and have presented my name to the people, to decide on the course proper to be adopted, in reference to this question. I have, however, no reason to doubt, but that they will cheerfully abide by the decision of a conven tion, fairly called, and fairly constituted; that would allow ample time for the full development of pub lic opinion, and would represent iully, equally, and fairly, the voice of the majority of the party. With great Tespect, I am, &c. J. C. CALHOUN. Hon. Ethan A. Brown, John Law, Nathaniel West, John Pettit, Jesse D. Bright, and A. C. Pepper, csqrs. Committee. REPLY OF MR. JOHNSON. Frankfort, Ky., Feb. 6, 1843. Gentlemen: Your letter of the 10th of Janu ary was duly received. It gives me pleasure to make known my views upon any political subject connected with the office of President of the Uni ted States. The resolutions enclosed of the Dem ocratic State Convention of Indiana, embrace the Bank of the United States, the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands among the States, a protective tariff, and a National Convention. I will answer in the order in which you have pre sented your inquiries. The charter of a Bank of the United States, by Congress, I have always considered unconstitu tional and inexpedient having given my vote a gainst it in 1811, and at each successive presenta tion of the subjret since, up to the period of the 4th of March, 1841. when I retired from the pubjic service of the United States, in accordance with the will of the people. It has been my constant practice, and my disposition to construe with strict ness the powers delegated to the Federal Govern ment, and to confine my action within the plain meaning of its constitutional provisions, carefully avoiding any enlargement of its authority. Not writ hstrinfl in or the nrotracted investigations and e- laborated discussions of this annoying question, I am confirmed in my first opinion, that Congress has no power, constitutionally, to charter a Bank of the United States 'authorized to issue bills of credit for banking purposes, or to regulate ex changes.' The Federal Constitution contains no specific grant of power to raise money to be distributed a mong the States. I look upon the act of Congress relative to this subject as a dangerous precedent, and injurious in its consequences. It unques tionably a direct interference with theinternal pol icy and domestic concerns of the States. If the Ftderal Government has the right to use a finan cial power for munificence, it surely possesses the power to exterminate evils which, in the opinion of Congress, may exist in the several States. This power would tend to consolidation, and degrade and impair the sovereignty of the States, by pro ducing a dependance in them, upon the Federal Government, for the revenue necessary for their existence. The power vested in Congress to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, must be understood as limited by the objects which are enumerated in the same sentence, 'to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the States.' A revenue raised lor any other purpose than one which applies e qually to all the States, would transcend the true boundary of the Constitution, Imposts which op erate as burdens upon one section of the nation, and as bounties to another, would violate the spirit of the Constitution.? I am in favor of raising, by duties on importations, as much money as may be adequate, when added to the sales of the public lands, to pay the entire expenses of the Federal Government, economically administered, and no more. In fixing such a tariff, I think it good pol icy, and consistent with an equitable consideration for every interest, that due regard should be had to such agricultural commodities and productions, and manufactured articles as can be fabricated in abundance and perfection, and which are of essen tial and general use. Taxes collected indirectly by commerce are least felt, and most cheerfully paid, and if they can be so regulated as to evolve great national re sources, and rear up skilful artificers and manufac turers, the patriot's hope would be consummated. It is the true Democratic doctrine, as far as 1 un derstand it, to give this incidental protection to ag riculturalists and manufacturers, and thus give uni versal satisfaction to all liberal minded men, by extended a general advantage, equally regarding every interest and every section of" this great exten ded confederacy. If 1 know myself, I am equally the friend of all, and the enemy of none ; and as far as I have capacity to judge, I have and ever shall act upon this great principle of equal devo tion to every section and every interest of our com mon country. The Constitution of the United States was brought into being, at a time, and under circum stances, peculiarly adapted to ensure the greatest wisdom in the enactment of laws, and impartiality in the