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hi I T, - -.v PUBLISHED WEEKLY. BY' w - THEJ-CONSTITITTION AND THE 17NION OF THE STAT THEY "MUST BE PRESERVED." " " - . - ........ .- VOLUME IX. NUMBER 453. ; TERITIS-S3 PER ArirVU.TI, PAYABLE IJV AD VAJVCE. EDITOR JLVD PROPRIETOR XtAliEIG II IV. C, WEDNESD , JUIiY r,: 1 843. , .v..,. ,., I,,,,, , .l,MI ,,. Il'',im ",in, i, ,,.,, .."...mil Hum '" '-"' ,,' ' " .- J . - ". 1 ' ..... .. . . . . . - -.: - ' - - - L terms; . THE NORTH CAROLINA SXANDAbH v ' " rUBLISuSD WSEKLT, IT - " '. t-.- " THREE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, JN AD VANCE Those persons who remit by Mail (postage paid)" Five .Dollars, will be entitled to a'receipf for Six Dellars, r two years subscription to the Standards-one copy ! tvyo years, or two copies one year. Ft four copies . . : ; , ; - s , . $10 00 . f ten . ' ; ;. : : - V V, 20 00 twenty' j . ' . ' : : S5 00 ' The same rate for six months . '' V-. ; (JCAny person procuring and forwarding five subscribers, with the cash ($15), will Jbe entitled to th Standaed i cue, yearree of charge. ' ' ,i .. Advertisements, not exceedingyburfenjines, will ..' be inserted onetime for. One Dollar, and twenty-five cents for each subsequent insertion ; -those if greater ,- length, in proportion. Court Orders and Judicial Ad - vertisements will be charged twenty-five ffBij cent , ' higher , than the above, rates. A deduction tif 33 JUS. perentwill be jnade to" those wfio adv'iStrs4y year. Qcj- If the number of insertions be not marked on them, they will be' continued until ordered out Letters to the Editor must come free of postage, or they may not be attended to. POLITICAL- SPEECEI OF MR. CALHOUN, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, Oh the passage of the Tariff Bill delivered in the Senate of the U. Stales, Aug. 5, 1842. (concluded.) I next propose to consider what must be the consequence of that result on the business and trade of the country. For that purpose, I propose to select a single article; as it will be much easier to trace tho effects on a single article with precision and satisfaction, than it would be on so great a number and variety. I shall select cotton, because by far the most considerable in the list of domes tic exports, and the one with which I am best ac quainted. When the cultivation of cotton is profitable, those engaged in it devote their attention almost exclusively to it, and rely on the proceeds of their crop to purchase almost every article of supply, except bread ; and many even that, to a great ex tent. But, when it ceases to be profitable, from high protective duties, or other causes, they cur tail their expenses, and fall back on their own resources, with which they abound, to supply their wants. Household industry revives ; and strong, substantial coarse clothing is manufactured from cotton and wool, for their families and domestics. In addition to cotton, corn and other grains are cultivated in sufficient abundance, not only for bread, hut for the reariner of stock of various des criptions hogrs, horses, mules, cattle, and sheep. The effect of all this is to diminish greatly the consumption of the manufactured articles, whether imported, or made in other portions of the Union; nnd still, in a greater decree, the purchase of mat, grain, and stock, followed by a great falling off in the trade between the cotton region of the South and the manufacturing region of the North on one side. and. on the other, the great provision and stock region of the West But the effects do not end there. The West the great and fertile valley of the Mississippi draws its means of pur chasing from the manufacturing region almost TP.lnsivelv from the cotton: and the falling off of its trade with that region is followed by a corres ponding falling off in that with the manufactur ing. The end is, that this scheme of compelling others to give higher prices than they can afford, terminates, as it regards this great branch of in dustry, in the impoverishment of customers, and loss of the trade of two great sections of the U nion. It is thus, Senators, that every act of folly or vice (through the principle of retributive justice so deeply seated by an all-wise Providence in the political and moral world) is sure at last to recoil on its authors. What is said of eotton, is equally applicable to everv other branch of industry connected directly or inrlirpp.tlv with the ereat export industry of the country. This bill would affect them all alike; cause them to sell less, and give more for what they buy, and to fall back on iheir own re sources for suppiies ; or abandon their pursuits, to be followed, finally, by impoverishment and loss of custom to those with whom it originates. The whole tendency of the measure is to isolate coun try from country, State from State, neighborhood from neighborhood, and family from family, with diminished means and increasing poverty as the circle contracts. The consummation of the sys tem to use an illustration no les3 true than strik en o- of a deceased friend "is Robinson Crusoe in ID goat-skin." . Such would be the effects of the proposed high protective duties, both on the interest in favor of which and that against which they are intended; vcn on the supposition that the evil is such as the advocates of this bill suppose. But such is not the cause. The present embarrassment of the manufacturing interest is not caused by the fact, as suppDsed, that the imported articles have taken possession of the market, almost to the exclusion of the domestic. It is far . otherwise. Of the whole amount, in value, of the articles proposed to be protected by this bill, the imported bear but a small portion to the domestic. 