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PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY WILLIAM W. HOLDER, EDITOR AJVD PROPRIETOR. TERM S. 'HE NORTH CAROLINA STANDARD IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY, AT THREE DOLLARS PER ANNUM IN ADVANCE. mu nraont who remitbv Mail (postage paid) Five Dollars, will b entitled to a receipt for Six Dollars or two years subscription to tne dranuara one co py two years, or two copies one year. for four copies, : : : : $10 00 ten ' ' : : z twenty uu "he same rate for six znonths. Any person procuring and forwarding nve suoscri bers with the cash ($15,) will be entitled to the Stand ard one yew free of charge. ni roTurMi'jiT') nnl evrpedme fourteen lines, win be inserted one time for One Dollar, and twenty-hve ' cents for each subsequent insertion; those of great- I er length, in proportion. Court uraers ana judici al Advertisement! will be charged twenty-five per cent higher than the above ra'es. A deduction of 83 1-3 per cent, will be made to those who advertise by the year. QfJ-li the number ot insertions oe not marK ed on them, thev will be continued until ordered out. letters to the Editor must coxae free of postage, or they may not be attended to. SPEECH OF 11 IS. REII, OF NORTH CAROLINA, In the House oj Representatives, Feb. 7, 1846 On the Resolution of notice to Great Britain to abrogate the convention of joint occupancy re-! lative to the Oregon territory. Mr. Reid obtained the floor, and addressed the l committee as follows: I Mr. Chairman: The importance of the ones- tion under consideration must plead my apology j for trespassing on the patience of this House, while 1 give some of the considerations wnicn , ivill influence the vote I intend to give, oouia l ( tne country was only used lor hunting, nsnmg, therish the vanity that I could, at any lime, have and fur-tradings there was but little difficulty be mlihtened this body on any topic of legislation I tween the two governments in relation to their efore it, such a hope would be utterly vain on ; conflicting claims, and it was not indispensably his occasion, after the question brlore the tlouse has undergone so full and able a discussion. The question under consideration is, whether it is Droner. at this lime, to give the notice to Great Britain that the conventions of 1818 and ; it' 1 827. touenmg wriai rs grrrciiT -d joint occupancy by the two governments of the Oregon territory, should terminate at the expiration of twelve months. I believe that we have a good title to Oregon. We have acquired title to it by settlement and discovery; and if anything was : wanted to make it complete, that was supplied by j the acquisition of the claims of France and Spain. Hut 1 did not rise to discuss the title at this lime ;, that task has already been performed with an ability which has satisfied the country, i must I confess that I was astonished to hear the gentle-. inn from Kentucky fMr. Da vis! take the ground that the constitution had transferred the power of . giving such notice to the President of the United States; and that the executive had endeavored to avoid that responsibility by throwing it on the ( legislative department of this government. Sure- lv ihe gentleman did not listen to the able speech Lof the gentleman from Ohio, -Mr. Thurman. iWhal is a treaty ? It is the supreme law ol the land, and can onlv be abrogated bv an act of Con- tgrcss, or by another treaty made in conformity to , the constitution. And can the gentleman from Kentuckv desire that the President shall take into his own hands the prerogative of abrogating a supreme law of the land ? If the Executive j himself should claim such a power, how would ,the cry of usurpation rinjr from one end of the . country to the other? He would be charged the extent of our title is not the question now un Iwilh an attempt to violate the constitution, and der consideration; and all who believe that we seize upon despotic power. The whole country , have rights in Oregon, no matter to what extent, would condemn such a course, and I fancy that . so they be greater than the British government even the gentleman from Kentucky, and his polit-, ical friends, would raise the cry of usurpation ! measuie. usurpation! If the gentleman thinks that the! The President of the United States, in his nn noiice is a war measure, and equivalent to a dec- nual message at the opening of the present session larntion of war, as some have insisted, then sure- j of Congress, says: ly he will not assert that the President has power; " The extraordinary and wholly inadmissible to give it without the legislative action of this demands of the British government, and the re government. The gentleman thought proper to jectiou of ihe proposition made in deference alone deprecate the idea of connecting this question with o what had been done by my predecessors, and the party politics of the day; but he departed , implied obligation which their acts seemed to r ' t u . i . i impose, afford satisfactory evidence lhal no coni- from this course by heaping paitisan abuse upon j w . ' , . . . , TT . j Q. . i , , U T i i l- j r promise which the United Slates ought to accept the President, and charging on him a design of bg cfft.cted With (his convictioni the pro involving the country in a war .without consult- po5j,ion of compromise, which had been made ing its welfare. j and rejected, was, by my direction, subsequently Does the gentleman believe that the interests ; withdrawn, and our tide to the whole Oregon ter of the country rr quired the President to make ; ritory asserted, and as is believed, maintained by the British Government a more liberal otter than ; he did? if not, then, how could he charge the President with an attempt to plunge the country into an unjust and unnecessary war? For my self, I believe that offer was too liberal ; but we have been informed that it was refused, and with drawn, and our title asserted to the whole of Ore gon. Some of the gentleman's political friends say that " the President cannot be kicked into a war: while the gentleman nimseJi insists mat the President is too anxious for war. Whe- therthe gentleman has met this question in the ; I . j t t i . ,l- elevaled spirit of a statesman, I leave to this O i House and to the country to judge. I know not, sir, whether the giving of this no- tice will produce war; I am sure that it will not be a just cause of war ; but I deny that it is a war measure. It ought not to be so considered here, for it is not so regarded even in Great Britain, The giving the notice is provided for in the con- rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisuic ventionof 1827 ; it is peaceable in its character, ; tion .over ""V .portion of the terr.tory. 1 his no- , j . , c tice it. would, in my judgment, be proper to give : and docs no prevent negotiation ; but s ill so fruit- , I recotnmend hJal JWion be made by law mi ure iuc uuag uuiiuua ui suiut; gcnucuiru ni they cannot speak of it in any other light than as a war measure. The friends of this measure have not advocated it as a war measure; it has only been so characterized by those who oppose it. In giving the notice, the only legitimate inqui ry for an American statesman is, whether this question ought to be settled as early as practica ble, or delayed for an indefinite period of time. The convictions of my mind are decidedly in fa vor of the former course. Let us examine this point. For the purpose of postponing the adjust ment of the Oregon dispute, it was agreed in the third article of the convention between the United Slates and Great Britain, signed October 20, 1818, that "Any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America westward, of the Stony mountains, (now called Rocky moun tains,) shall, together with its harbora, bays, and creeks and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature ot the present con vention, to thfe vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers ; il being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contract ing parties may have to any part of said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or State to any part of said country, the only object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differ ences among themselves." This convention remained in force till it was renewed by the convention signed at London, Au gust 6, 1827, which provided: ,: AftT. 1. AH the provisions of the third article of the convention concluded between the United States of America and his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, on the 20th day of Oct., J818, shall be, and they are here by, further indefinitely extended and continued in force, in the same manner as if all the provisions of the said article were herein specifically recited. "Art. 2. It shall be competent, however, for either of the contracting partie?, in case either should think nl, at any time alter the -.sum uciooer, 1828, on giving due notice of twelve months to ihe other contracting nartv. to annul and abrogate this convention ; and it shall, in such case, be ac cordingly entirely annulled and abrogated, after the expiration of the said term of notice. "Art. 3. Nothing contained in this convention or in the third article of the convention of the 20th October, 1818, hereby continued in force, shall be construed to impair, 01 in any manner affect, the claims which either of the contracting parties may have to any part of the country westward of the Stony or Rocky mountains." From 1818, up to the present time, repeated efforts have been made to settle by negotiation the dispute between the two countries in regard jto this territory; but Great Britain has always re- fused to propose such terms as this country could accent, without a sacrifice of her rights. In this condition the question stands at the present mo ment ; and it might so remain, but for the change of circumstances which will in a short time ren- aer it ootn impracticable ana impossioie. wnne necessary to adjust them, out things have chang cd. Within a few years thousands of our indus trious and enterprising citizens have gone with their families to that country to engage in agricul- tural, mt chanical, and other pursuits of civilized j lifi?. and they are now cultivating the soil, and learning for themselves permanent iiw,n-o, .J - ; inheritance for their children. Does any one : suppose that we have arrived at such perfection in the science of government as to justify the hope that two distinct