administration of them. The Senate and House of Representatives the one representing the sovereignty, and the other the people of the several States are checks upon each other, and to make a law both must concur. The President has a check upon both, as the representative of the sovereignty of the whole people of the several States, uninfluenced by sectional feelings or local interest. MT opinion is, that the qualified veto which the President possesses in legislation is ben eficial and conservative, and I am opposed to an 'amendment of the Constitution of the United States still further limiting the veto power.' I will abide by the decision of "a National Con vention of the Democratic party, in the selection of a candidate for the Presidency ot the United States, and will give my support and influence to the election of the nominee of said convention, if not myself nominated by said convention. The Democratic Convention of the State of Kentucky, on the 9th ultimo, nomimt'-I and re commended me, as the candidate for the Presiden cy in 1844, and, among other things, put forth my political principles, embracing the inquiries made by you. In addition to this responsive letter, I refer to that address, as containing a correct view of my sentiments upon these end other subjects. With sentiments of high consideration and re spect, I am, truly and sincerely, your obedient ser vant, RH. M. JOHNSON. Messrs. Ethan A. Brown, John Law, Nathaniel West, John Pettit, Jesse D. Bright and A. C. Pepper, Committee. REPLY OF MR. CASS. CoLtiMBts, Ohio, Feb. 8, 1843. Gentlemen: Your letter, enclosing the reso lutions of the Democratic Convention of the State of Indiana, was addressed to me at Washington, but did not reach that city till after I had left there. It was then forwarded to me at this place, and in consequence of having stopped upon the route, considerable delay hasoccured in its receipt I make this explanation to account for that delay. I shall now proceed to anwer the questions pro posed by the convention briefly, but frankly; sat isfied it will be more agreeable to yourselves and your colleagues of the convention, that I should be explicit, than that I should be led into tedious dissertation. With respect to a National Bank, I have to re mark, that I have always entertained doubts of the power of Congress to charter such an institution. The indirect process by whicn this power is de duced from a very general provision of that instru ment, has never been satisfactory to me. tJut there is the less necessity for entering more in detail in to the constitutional question, as it seems to me the public voice has pronounced itself, and justly, a- gamst the incorporation of any .National tanK oy Congress. No such institution should, in my o pinion, be established. In answer to the second question, which relates to the distribution of the public lands among the several States, I reply, that I think no such distri bution should be made. I will state, in a few words, the ground of this opinion. The necessa ry revenue for the support of the Government of the United States, must come from the people, and it must be supplied by direct or indirect taxa tion, or by the sale of public property. The general sentiment is opposed to direct taxa tion by the General Goverment in the time of peace; and ot course there are leit out tne otner two sources of supply to meet its expenses. Their proceeds must constitute the revenue of the coun try ; and if one of them is abstracted or diminished, an additional burden is thrown upon the other. Whatever sum the necessary expenses of the Gov ernment may require, if the proceeds of the public lands make no part of it, the whole must be raised by taxation. If they make part of it, then the a mount of taxation is diminished by the sum sup plied by these proceeds. It follows that any pro position to divert the proceeds ot these janas irom the support of the Government, is, in fact, but a proposition to lay taxes upon the people. If a permanent annual revenue of eighteen millions of dollars is necessary lor an economical administra tion of the Government, and if two millions of these are produced by the sales of the public lands, let the source of this supply be diverted to some other obiect and these two millions must be provided by the imposition of taxes. All this is too clear to need further illustration. A proposition then to distribute the proceeds of the public lands among the several States, is, in effect, but a proposition to increase the taxation of the people of the United States through the medium of the (general Lov ernment in order that the amount thus increased, mav be paid into the treasuries of the respective States. To me it appears perfectly clear that whatever mav be the annual sum produced by the sale of lands, that sum is a part of the revenue of the country, and that it isjusi as competent ior Hnno-ress to take anv other