1 he chairman of the Committee on Manufactures Mr. Simmons estimates the former at $45,000,000, and the lat ter at 8400,000,000; that is, about one to nine. This estimate is based on the census of 1840. It is probably less now than then, in consequence of the increase of the manufactures since, and the falling off of imports. I venture nothing in say ing that, at no former period of our history, has the disproportion been so great between them, or the competition so decidedly against the imported articles. If further and even more decided proof be recuired. it will be found in the state of ex change. It is now about 3 J per cent in favor of . New York, against Liverpool; which is proof, conclusive that our exports, after meeting our en gagements abroad, arc more than sufficient to sur ply the demands of the country for imported ar ticles, even at the comparatively low rates of duty for the last year; so much so, that it more profita ble to import money than goods. As proof of the fact, I see it stated that one of the banks of New York has given orders to import a large amount of specie on speculation. It is in such a state of , things, and not such as that supposed, that it is . proposed to lay these high protective duties ; and the question is, how will they work under it. That they will still more effectually exclude the imported articles, and still more strongly turn 'Hon. Warren R. Davis. ;1 Jhe exchange ir lujr'yori'and thereby rirVa loj caii pnd artificial expansioiv to thexurrencyia the manufacturing: regionand a -temporary $tirhulus to that branch of industry, is probable; ..but "there is no ;hazar4.'in saying that it w.ould Jbe fleetjtig. beyond whathaf been -usual fromje same cause, and would be succeeded. 'more speedilyi.and to a, gwater'extent, by the falling off of. the home marked through the operation of causes already ex plained. The result, in a rfew.wocds would beja! greate'r and more suddenVreactioti; to-be' followed bya more sadden and mWe 'extensiye losSof the home market; :so ..that, whatever mfgh't be 'gained by the exclusion of foreign articles, would,be fae outweighed by. the loss of it What" else -would follow, I will not .attempt tdanticipate.It wouldf! be the. first time that a high protective tariff has ever been adopted under similar circumstance and it would be difficult, without the aid of expe rience, ma case so unprecedented and on a subject so complicated, to trace, -consequences with,any. tumg.ijke, precision or certainty. - - f .-Thavadvocateg of tbp . py'etwtaVralher prohibitory system, (for that is the more appropri ate name,) have been led into error, from not dis tinguishing between the situation ot our country and that of England. That country has risen to great power and wealth, and they attribute it to her prohibitory policy overlooking the great ad vantages of her position: her greater freedom and security, compared to the rest of Europe; and forgetting that other European countries, and Spain in particular, pushed the system even fur ther, with the very reverse effect. But admitting that the greatness ol Lngland may, in part, be at tributed to the system ; still it would furnish no proof that its eflect3 would be the same with us. Our situation is, in many respects, strikingly dif ferent from hers : and, among others, in the im portant particular, as it affects the point under consideration, that she never had but few raw materials to export, and they of no great value: coal and salt now, and wool formerly; while our country has numerous such products, and of the greatest value, in the general commerce of the world. England had to create, by manufacturing, the products, for her export trade, but, with us, our soil and climate and forests are the great sources from which they are drawn. To extract them from these, to ship them abroad, and ex change them for the products of the rest of the world, forms the basis of our industry, as has been shown. In that is to be found the great counteracting cause, with us, to the system of pro hibitory duties ; the operation of which I have en deavored rapidly to sketch. It ha3 heretofore de feated, and will continue to defeat, the hopes of its advocates. In England, there neither was nor is any such counteracting cause; and hence the comparative facility and safety with which it could be introduced and established there. But, it was asked, what is to be done ? What course does true policy require, to give the highest nnssihlfi imnnlse to tho industrv and Drosoeritv of the country, including manufactures and all I , ing, and other necessaries or comforts, without re answer, the very reverse of that proposed by this ;gard to the nominal amount in money, and the bill. Instead of looking