races of people, each governed by a different code of laws, and owing allegiance j ;to governments totally diffe ring in their character, j can settle and occupy the same territory, and j maintain peaceable relations towards each other ? buch a hope is illusive. Why then snouia we in duige iurther delay, when every moment we nve ; this question becomes more difficult to settle When a dispute arises between two neighbors as to the boundary of their lands, the depute may .often be easily adjusted at first; but if they once! drive their fe nce-stakes, cut their ditches, ana build their houses en the disputed territory, a friendly settlement of the boundary becomes al- most impossible. So it will be in regard to Ore- gon. 1 his territory is now regarciea as greatly more valuable than it was in 1818; and if you wail ten years longer, its estimation will no doubt be moro thnn quadrupled. I it not important. then, that this question should be settled as early as practicable ? In view of all this, I ask, is it not our duty to take such measures as will facili- tate the decision ot this question L' or one, l De- lieve the country is ours to 54 deg. 40 mm , but has offered to concede, ought to vole for this inreirugauie ucis ana arguments The civilized world will see in these proceed ings, a spirit of liberal concession on the part of the United Slates; and this government will be relieved from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the controversy. "All attempts at compromise having failed, it becomes the duty of Congress to consider what measures il may be pioper to adopt for the securi ty and protection of our citizens now inhabiting, or who may hereafter inhabit 0regn' ad for the r - maintenance oi our just tine to uiai lerruory. in adopting measures for this purpose care i should be taken that nothing be done to violate the stipula- . , . !?...: ,QI), u;i, ; J.-ii , fofep The faj,h of treatieSj in lheir ieiler and j spiril has ever been, and, I trust, will ever be, scrupulously observed by the Uuited States. Un- der that convention, a year's notice is required to j be given by either party to the other, before the! joint occupancy shall terminate, and betore either rQT giving it accordingly, and terminating, in this manner, the convention of the sixth of August, 1S27." Now, sir, in the face of these facts, can we shrink from giving the notice ? Some gentlemen take it for granted that this measure will cut off all negotiation ; but they are mistaken. It only carries out what public opinion has declared, and what the true policy of the country requires. If further negotiation shall be necessary or proper, then this notice in no wise prevents it; if further negotiation is unnecessary or improper, it is our imperative duty to give the notice. Passing this measure, then, will not prevent our government from doing anything that ought to be done, while it will untie our bands and leave us free to pursue such measures as the interests of the country de mand. In doing these things, we must observe our national faith, and violate no treaty stipulation. At the last session of Congiess, a bill to organize a Territorial government in Oregon passed this House by a vote of 140 to 59. This bill contain ed a section providing for the giving of the notice, in the following words : " Sec 43. And be itferther enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is here by, required to cause due notice io be given to the British government of the desire and intention of the government of the United States to annul and abrogate the convention with Great Britain rela tive io territory on the northwest coast of America, THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION OF THE RAEIH, If, C, WEBIN frl concluded August 6, 1S27, agreeably to the pro visions of the 2d article of that convention : Pro vided, that nothing in this act contained shall be so construed or carried into effect by any of the officers or citizens of the United States, as to in terfere in any way with any right which any of the subjects of Great Britain may have in the ter ritory herein mentioned, as provided for in the con vention aforesaid, until the expiration of twelve months after notice shall be given, as above pro vided, by the President of the Uuited States." Sir, I votedjbr this bill then, as did a very large majority of the members of the House, but it did not pass the Senate. Was it considered a war measure then? No, sir; and why should it be considered so now? Without a knowledge of the views of my constituents, I voted for the bill then, and they sustained tne; but in giving the same vote now, I not only believe that I am doing right, but feel sure that I am obeying the will of those who sent me here. I repudiate the idea that this is a war measure. It is merely proof of our anxiety to settle the question, and of our determination to maintain our rights in that territory, and repel those who trespass on them. But while I repeat that this is no war measure, I would not be understood as saying that this coun try will not lake such further steps as may be ne cessary to secure our rights in Oregon. The ter ritory is ours, and we must not part with it. Sir, the time has ceased with us when we can act in that