two millions, suppos ing that to be the amount, from the public treasu ry, and divide them among the States, as to select for that purpose, the dollars actually produced by the land sales. It seems to me that such a course of action would be iniurious in Dractice. dangerous in principle, and without warrant in the Constitu tion of the United States. The theory of our po- litical institutions is familiar to all. The uovern ment of the confederation, and the Governments of all the confederated States, have their respective rights and duties clearly defined, and each within its proper sphere, is independent of the others : each raises and expends its revenue, and performs all the necessary functions of a sovereign State. What right has one to interfere with another, un less in cases marked out by the Constitution itself? If the General Government can provide a revenue for the respective States, and does provide one, it is clear that one great distinctive feature of our po litical system will disappear, and that the relations between the confederation, as such, and the indi vidual States comprising it, will be wholly chang ed. Human sagacity cannot foretell what wouTd be the entire result of this state of things, but it is easy to predict that this new application of the money power would give to the Government of the United States a strength never contemplated by the American people, and irreconcilable with our constitutional organization, and that it would lead to a habit ot dependance on the part of the oiaics, uy wmcji meir einciency. 10 resist any encroachments of the General Government would be. paralysed. Without pushing these considera tions further, I conclude this branch of the sub ject by repeating, that, in myropinion, no distribu tion of the proceeds of the public lands should be made. The subject of a protective tariff has been so long and ably discussed, that if would be useless for me to do more than to give you the result of my views. 1 think, then, that the revenue of the Government ought to be brought down to the low est point compatible with the performance of its constitutional functions ; and that in the imposi tion of duties, necessary, with the proceeds of the public lands, to provide this revenue, inciden tal protection should be afforded to such branches of American industry as may require it This appears to me not only constitutional, but called for by the great interests of the country; and if a protective tariff, upon this principle, were wisely and moderately established, and then left to its own operation, so that the community could cal culate upon its reasonable duration, and thus avoid ruinous fluctuations, we might look for as gene ral acquiescence in the arrangement as we can ever expect in questions of this complicated kind, when local feelings have been enlisted, which a prudent Legislature must consult, more or less, and endeavor to reconcile. A proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States, is one which I should always re ceive with great caution. There is already in our country too great a disposition to seek, in changes of the laws and constitutions, remedies for evils to which all societies are more or less liable, instead of leaving them to find their own cure in the operation of the ordinary causes which act upon communities. It is often better to suffer a partial inconvenience, than rashly to alter the fundamental principles of a politcal system. Sta bility is better than change, when change is not de cidedly called for. I am not aware that the ex ercise of the veto power has, for many years, pro duced any injury to the public service. On the contrary. I think in those cases where it has been recently interposed, it has been properly applied, and that its action has been approved by a great majority of the people. I see, therefore, no prac tical evil which demands, in this respect, a change in the Constitution of the United States. Should cases of that nature occur, it will then be time to seek the proper remedy. Your last questions regard the obligations which the nominee of a National Democratic Convention should impose upon those persons whose names have been brought forward in connection with the Presidency of the United States. In the summer of 1841, in answer to an appli cation from a committee appointed by a Democrat ic meeting in the city of Philadelphia, I stated my determination not to suffer my name to be used in this matter, unless nominated by "the Na tional Democratic Convention. To that declara tion I yet adhere ; and I add, in the terms of your question, that I shall give my support and influ ence to the nominee of that convention. I beg leave, however, to remark, as the subject has ex cited discussion in respectable quarters, that I am firmly impressed with the belief that no portion of the Democratic party will weaken its strength, or hazard the favorable result we