to the home market, and j mere nominal money amount, that is often the re shaping all our policy to secure that, we must suit of an inflated currency, which, instead of in look tothe foreign, and-shape it to secure that. creasing wages in the proportion to the price and We have, Senators, reached a remarkable point , the means of the laborer, is one of the most effec in the progress of civilization, and the mechanical tive means of defrauding him of his just dues. and chemical arts, and which will require a great , But it is a great mistake to suppose that low pri change in the policy of civilized nations. With- ces and high wages, estimated in money, are ir m the last three or four generations, they have re- reconcilable. Wages are but the residmm after ceivedan impulse far beyond all former example, i deducting the profit of capital, the expense of pro- andhave now obtained a perfection bf-fore un- known. The result has been a wonderful increas ed facility of producing all articles of supply de pending on those arts ; that is, of those very ar ticles which we call, in our financial language, protected articles; and against the importation of which, these high duties are for the most part in tended. In consequence of this increased facility, it now requires but a small part, comparatively, of the labor and capital of a country, to clothe its people, and supply itself with mostof the products of the useful arts ; and hence, all civilized people, with little exception, are producing their own sup ply, and even overstocking their own market. It results, that no people, restricted to the home market, can, in the present advanced state of the useful arts, rise to greatness and wealth by manu factures. For that purpose, they must compete successfully for the foreign market, in the young er, less advanced, and less civilized countries. Th'S necessity for more enlarged and freer inter- course between tne oiuer, more auvancea, ami more more civilized nations, and the younger, less ad vanced, and less civilized, at a time when the whole globe is laid open to our knowledge, and a rapidity and facility of intercourse established be tween all its parts heretofore unknown, is one of the mighty means ordained by Providence to spread population, Jlgnt, civilization, auu prosperity, lai , "i .. .. r ana wiue over its enure surxace. The great problem then is, how is the foreign market to be commanded ? I answer, by the re verse means proposed in order to command the home market low, instead of high duties; and a sound currency, fixed, stable, and as nearly as pos sible on the level with the general currency of the world, instead of an inflated and fluctuating one. Nothino- can be more hostile to the command of foreign trade, than high prohibitory duties, even as it regards the exports of manufactures. The artificial expansion of the currency, and conse quent rise of price and increased expense of pro duction, which, as has been snown, must ioiiow, would be of themselves fatal ; but to that must be added another cause not much less so. I refer to the general pressure of the prohibitory system on the export industry of the country, as already ex nlained. and which would fall with as much se verity on the export of manufactures, as on that of J n t . 1- mi. cotton, or any other manuracturea arucie. me system operates with like effect on exports, wheth er of raw materials or manufactured articles in the last and highest state of finish. The reason is the same as to both. This begins to be under stood in countries the most advanced in the arts, and whose exports consists almost exclusively of manufactured articles and especially .ngianu, the most of any; and hence they have already be gun the progress of reduction of duties, with the view of increasing their exports. In the recent adjustment of the tariff, England,-with that avow ed view, made great reduction in her import du ties. . But can we hope to compete successfully in the market of the world by means of a sound curren cy and low duties? I answer, if we cannot, we may give up the contest as desperate; and the sooner the better. It is idle, and worse than idle, to attempt to add to 'the growth of our- manufac tures by the prohibitory system. They have al ready reached, under its influence, their full, but stunted growth. To attempt to push them fur- tlferj; must react, and retard, instead of accelerating their growth. The home market cannot consume our immense surplus productions of provisions, lumber, cotton, and tobacco ; nor find employment in manufacturing, for home consumption, the vast amount of labor employed in raising the surplus beyond the home consumption, and which can on ly find a market abroad. Take the single article of cotton. It takes at the least calcu. iidh, 700.