spirit of forbearance to Great Britain which characterized the conduct of the patriarch Abra ham, when he said to Lot, " If thou wilt take the left hand, then I will go the right ; or if thou de part to the right hand, then I will go to the left." That might have been possible once when very little value was attached to territory. But not so now with us. We need all the territory we have, and ought not under any circumstances to part with any portion that we possess. But highly as we prize territory, we do not propose to take any that does not belong to us. Sir, I am a are some gentlemen, who do not appreciate the importance of Oregon, represent it as a distant strip of land of but liule value; and they ask, are we going to fight for that? I tell ,,!, gohilomon ihnt Ornonn is of vncl imnnrtnncp to this country; and that its loss would be deeply felt and sorely regretted to the latest moment of he existence of this great republic? Because Oregon is at a great distance from this Capitol, shall we treat her as the Roman empire once treat ed the island of Britain clip her off, and tell her to take care of herself? Britain was once a part of the Roman empire; but .that government thought her of so little value that ihey cast her off and told the people if they could defend them selves against their enemies, good and well, let them do it ; the Roman eagle would no longer take them under its wings. On this strip of coun try, thus severed which is infinitely smaller than Oregon is planted that mighty government, whose invincibility has this day been so eloquent ly described ! Iris the nation inhabiting-this ter ritory which now struggles for the conquest of the world, and carries terror with her name to the most distnift parts of the earth ? This teaches us the increasing importance of territory, and is a warning to m in guard against ihe loss of any part of our country, or of any portion of our p"o ple. It is quite natural for us to suppose, that, under any circumstances, Oregon is destined to be a part of our confederacy, but it may perhaps turn out otherwise. I here express the hope, and cherish the belief, that she will never be a British colony ; that that country will be a republic, in habited by freemen, I believe almost certain ; but whether she is destined to remain a part of this confederacy, or to become a separate and distinct republic, depends upon the policy pursued towards her by this government. If wo. now refuse her protection, may she not hereafter scorn our prof fer of reunion and refuse to be received by us as a State? The case of Texas was different. Tex as was a distinct and independent nation, and we were under no obligations to protect her people or territory till she became a part of this Union. But we are under very different obligations to the people of Oregon, because we own ihe territory, and it is settled by our own citizens. If we leave her in the moment of her struggles to shift for herself by withdrawing our protection, will she hereafter, when she has established her right to the soil, come and ask to be again incorporated into this Union? I believe not. I must here re mark that I would be the last man on this floor, or in this country, to claim a single inch of territory which I did not believe to be ours; but, on the other hand, I say with equal determination that I will never consent to the surrender of an inch that is our own I care not where it lies, or what may be its value to gratify the ambition of Great Britain or any other government upon the earth We boast of being a great and glorious republic ; but what constitutes a great government? It is t,he justice of its laws the preservation of its rights and the protection of its citizens. I care not how wealthy or powerful a nation may be; as soon as she ceases to preserve her rights and to protect her citizens she ceases to be great and is destined to fall. If we ever surrender any por tion of our territory to Great Britain, gentlemen may rest assured that it will be but the beginning of surrenders ; she will never 6e satisfied with de manding. Peace is our policy. We do not seek a war with Great Britain ; but if she declares war against us for defending our right to Oregon, we shall stand justified in the eyes of the world, and every American heart, and every American arm will be found on the side of their country. Sir, the country is in favor of notice, and for main taining our right to the, territory. Even in North Carolina Oregon is stronger than any political party; and, as an evidence of this, I will refer to the fact that my whig colleague from Lumber river, Mr. Dockery publicly proclaimed during the canvass, that, before he would surrender any part of Oregon, he would march barefoot over prickly pears to fight for it. I repeat that the " Old North State " is for Oregon. Mr. Dockery rose, and asked his colleague to give him leave to explain. His colleague Mr. Reid knew more of the geography ot his State than to speak of him as his colleague from Lum ber River district. The remark to which the gentleman alluded was, that he was ready to con lend for all to which we had a valid title. I said that there were in Oregon British rights and American rights; and that, when the line was run, I would defend