have a right to ex pect, by precipitating the period of the meeting of i the convention. The great object is a union of views, to prevent the efforts of the party from being rendered useless by divisions, and this union is best attained by that process which shall best as certain the public will the only legitimate source of authority. To effect this, the representatives at the convention should come from the people ; and should asemble to exercise their functions in as short an interval before the Presidential election as may be compatible with the preparatory ar rangements and investigations which such a great object requires. The people should have all the time possible to express their latest will in the no mination of the candidate to be submitted for their support Nothing can be gained, and much may be lost, by undue hastp. It may wear the ap pearance of distrust of the people, or of an unwil lingness to. leave their proper cause in" their own hands. There, however, it should be left till the last reasonble moment and then the Convention will be the fair exponents of the will of their constitu ents, at the time the, delegated trust is to be exer cised. I do not suffer myself to doubt, but that these views will meet the approbation of the great Democratic party. With great respect, gentlemen, I have the honor to be your obedient servant LEWIS CASS. To Ethan A. Brown, John Law, Nathaniel West, John Pettit, Jesse D. Bright, and A. C. Pepper, Esqrs. REPLY OF MR BUCHANAN. Washington, Feb. 11, 1843. Gentlemen: I have had the honor of re ceiving your communication in behalfsof the late Democratic Convention of the State of Indiana, and in obedience to their request I shall now pro ceed " to answer the interrogatories which you have propounded to me by their direction. In per forming this duty, I think I shall best consult the wishes of the members of that convention by em ploying, as far as I can, the clear and explicit lan guage of the interrogatories themselves, not deem ing it necessary to enlarge upon subjects, the consid eration and discussion of which h.ve occupied a considerable portion of my puhJfc life. Instead therefore of troubling you with reasons in detail for my opinion on the bank-, the distribution, and the veto questions, I shall have the honor of trans mitting to you speeches delivered by me on these subjects, in the Senate of the United States, during the present Congress. In the first place, then, I am "opposed to the chartering of a National Bank, or any other in stitution bv whatever name it mav be called, au thorized to issue bills of credit for banking purpo ses, or to regulate exchanges," believing any such institution to be both unconstitutional and highly inexpedient. 2. I am "opposed to the distribution of the pro ceeds of the public lands among the several States of the Union." . : - ; . 3. If by a protective tarifTyou mean the levy ing of any higher tax upon imports than may be necessary to secure sufficient revenue for the pur pose of sustaining an economical administration of 'the Government, then I am opposed to any such tariff On this subject I cannot better pre sent to you my views than by copying a few sen tences from my remarks, made in the Senate of the United States on the 27th August last, on the tariff bill. They were as follows : "I would upon the present as upon almost ev ery other occasion, have acted upon the princi ples of General Jackson, a man nearly as much distinguished for sagacity and statesmanship, as for his courage and conduct on the field of bat tle. That illustrious old man, having the revisal and reduction of the tariff of 1832 distinctly in view, uses the following language in his annual message of December of that year : 'The sound est maxims of public policy, and the principles upon which our republican institutions are found ed, recommend a proper adaptation of the revenue to the expenditures; and they also require that the j expenditure shall be limited to what, by an eco- J nomical administration, shall be consistent with the simplicity of the Government, and rrec'eSSary to an efficient public service. In effecting this adjustment it is due, in justice to' the interests of the different States, and even to the preservation of the Union itself, that the protection afforded by existing laws to any branches of national indus try should not exceed what may be necessary to counteract the regulations of foreign nations, and to secure a supply of those articles, of manufac ture essential to the national independence and safely in time of car? In several of his pre vious messages to Congress he avows similar principles in terms still stronger ; and in one of them he cites the authority of Jefferson-, Madison, and Monroe in their support This is my creed up on the subject of the tariff", and I am both willing and anxious to carry it out fairly in practice. I am willing to unite with my