- XJ00 laborers to produce the crop mof ethan twice me numoer, on a iair calculation, empioyeu in ui the branches of manufactures .which can ' expect to be benefited by these high duties. Less than thefsixth part would be ample to raise every pound df cotton necessary for the home market if every yard of cotton cloth consumed at home' were man ufactured at home, and made from home-raised cbttorj; .What, then, I ask; is to become of the five or six hundred thousand laborers'now employ ed in raising the article for the? foreign market? Hdwcatf they .find employment in manufactur ing, when 91 pajts.in-'lOO .of 11 the protected ar- kii - home? And if not in. manufacturing, how else can they be employed? -In raising provisions? Those engaged in that already, supply and more than supply, the home market ; and how shall they find employment in that quarter? How those employed in the culture of tobacco, and the lum ber business, and foreign trade ? The alternative is inevitable they must either persist, in spite of these high protective duties, with all the conse quent loss and impoverishment which must follow them, in their present employment; or bo forced into universal competition in producing the pro tected articles for the home market, which is al ready nearly fully supplied by the small amount of labor engaged in their production. But why should we doubt our capacity to com pete successfully, with a found currency and low duties, in the general market of the world ? A superabundance of cheap provisions, and of the raw material, as far as cotton is concerned, gives us great advantage in the greatest and most im portant branch of manufactures in modern times. To these may be added, a favorable situation for trade with all the world; the most abundant and cheap supply of what may be called natural capi tal water, coal, timber, and soil ; and a peculiar aptitude for mechanical and chemical improve ments on the part of our citizens, combined with great energy, industry, and skill. There ate but two drawbacks high wages and high interest. In other respects, no country has superior advan tages for manufacturing. No one is more averse to the reduction of wa ges than I am, or entertains a greater respect for the laboring portion of the community. Nothing could induce me to adopt a course of policy that would impair their comfort or prosperity. But when we speak of wages, a distinction must be made between the real and artificial : between that which enables a laborer to exchange the fruits of , his industry for the greatest amount of food,cloth- iduction, including the exactions oi tne ixovern- ment in the shape of taxes; which iwiA certainly fall on Droduction. however laid. The less that is paid for the use of capital, for the expense ol production, and the exactions of the Government, the greater is the amount left for wages; and hence, by lessening these, prices may fall, and wages rise at the same time; and that is the com bination which gives to labor its greatest reward, and places the prosperity of a country on the most durable basis. It is not my habit to stop and il lustrate by example ; but the importance of the point under consideration is such, that it would seem to justify it. For this purpose, I shall select a product of the soil, and take the article of wheat. Suppose twenty bushels of wheat to be produced on an acre of land in Virginia, worth ten dollars the acre; and tnty on an acre in England, worth one hundred dollars; and the wheat to be worth one dollar a bushel : suppose, also, that the interest, or cost for the use of capital, to be the same in both countries say 6 per cent. and the cost of cultivation, and the exactions of the Government the same : it is manifest, on the supposition, that wages could not commence in England till $6 (the interest on $100) was paid ; while in Vir ginia it would commence after CO cents (the in terest on 810) was paid. And hence, in England, setting the cost of cultivation and the exactions of the Government aside, but 814 would be left for wages, while $19 40 would be left in Virginia; and hence, the product of labor in Virginia, out of this greater residium, might sell at a lower price, and leave still a greater fund for the reward of wages. The reduction of the cost of cultiva tion, and of the exactions of the Government, woulJ Lava the same effect as paying less for the capital, and would have the effect of making a still greater difference in the fund to pay wages. Taking the aggregate of the whole, and compar ing all the elements that enter into the computa tion, I feel assured that, with a sound currency and low duties i. e. light taxes exacted on the part of the Government the only element which is against us is the rate of interest; but that, our advantages in other respects would more than counterbalance it ; and that we have nothing to fear in open competition with other countries in the general market of the world. We would have our full share with the most successful; while, at the same time, the exuberance of the " j ! home market, relieved from oppressive burdens, would be vastly increased, and be more effectually and exclusively commanded by the productions of our own manufacturers, than it can possibly be by the unjust, unconstitutional, monopolizing, and op pressive scheme proposed by this bill. I am not ignorant, Senators, that it is the work of time and of great delicacy to pass from the ar tificial condition in which the country has long been placed, in reference to its industry, by a mis taken and mischievous system of policy. Sudden transitions, even to better habits or better condi tions, are hazardous, unless slowly