our soil to the utmost extremi ty ; and what he had said about marching over prickly pears was said in that connexion. He had said that, when our rights were determined, then he would march barefoot over prickly pears. Mr. Reid. Where does my colleague think our rights extend to? Mr. Dockery. Just where the gentleman's STATES THE Y "MUST BE PKESERVED." SJD A Y H AlSCil 35, 1846. favorite President settled it in his negotiations. fA laugn.j Mr Reid. Then the gentleman is with the President, and the President says, " our title to the whole of Oregon has been nsserted, and, as is be lieved maintained by irrefragable facts and argu ments." The gentleman's location arose from this connexion : him and myself were members of the legislature at the same time; he had a fa vorite project for the imptovement of Lumber river; and from his zeal in favor of the measure, he became associated in my mind with the name of the river, so that I thought Lumber river cer tainly must run through his district. A laugh. Mr. Dockery. The gentleman mistakes the nature of my patriotism. "He thinks that a man's patriotism must be confined to his own district. Now, I am willing to improve North Carolina in any part of it ; and just so I feel m regard to the United States. Mr. Reid resumed. I am happy to hear of the gentleman's patriotism, and I shall be still more so, if, when it comes to the vote, he shall show that his patriotism, which has already reach ed Lumber river, is found sufficiently expanded to extend to Oregon! I hope that we shall look on this as a great national question. My feelings are with the South my destiny is with her's; but I will suffer no local or sectional views to influence my course on this important measure. It was with extreme reluctance that I heaid the remark made by a member on this floor, that whatever might be the fate of this question, he should have the consolation to know that he had not followed in the lead of the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Adams. I regret that it should be thought ne cessary to invoke existing prejudices against an in dividual to operate agamM a great national measure. But, sir, in reply to that remark, I might, with equal propriety, say that we who support the no tice will have the consolation to know that we are not following in the lead of Great Britain. But such a declaration would not bean argument for or against the notice. It has been said that the member from Ohio Mr. Giddings is for the no tice, and that he is actuated by motives unworthy of a statesman. But even this shall not deter me i irom giving my vote lor a measure wnicn i oe-j lieve to be right. I might as well be told, because j one of the chosen twelve was a traitor, and be- trayed the Saviour, that therefore I must reject : Christanity. I follow in the lead of no man. El go for my country. We are told that we musl not act lest a war ensue. Has it come to this that j our government can carry out no important mens j ure connected with her domestic or foreign policy i without the cry of war being raised and held up! as a terror over us? War and ruin panics have alternately prevailed ever since the commence ment of our government, and if we wait tor them to cease before we act we shall never do anything. If we attempt to procure indemnity for spoliations on the property of our citizens by a foreign coun-; try, the war cry is raised ! if we attempt to an-, nex Texas, wnr in all its horrors is depicted as the j consiquence! and when we attempt to asseit our' claim to Oregon, we are told an unjust and san guinary war will be inevitable! The horrors of: war have been described in so vivid and forcible a manner that one might almost imagine that they saw the British steamers darting from point to ', point along our coast that they heard ihe thun dering of British cannon, and beheld our cities with their temples of justice and their temples ol j religion wrapt in flames! But in the midst of this gloomy picture, the reflection rises in my mind, that whatever may have been the devastat-l ing effects of past wars, it is neveitheless certain ; a portion of mankind are so constituted that they grieve much about wars that never happen; and such, I hope, is the character of the lamentations of the gentlemen we have heard on this occasion I am for peace; I love peace; I appreciate its effects upon commerce; and, above all, I admire; its happy influences in a moral and political point i of view. But while I say this, I must be per-i milted to remark, that I would scorn the idea of a J eace that had to be purchased at the sacrifice of: ihe interests and the honor of my country. Thej territory claimed by Great Britain on this con-f tinent, is greater in extent than our own with Ore-j jon included; and ought we to surrender to that! government any portion of our soil ? No, sir;; we have none to spare. It has been with deep; regret that I have neara remarks on this floor more disparaging to our claim to Oregon than anything that I have ever seen in the correspond ence of the British minister himself. It has al ways been unfortunate for this country that In all of her controversies with foreign govern ments, sentiments have been uttered here which were calculated to mislead other countrie