political friends'from the North, the South, the East, and the West, in reducing the expenditures of the Government to the lowest point, consistently with the national honor and the national safety. I would not im pose one dollar of duties on foreign imports, be yond what may be necessary to meet such an economical expenditure. In adjusting these du ties, I shall never abandon the principle of dis crimination in favor of such branches of home industry as may be necessary 'to secure a supply of those article of manufacture essential to the national independence and safety in time of war,' and this more especially after such manufactures have been established at immense expense on the faith of your laws, I would save them from -sinking into ruin by such a rate of discrimination as may be necessary to preserve them. I repeat that this is my creed ; and it has always been the creed of the fathers of the Democratic Church." (Vide the Congressional Globe, for the session 1841-42, page 951.) 4. I am "opposed to an amendment of the Con stitution of the United States, still further limiting the veto power." 5. I shall "abide by the decision of a National Convention of the Democratic party, in the se lection of a candidate for thp Presidency; and shall give my support and influence to the elec tion of the nominee of said convention." Yours, very respectfully, JAMES BUCPANAN. Ethan A. Brown. John Law, Nathaniel West, John Pettit, Jesse D. Bright, and A. C. Pep per, esqrs, Committee, &c. Prom Frazier's Magazine. JACQUES COCAST, -the hunchback philosopher. "Thank God for my hunch!" cried Jacques Cocast, then eleven years old, escaped from the pitying hands of Martin Flean, the miller, who, casting a compassionate glance at Cocast's un seemly load, exclaimed : "Well, the saints have burthened the enough -go, I wouldn't beat a hunchback." "Thank God for my hunch !" were the grate ful words of the apple-stealing Jacques, and he followed his lighter heeled companions, who, on the first alarm, had scampered safely off from the miller's orchard, leaving their deformed co-mate to the vengeance of the despoiled.. The miner, as we have shown, was merciful, and Jacques Cocast, the hunchback, went his way unbruis- ed.it Jacques Cocast grew up the living plaything of the boys of the village. He was their drudge, their jest, their scapegoat. His good humor turn ed Bitterness itself to merriment, and at times the tears starting to his eyes, he would laugh them down, and without knowing it, play the practical philosopher "Out, ye imp of deformity!" cried Cocast s stepmother, at least once a day ; whereupon Jac ques, to the increasing ire of his father's wife, would meekly cry, "Thank God for my hunch !" Left to himself, now spurned, and now at least endured by his growing companions, Jacques Cocast made a friend of his book, and founded the exceeding reward of such friendship. He could read, write and cypher, to the shame of ma ny of his seniors. . Jacques Cocast's father took sudden pride in his own misshapen flesh, and Cocast's wife stormed at her stepson with increas ing vigor. lhe notary wanted a cleric All eves were turned upon Jacques as the very lad for the of fice The notary himself condescended to can vass the pretensions of Jacques to the dignity. Already Jacques felt himself installed, when a slim, fair-haired,'" pink-complexioned youth was preferred to Cocast, the notary's wife having pithi ly informed her obedient husband, that his houso should be no dwelling.pla.ee for a hunchback. Jacqties Cocast sighed as he turned from the notary's door, and his. heart hat heavily a he crawled to his paternal home. In two or three' days, however, the hunchback smiled and laugh-: ed as beforehand the clerkship was" forgotten id sweet communings with his book. Some four years passed on--when oh, shame to the notary's wife--shame to the lair-haired youth -the faithless woman fled from the bosom of her husband, taking with her her husband' clerk. Great was the consternation throughout the village loud and deep the revffinffs of e very- honest spouse. Jacques Cocast joined in no a buse but with a fine charity for the inexperience of youth, with even a tenderness towards the sin of the unfaithful wife, and considering within him self the subtle powers of the tempter, he felt grate-? ful for his escape, and breathed his gratitude irf his wonted syllables, "Thank God for my hunch I" . Jacques Cocast was now a painstaking,' phjlo-' ophic tailor ; and from no higher elevation than1 his shopboard, could look down on many of the' vanities of human life. He was how twenty, and increasing years had only served to mellow his' rich heart and make him fed a lessening load up- on his shoulders, Jacques would make one at all village holidays, led thereto by his own light heartedness, and of late, furthermore urged to' each festival by the blue eyes of Felicitc, the ba- ker s daughter. Luckless Jacques Cocast ! Tly the sweet per dition! , You know not the falsehood cf those azure lights the venom of that pouting pulpy ip; Fehcite laughs with a witch'a laugh at the ove of the hunchback whilst he, poor innocent exalted, sublimated by his passion,' lives in an atmosphere of balm arid sun vaults like a grass- ' hoppef afjoiit the earth, and gives his heart and soul to the tyrrany that rejoices him.