effected. With this impression, I have ever been averse to all sud den steps, both as to the currency and the system of policy which is now the subject of our delibera tion, bad as I believe them both to be; and deep as my conviction is in favor of a sound currency and low duties, I am by no means disposed to reach, by a sudden transition, the points to which , I firinh relieve they may be reduced, consistent ly M . : . t -i L . Iy with necessary wants of the Government, by a. pre But, ; tive sys: the ecru morals: withint' are less selfisjxnr fairsare and regu lie faith ; to privat but too r. back,th' will be f the datie on the in " management of our finances. ernlcious as the prohibitory or protec- may be on the' industrial pursuits of v it is still more so on its politics and That they have greatly " degenerated last fifteen or twenty years ; that there rioti3m 'and purity, and more faction, and 'corruption; that cur publfc af nducted with less dignity, decorum, . to economy, accountability, and pub nd, finally, that the taint has extended s wel as public morals; is, unhappily, lifest ;to be denied. If all this be traced iltimate cause of this deplorable change nd to originate mainly in the fact, that (or, to speak more plainly, the taxes orts,) from which now the whole rev enue is d. lived, are so laid, that the most power ful porti of the community not in numbers, but inflc ce are not only exempted from the feu4nt , iri fact, .according to their - own con ception:, receive Bounties irW"TrpTrridi They crown our tables with petitions, imploring Congress to impose taxes high taxes: and re joice atltheir imposition as the greatest blessing, and deplore their defeat as the greatest calamity ; while other portions regard them in the opposite light, as oppressive and grievous burdens. Now, St natocs, 1 appeal to you to the candor and good sense ven of the friends of this bill whether these ficts do not furnish proof conclusive, that these fcfgh protective duties are regarded as boun ties, an$ not taxes, but these petitioners, and those who support their course, and urge the passage of the bilij? Can stronger proof be offered 1 Boun ties may be implored, but it is not in human na ture to'pray for taxes, burden, and oppression, be lieving; them to be such. I again appeal to you, and asl if the power of taxation can be perverted into anjiristrument in the hands of Government to enrichfend aggrandize one portion of the commu nity at:the expense of the other, without causing all of the disastrous consequences, political and moral, which we all deplore? Can anything be imagined more destructive of patriotism, and more productive of faction, selfishness, and violence; or more hostile to all economy and accountability in the administration of the fiscal department of the Government ? Can those who regard taxes as a fruitful source of gain, or as the means of averting ruin, regard extravagance, waste, neglect, or any other means by which the expenditures may be increased, and the tax on the imports raised, with the deep condemnation which their corruptingcon sequences on the politics and morals of the com munity demand ? Let the history of the Govern ment, since the int rod action of the system, and its present wretched condition, respond. But it would be doing injustice to charge the evils which have flowed from the system, and the greater which still threaten, exclusively on the manufacturing interest. Although it ostensibly originates with it, yet in fact it is the least efficient, and the most divided, of all that combination of in terests from which the system draws its support. Among them, the first and most powerful is that aclffe, vigilant, and well-trained corps, which lives on Government, or expects to Jive on it; which prospers most when the revenue is the greatest, the treasury the fullest, and the expenditures the most profuse; and, of course, is ever the firm and faithful support of whatever system shall extract most from the pockets of the rest of the communi ty,, to be emptied into theirs. The next in order when the Government is connected with thp bardes when it receives their notes in its dues, and pajs them away as cash, and uses them as its de positories and fiscal agents are the banking and othtr associated interests, stock-jobbers, brokers, and1 speculators; and which, like the other, profit the jmore in consequence of the connexion; the higler the revenue, the greater its surplus and the expenditures of the Government. It is less nume rous but still more active and powerful, in pro porlon, than the other. These form the basis ; andbn these, political aspirants, who hope to rise to power and control through it, rear their party organization. It is they who infuse into it the vi tal ptnciple, and give life and energy and direc tion to the whole. This formidable combination, thus Vivified and directed, rose to power in the late greatipolitical struggle, and is now in the ascend- ant : and it is to its death-like enorts to maintain and (pnsolidate its power, that this and the late sessujuowe their extraordinary proceedings Its hope now is centred in this bill. In their estima- tion, with without a protective tariff, all is lost ; and, it, that