s in re lation to the state of public opinion in the United j States, and thereby to render the subject of dis pute the more difficult to adjust. Such, I fear, will be the case in the present controvetsy. Sir, it is time we had learned to stand on our own feet. Great Britain is, year after year, by the force of her diplomacy, and the power of her sword, bring ing nation after nation to bow to power and dom inion, until her possessions dot your map over a considerable portion of the globe. With our love of liberty, we could not withhold our sympathy from those whose misfortune it has been, from lime to limp, to fall within her grasp; but we have stood by and beheld all these things in silence, adhering to the policy not to interfere in foreign disputes in w hich our own safely does not require us to take part. But when she comes upon our own shores, and seeks to p . ss her self of a part of our territory, every considera tion of interest and of patriotism requires that we should resist her arrogant demands in the spirit of freemen who know their rights, and dare maintain them. If the preservation of our rights did not require it, such a course would then be absolutely necessary even to command the respect of Great Britain herself. In all the pictures that have been drawn of the horrid re sults of wax, gentlemen have taken it for grant ed that we are to bear all the loss and mnke all the sacrifices, and that Great Britain has nothing to lose. But such is not the fact. Dis astrous as such a conflict might prove to us, she has more to fear from it than ourseli'es. She cannot but foresee that the prosecution of a war against the United Slates would lead to a dis memberment of nearly all of -fcer colonial pos sessions, and, perhaps, ultimately to an entire dissolution of her form of government. She has her domestic feuds and her immense debt; she has a commerce to suffer as well as ourselves; and the loss of our trade will injure her more than the loss of her trade can injure us. The defenceless condition of the United States has bpen frequently alluded to ; and the gentleman from Alabama. Mr. Yancey said (hat there were pernaps no United States soldiers in his own Stale at this time. I learned almost my first lesson on this Oregon question from that noble Slate. At the last session of Congress she sent to this House a resolution, passed bv her legislature, in the following words: Resolved, That the true policy of the United States requires that the joint occupancy of Oregon by the United States and England should cease and resolved, that the title of ihe United States to the territory of Oregon is clear and indisputable. This was the language of that gallant State one year ago. But sir, Alabama has soldiers citizen soldiers the best in the world. Let the Biitish soldier set his foot on Alabama's consecrated soil, and then we shall see where the soldiers are.' Sir, " it takes time to discipline the slaves of des potism, but every man is a soldier when he com bats tyranny." Our policy forbids the keeping of large standing armies in the time of peace, but we depend on our citizen soldiery, who are the sufest reliance. Sound the alarm that the invaders are at hand, and the question will not be whom can you urge to meet them, but whom can you hold back from the conflict ? Tell me not of the want of soldiers to defend our country. Our citizen soldiers fight, not fjr pay, but for the rights of their country ; and when they have achieved the victory their patriotism deserves, they lay aside their armor they put offlheir martial character and retire to the bosom of their families, and tell their deeds to inspire the rising generation with the same patriotic ardor. These, Mr. Chairman, are our soldiers, and they will be found equal to any emergency. Let not Great Britain calculate on dissensions among ourselves, for when the first blow shall be struck, whether it be in the North or in the South, all local distinctions will be for gotten. We shall alone remember that we nie citizens of the same republic ; and the South will be ready to fly to the rescue of the North, and the North will be found defending the institutions and the rights of the South. But il has been said that our navy is not so large as that of Great Britain. It is true that she has a large navy, and out-numbers us in steamships; but it is equally true that our situation is infinitely better than it was at ihe CU1J1UH IJtliiUlll ISJ l J 1 b lUOt ft 14 v w v M . w w are greater, and tb facilities for commanding them vastly increased. The efficiency of the British navy h;is been greatly exaggeiated. She has laid out millions in building fleets which the improvements in modern warfare have rendered next to useless. These improvements arc constant- ly going on, ana nave already reached a point ; died on the 8lh inst. He was buried with full which renders a large portion of the vast navy of j Masonic honors. The deceased was a good man, Great Britain on which she has lavished such but very eccentric. He is well known in tno immense sums utterly unavailable in a war with j West for his conni clion with blooded horses, about the United States. If we need fleets we enn build j which he wrote much and well. In England, ho them ; and it is