-. Jacques Cocast knew not vanity. He would clothe him self in the humblest weed, and then think that the best wardrobe which drew to itself the least notice. Now was it otherwise. " The eyes of Felicite had smiled upon the tailor, and Jacques Cocast should henceforth be the best and the', most critical customer of Jacques Cocast. If Felicite had looked with favor on his body, he would take the hitherto despised article under hia1 future care, and habit it worthy of her who elects ed it as her own. As for his hump, ,that waa; gone, yea, vanished, melted in ths snnlight of Felicite's eyes. With these rejoicing thoughtr Jacques Cocast would array himself linelyaa the finest caterpiller :' his vestments now barred, andr spotted, and burnished with a hundred hues.-- And as he basked in the smiles of Felicite, theba" ker's wicked daughter would laugh in her hollow leart, and the folks of the village would confiden tially clap their fingers to iheir noses, and wins towards the tailor.' For a month or more was Jacques Cocast the blissful Adam of this fool's paradise For a full month dfd he breathe Elysium. At length the eyes of Jacques Cocast Were opened and he saw his forlornness. It was the day of a dvecsse.- . In the pride of his heart, and m all the glory of his trade, did the hunchback array lnmself to dance with Felicite, the baker's daughter. She? had of late been so loving, so complying, so ten der. The next dance may be at their wedding.' At all events, how they would dance on the com ing holiday. He, the hunchback, buoyed by his own loving heart, would foot it so lightly, that not a blade of grass should bend beneath him- not a dew-drop be scattered by hi's mercurial toe.'. The dancers are assembled. The fiddler sound.- Jaeqwes Cocast, in all the glories of ac new suit, burning like a peacock in the conflict : of colors, and in the triumph of a gladdened soul, advances to lead out Felicite, the baker's daugh-' ter. Already he has his hand upon her handy when a gigantic thumb and finger,' wifh vicelike power, gripes; the nose of Jacques Cocast arid, whirls him from his partner. A laugh that drowns the fiddles burst upon the merrymakers. Jacques Cocast, with lightning t in hU eyes, and'' all the blood in his body rushing to his nose, lookrf for his assailant Hercule Grossctcte, a rival of six feet, French measure, with fierce eyes, and pafrot nosey glar ing and protruding from between raven whiskerR, with arms a-kimbo, stands before the tailor. Nev ertheless, the soul of Jacques Cocast ifl might v and he is meditating how he may best spring up' on the giant, and tear his iron heart from his body when oh, ye daughters of Eve ! oh, ye rosy wickedness, ye honeyed poisons 1 Felicite, the baker's daughter, advanced to Hercule, and curt- seymg, and putting, ner hand m his yet warm from the outraged nose of her doating lover, sig nified that she was ready to dance, that she had looked with eyes of favor on the punishment of the tailor. Then sank the heart of Jacques Co- cast He quitted the scene of his past agony of despair and wandered a very lunatic. Foolish Jacques Cocast! Who would miy the despair of a hunchback ? Who compassion ate a love broken heart, if accompanied by over-- laden shoulders? What is a beautiful sentiment with a straight-backed, comely man, is a thing for a jest, an excellent joke with a hunchback. And so, Jacques Cocast, go home. Sleep not in the fields at night Lie not under the window of the baker's daughter, and waste not away until, as you complain your head has grown too little for your hat but up, man, and to your comfor table abode Shave yourself, change your linen leap upon your shop-board, thread your needle. heat your goose, and defy love. A friendly Go nius whispered some such advice to Jacques Co- cast, for, ere a month had passed, the tailor had once more taken to his sober attiret was seated smiling at his work, and if a thought of the cruel baker's daughter would sometimes intrude, he would banish the unwelcome guest by the very vehemence of stitching Months passed away, and the time of drawing from the conscription arrivedi Mothers looked anxious plighted maidens would frequently sigh and look with tender gaze upon their future hus- bands -the young men would laugb laugh loud er than was their wont, to hush th'o secret carer that preyed upon them But what was th coT ii t.
The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
May 24, 1843, edition 1
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