which is now lost, may be regained. I fcave now. Senators, said what I intended. It mayj be asked, why have I spoken atall? Itis not fiom the expectation of changing a single vote on tUs opposite side. That is hopeless. The in dicajons, during this discussion, show, beyond douljt, a foregone determination on the part of its advocates to vote for the bill, without the slightest ameidment, be its defects or errors ever so grorit. TheV have shut their eyes and closed their ears. The-voice of an angel from heaven could not reach thei understanding. Why, then, have I raised minq? Because my hope is in truth. "Crushed to eclth, it will rise again." It is rising; and I have added my voice to hasten its resurrection. GreJt already is the change of opinion on this subject .since 1828. Then the plantation States, as they were called, stood alone against this false and ippressive system. We had scarcely an ally beyend their limits; and we had to throw off the crusnng burden it imposed, as we best could, wilhifj the limits of the Constitution. Very dif ferentia the case now. On whatever side the eye is turned, firm and faithful allies are to be seen. Theg! eat popular party is already rallied almost en maste around the banner which is leading the party o its final triumph The few that still fag, vvill soon be rallied under its ample folds. On that banner is inscribed : t itcjii l tiA vtu ; LOW. DUTIES ; NO DEBT;- SEPARA TION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RE TRE fCHMENT, AND STRICT ADHER ENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION. Vic tory ii such a cause will be great and glorious; and if ts principles be faithfully and firml ad hered o, after it is achieved, much will it redound to the honor of those by whom it will have been won ; -and long will it perpetuate the liberty and prosperity of the country. An ice-cream dealer offers to subscribe to the N. O. Tropic if they will "inseit gratis any little puffs he may require," and sends one as a speci men. The editors insert the pufJJ andt add "with pleasure" that "if his ice-creams and . sodas are half as cold as his impudence, his customers will have no cause to complain." A FAX FOR FANNING. AND A TOUCH-STONE TO TRYON, " CONTAINING -4n Impartial . Account of th e Rise and Progress of the much talked of Regulation in North Carolina. No. II. It was said, in No. I. That the Inhabitants of North-Carolina in general, had not any just sense of religion, and. that disturbances existed on ac count of the oppression of the people, long before the regulation, or any such thing took place in Orange County. For the first of these the writer can declare from his own knowledge, to which he will add the testimony of a North-Carolina Man, in his own words; with this observation, That although to argue from particulars to uni versal, be inconclusive, logically speaking; yet in the instance before us, and in instances similar to it, we may, because we judge right in deter mining the dispositiop of readers by the composi tion mat pleases them r"r,T abOVc'-3krwr-Vtfn a Grdnville paper, and is mtikled i ,SA serious ad dress to the Inhabitants of Granville County, con taining a brief Narrative of our deplorable situa tion by the wrongs we suffer" "And some neces sary hints, with respect to a reformation." The writer of said piece having spoken on the nature of law in general, and of the laws and con stitution of North-Carolina in particular, showing the excellency of the constitution, proceeds, in his address to the people, thus, "Well, Gentlemen, it is not our form or mode of government, nor yet the body of our Laws, that we are quarrelling with, but with the Male-practices of the Officers of the County Courts, and the abuses we suffer by those that are impowered to manage our public affairs; this is the grievance, Gentlemen, that de mands our serious attention. And I shall show you that most notoiious and intollerable abuses have crept into the practice of the Law, in this County, and I doubt not into other Counties also; though that does not concern us. In the first place, there is a Law which pro vides, that every Lawyer shall take no more than fifteen shillings for his Fee in the County Court. Well, Gentlemen, which of you has had his busi ness done for fifteen shillings? they exact thirty for every Cause; and three, four, and five Pounds for every Cause attended with the least f difficul ty; and, in the Superior Court, they exact, as Fees, almost as many Hundreds; and laugh at us for our stupidity and tame submission to these damn'd, &c. Again, a poor Man gives his judgment Bond for five Pounds; which Bond, is by the Creditor thrown into Court. The Clerk of the County has to enter it on the Docket, and issue Execution, the work of one long Minute, for which the poor Man has to pay the trifling Sum oi forty one Shillings and five pence. The Clerk, in consideration of his being a poor Man, takes it out in work, at eighteen pncea Day. The poor Man works some more than twenty-seven Days to pay for this one Minutes writing. Well. The poor Man reflects thus. At this rate when shall 1 get to labor for my Family? 