belter for us that we have not ex- would have been a keen sporting parson, fontf ot hausted our resources in the construction of a fox-hunting and race horses and perhaps nono large navy, which would now be unfit for service, the worse Christian for that. He enjoyed a rep During she last war our gallant little navy won utalion for benevolence and uprightness, and pos for herself enduring fame; and I undertake to say : sessed a vast variety of curious information, pro ihat when the emergency shall again arise, she Sessional and miscellaneous. will fully maintain that high character to which A friend tells a characteristic aneecdote of tho her noble deeds so justly entitle her. In conclu- parson, which is worthy of mention. He owned ston, permit me to remark, that while I respect a fine race horse in conjunction with a celebra the opinions, and do not arraign the motives of j ted and successful turfman and trainer, and when those who differ from me on this question, no act j the fact was made known to his parishioners, of mine shall ever sanction the surrender of any 'they made enquiry as to its truth, and the chnrgo portion of our territory, without a just equivalent. J was brought home to him. At a meeting" of tho Entertaining the opinions I do, if I were to act j elders the reverend gentleman was called before otherwise, I should feel that I had not faithfully ; them to exculpate himself from the heinous of performed the high and responsible duty which I fcnce of running a horse in a race. Feeling that owe to my constituents, and to my country. Let ' it would be idle to put his defence upoo the ra us pass the notice, arid foUow it up by giving ' tional ground of the morality and utility of racing bounties of land to such of our citizens as may go ! a defence which he was very competent to make there io brave the hardships and privations of a ! with ingenuity and force he made up his mind frontier life. Let us extend the laws and protec-1 to "confess and avoid," as the lawyers say. Ac tion of ihe United States over that territory. Do 1 cordingly ho addressed them thus: "It's true, these things, and my word for it, these brave j gentlemen, Tom Watson and I do own Jake pionoeis will do much towards protecting them-1 Creath together and he's not a bad horse either" selves. We shall then prove to the world that when he starts he wins. Old man Walsori we regard the great principle that ihe protection j trains and runs him at his own expense I get of our laws shall extend to every citizm of this half his winnings, because I allow my half of tha republic, and that we are determined that our., horse to run when Col. Tom's half gos. If you rights shall be respected all over the earlh. It is j will provide a way for my half io remain in the natural that there should exist among a free people, 1 stable during the race, I am perfectly willing to ro some differences of opinion as to the best mode of 1 tire from the turf." accomplishing any end ; but on this great question, j Whether the elders Tvere convinced by this log- let us present to England, to Europe, and to the ic, or were mollified by his having named the world an undivided front, and this will ensure us horse after the Rev. Jacob Creath, a celebrated peace, if peace is attainable. preacher, we know not ; but he was not dismissed " 'from his charge. A7! O. Picayune. A Contrast. Two lads stood on a bank of j snow in front of one of the beautiful houses in ( Louis' P kill ippe. When teaching French and Pemberton Square. One of them might haVe I Dancing at a Boarding School, near Newtown, been 14 or 16 years old, and the other had not Bucks County, a friend narrates for the Courier seen above half that number of years. They that he conceived Ihe idea of manufacturing Bo were musicians. The larger boy was turning . logna sausages, and accordingly purchased a the crank of a small street organ, and his liule quantity of beef and ham, and wiih the assistance brother was beating, with great energy and pre- : of a colored man, made up a lot of the article, cision, a small lamborine. Though decenlly clad, : packed, and forwarded them to France. This they were evidently the children of poverty. At j fact was incidentally furnished by an old lady ihe window of ihe drawing room, in front of which ' now in the ciij', who then liWd in the neighbor ing little musicians stood, was a beautiful little j hood, remarking that she. kno.v how to make good boy, whose auburn ringlets hung in rich profu- j Bologna sausages and being asked where she sion over his delicate shoulders, and whose taste-1 obtained the recipe, replied, from Louis Phil ful and elegant dress denoted the affluence of his j I ippe." He lived, at the (ihie, wilh an accom parents. And now, thought we, what a contrast plished and beautiful woman, supposed by all Ut is here I The poor, shivering boys on the snow j be his wife but on his return to France, ho drift, playing with the hope of a few coppers for wrote to the lady with whom he boarded that she the amusement of the fair boy m the warm and elegant parlor. But, who can tell that a greater contrast may not yet be exhibited by these same three boys! Who can foretel the future history of either ? Would il be extravagant to suppose it possible, that the poor strolling musicians, who now pick up a scanty living by their daily round of toil, may become the proprietors of mansions as lofty and elegant as those before which they are now soliciting alms ; while the child of luxu ry, who has never known the want of any good thing that wealth can give, and on whose fair form the winds of Heaven have never rudely blown, shall beeomea homeless and pennyless wanderer ? The history of our city presents many examples of change quite as remarkable as this would be. Indeed, the whole history of our ceuntry is replete with such contrasts. The children of wealthy parents, left with fortunes, have become poor and friendless, while the very servants of their fathers' houses have become men of wealth and distinction. Let not then the rich despise the poor, nor the poor envy the rich ; for they may yet change places. And further, let rich men so educate their children that if wealth should lake to itself wings and fly away, there may be some prepara tion on their part to meet the privations and hard ships of poverty Boston Traveller. Wonderful. The Richmond Star says anoth er relic of the classic ages was found in that city, being n dog collar supposed to have belonged to Julius Ca;sar, from the fact of having his name engraved upon it. VOLUME XII. NUMBER 594. TEiniS-3 PER .AW MUM i PAYABLE IJY ADVANCE. Sol. Smith. The following quotation touches upon the interest of the audience, in one of Sol's mimic scenes; x 4 Towards the close of the season, a branch of the company, consisting of eight men and 5 wo men, was sent out to Russellville, Hopkinsville and Clarksville, under my management. While performing the 'Stranger ' at Clarksville, one of our auditors became so interested in the last scene, that he got up and addressed my brother as fol lows : 'Come, Smith, look over what's past, and take back your wife, for I'll bad d if you'll get such another in a hurry !' This reminds me of a similar effect produced by the performance of the 1 GambbVs Fate ' in Huntsville, several years afterwards. During the last scene of that most thrilling drama, where Albeit Germaine and his family are represented in a state of actual starvation, a country gentle man in one of the side boxes suddenly' rose up. I cannot stand this,' said he, in a voice loud enough to be heard nil over the house. 1 Gentle men, I propose we make up something for this woman. He was here admonished by certain ' hushes,' set downs,' and orders,' that his pro position did not meet with much favor on the contrary it was received with considerable laugh ter, while a whispered intimation came to hi3 ear from a friend at his elbow, that the distress of the family was all sham ! 1 Gentlemen, continued the charitable country auditor, you may 1 hush , and 'order' as much as you please :for my part I don't see anything to laugh at ; you see the wo man has'nt anything to eat, and that poor little child of hers seems almost famished ; now I would'nt give the rascal, her husband, the first red cent; he docs'nt deserve any pify ; but. really t he woman has'nt deserved this distress ; she hn a fol lowed her husband through all his wanderings, and left her friends, where she was comfortable, to follow this senmp. ' Gentlemen, you may laugh, but here goes my V I And sure enough', he threw a pocket book. 1 There, my good wo man Mrs. Germaine, or what ever your name may be, taUe that !' Send for something to eat and make yourself comfortable ; but let me advise with, as sure as h II! and how conlinmd the philanthropist, setting himself in his seat, now go on with the play.' Death of a SvorLinsr Clergyman. The Rev. j Ha idy M. Cryer, cf' Summer county, Tenn was not his wife. In his use of tea, of which he was extravagant ly fond, instead of cream he used Holland" gin but we sincerely trust that no body, not evcrf j those lesser or greater than ' The Citizen King," w ill do themselves so great a wrong as to imitate his spiritiial propensity in this regard, or in his domestic arrangements in the sweet village of Newtown. Singular Masonic Fact. In an address lately delivered by Past Grand Master R. G. Scott be fore the Grand Lodge of Viiginia, we fneif wifh the following statement: "From sources of information on which I entireiy rely, I stale the fact, that fifty at least of those who signed the Declaration of Independence were Masons, and the same history informs us that every Major General of the Revolutionary army was a Mason save one, and that one was Benedict Arnold." Charleston Ncies. Animporlant invention. A PennSyfvanian, it is stated, has succeeded in inventing-a new mode of propelling steamboats, by which, it is claimed, a speed of from twenty-five to thirty miles an hour may be obtained in navigating rivers or oceans I Models of the invention afe now before the Com mittee of the United States Senate on Naval Af fairs, and arrangements are being made to carry it into practical operation. The New York Sun says it oatrely S'ipeic-des paddle wheels, screw propellers. &c. iind has the merit of operating al together under water, beyond the resch of an ene my's fire.
The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
March 25, 1846, edition 1
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