1 have a Wife, and a parcel of small Children suffering at home, and here I have lost a whole Month, I don't know for what: for m ir Merchant, or ure- ditor, is as far from being paid as ever. Howev- or, 1 will go home now and try, and go home now and try, ana do what 1 can Stay Neighbor, you have not half done yet There is a damn'd Lawyer's Mouth to stop yet; for you impower'd him. to c nfess you owed this five Pounds, and you have thirty Shillings to pay him for that, or go and work nineteen Days more: and then you must go and work as lonr lor the bhentt ior his trouble; and then you may go home, and see your Horses and Cows sold, and all your personal Estate, for one tenth of the Value, to p..y off your Merchant. And lastly, if the Debt is so great, that all your personal Estate will not do to raise the Money, then goes your Lands the same way, to satisfy these cursed Cater pillars, that will eat out the very Bowels of our common Wealth, if they are not pulled down from their .csts in a short time. And what need I say to urge a Reformation? If these things were absoluti-ly according to Law, they are enough to make us throw off all submission to such tyrannical Laws; for were such things tolle rated, it would rob us of the means of living; and it were better to die in defence of our Privileges, than to perish for want of the means of subsistance. But as these practices are contrary to Law, it is our duty to put a stop to them before they quite ruin our County; and before we become Slaves to these lawless vVretches, and hug our Chains of Bondage, and remain contented under these accu mulated Calamities. I Believe there are few of you that have not felt the weight of these iron Fists. And I hope there are none of you but will lend a hand to wards bringing about this necessary work, (viz. a reformation): And in order to bring it about ef fectually, we must proceed with circumspection, not fearful, but careful. First, Let us be careful to keep sober, do no thing rashly ; act with deliberation. Secondly, Let us do nothing against the known established Laws of our Land, that we appear not as a faction endeavoring to subvert the Laws, and overturn the system of our government. But let us take care to appear what we really are, Free Subjects by Birth, endeavoring to recover our lost native rights, and to bring them down to the standard of Law." So far the Granville paper; from which it ap pears, that there have been the same evils else where with those which produced uneasiness in Orange County. And that they never thought of destroying the Constitution, as .has been said by Gv-rT-r-n's Tools. ' -1 The writer of the above cited address to the In habitants of Granville was indicted for libelling the Officers, &c, and imprisoned. This happen ed in the Year 1765. And the law-suit was not ended in the beginning of the Year 1770. In consequence of the above address, &c. the people of Granville, petitioned the legislative Body for redress of grievances, and against the male-practices of the Officers. The consequence of which was, that the Officers sued the Petition ers, and brought their Actions against them as Libellers; which action shared the fate of the for mer, i. e. was in suspense in the year 1770. The Officers in the mean while, carrying on their old Trade of oppressing, and griping the poor Inhab itants. Nor did the evil arise from Lawyers, &c. demanding exhorbitant Fees, and refusing to do the peoples business until they had' what they asked; this perhaps may be answered with a Let them not employ Lawyers ; but they must employ Clerks to register their Deeds, &c. and these men have demanded six'times the legal Fee, , and. will not do the business for less. And what ' is the consequence? The Land becomes forfeit; The Clerks, and Lawyers, &c. watch their opportuni ty and seize the forfeiture, and possess the Lands, and the people, when they have improved-them must turnout, or pay for them the demand of these Men. These, I say, were not the only evils complained of; great levies were raised from the people, and no accounts given for what use. And therefore it was, that not only Granville, but the Counties of Brunswick, and Cumberland, in the year 1766, refused to pay the Tax-Gatherers; nor was their refusal treated with sword and cannon : be the reason what it may, perhaps these Tax- Gatherers had not yet let G. T. into the secret of getting rich at the expence of the people, under the plausible pretence of raising publick monies. Perhaps conscious guilt stopped their mouth. Whatever the reason, it appears that there was no public resentment (resentment of Government) ex pressed until Orange-County began to be uneasy, and would no-longer' beat Oppression: similar ''".jh itirs-ffr? even knowing tboilV tempted, as they say themselves, ,:to plead, their ' own Cause at the bar, against Extortion," at which time, some persons from the borders of Granville told them "they fbarrd that matter would ruin some of them, for that just such a caus- had been undertaken in Granville County some years ago, and that they were at Law about it to that day." But why so "displeased with Orange-County. nnd not with the Rest ? No other Countv was bless J with a Fanning, whose rigid Vice could not brook a Detection ; and whose despotism would not suffer him to think that the men who chose him their Representative His Equals, whose proud Heart would not bear the instruction' of His Constituents; for this seems solely to have been the Cause of his high Dudgeon; though wo will not say, that there was not a design formed particularly against Orange County, because the body of its inhabitants, were Dissenters from the established Church of England. If there was no such Design, why were not Granville, Bruns wick and Cumberland, where Clunkers and Bap tists are not so numerous, treated vith ihc lenient Measures of Powder and Ball? If there was no Design, why did Fanning project the Scheme of a Colleg?, and form a Plan, which in itself, if not altogether impracticable, was most absurd. He, in the Charter of which, places himself at the head of the institution, an Excellent Chancellor of a College, and the Rev. Joseph Alexander, next to himself, in the Faculty. What was this for, but to bring over the Presbyterians to his side, against . their Brethren of other Denominations: And with the same spirit and Design, the Gov. gives Commissions making one Col. Alexander, and another Capt. Alexander, another Alexander, Esq., Justice of the Peace, &c. &c. And all this to take in a large body of Presbj'terians, settled in Orange-County since the last War, that they might be ready Tools of the Junto, to serve as pack-horses, to do their drudgery ; and this unrid dles the affair of "Thousands coming in and tak ing the Oaths to Government" those who had been bought bv Commission and Professorships in this, curiously projected, Fannian College, "this" Castle, or rather College in the Air; they came in and took the Oaths to Government, and poor, ignorant people, dependent on Esq. such a on Col. such n on", they follow, end Gov. T n h;is the Satisfaction of seeing hundreds daily coming in and submitting, many of whom, would for a morsel of Bread take the Oaths to Gov. T n to Day, to the Pope to morrow, and for a bottle of Rum, to the Grand Turk the Day following. Having taken this general view of the state of Affai rs in North-Carolina, from which it appears, that there was a geneial oppression exercised upon the People, whether the effects of a concerted scheme or no, let every one determine for himself; weretornfotheaffairsofOrangeCoiinfyin particu lar. The Inhabitants of which, as we" before. said, labour'd under accumulated calamities. Their first step was to do themselves justice in the Courts of Law, in which they fail'd, after spending much lime and Money. And from what the People say, it appears that such was Fannng's interest with the Gov. that he could turn out of Commis sion any one he pleased; the truth of this will be seen, in the course of these papers. Therefore ho necessarily must have an influence , upon tho Court, proportion'd to their love of official Digni ty. And this will account for the strange conduct of the civil Courts in the County of Orange. Having no hopes from appeals to the Laws of their Country, the enquiry was. what shall we. ido? shall we tamely submit? If w nrtinVm ih& Legislation of the Colony, we may judge of tho Success we are like to have, by what we have known, in the case of our Neighbours of Gran ville. What then remains 1 After many confer ences, on the subject of their grievances, they came to this Resolution, To address public Offi cers, particularly the civil Magistrates, Assembly men, &c. And, if possible to" have matters fairly look'd into and settled; that if their complaints were just, the causes of them might be removed that if their jealousies were groundless, they mjrhL, be convinced of it, nnd made quiet. (To be continued.) The new Attouev General. The New York Tribune asks "Will not the Baltimore papers if the examination would not cost them too much labor tell" us who and what is John Nelson, our new Attorney General ?" We can give the required information without the least la bor or dificulty. Mr. Nelson is the son of Gen eral Roger Nelson, a distinguished revolutionary officer, who bore the honorable scars of service on his body; and who subsequently repeatedly rep resented the upper district of this State in Congreis, arid died as one of the associate judges of the State. The present Attorney General practised law in this State, residing in Frederick, the place of his nativity, (having been elected once to Congress) until he was appointed by General Jackson Min ister to Naples to settle the Neapolitan indemnity. He was also a member of the State Senate for five years. On his return from Naples he re moved to Baltimore, where he has since remained in the practice of the law. To his legal acquire ments, eloquence and general ability as an attor ney, we have never heard an objection and henco we considerhis appointment to be unexceptionable. In politics he belongs to the Democratic party, of which he has always been a leading member. t Te Question not Settled An exchange paper says that the question, "May a. man marry his wife's sister?" can only be properly answered by the sister herself, when the widower pops the question. 4 ii ! i.' i i . If- (3
The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
July 19, 1843, edition 1
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