North Carolina Newspapers

r,1. i .I;)-; v. .,'.' ,.f hit:- i- . ! ... - ii' m: : : V". ... THE CONSTITUTION ANX4 THE UNION OP T1IE. STATES THISV- MUSTF BE REStEVEIJ ii- U; ! "-v RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA WEDNESDAY- MORNING, APRIL 18, 1849. olumeXV. .I I h i , vvc HE NORTH CAROLINA STANpARB , IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY," B7 : , WILLIAM W..HOLDEN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. . Tot "Vn Tit niinttri STiTtnim is nublished week :jo instance will the paper be sent, unless the money for e same snail accempany me order. csuDscriDers, wu Ihers, who may wish to send money to the Editor, can jb so at all times, by Mail and at his risk. Receipts for 11 sums will be promptly transmitted. Adykrtisxmkxts not exceeding louneen iwen, ui sorted one time for one dollar, and twenty-fire cents for ich subsequent insertion ; those of greater length in pro- irtion. Court Orders ana juaiciai Aaveriuscuictiw wm chard twenty-five per cent, higher than tne above tes. A reasonable deducuon will De maae ui mose wno Ivertise by the year. Letters to the iuditor must come tree oi postage. SPEECH OF MR. BROGDEN, . OV WAVNE. . elivered in the House of Commons of the General Assembly of North Carolina, January 23d, IH49, on the subject of Equal Suffrage. nr.. nriiriit: RpfrA tK vote of the House it Lutn. . t ken on the bill now under consideration, I propose Lrietty to express my senuiueuis uu um great jjimici siCie of Equal Suffrage. I may not possess the ability it.-) express my views with the perspicuity of a logi- . v 1 t 1 . -I ician, but l nope 10 ne aQie 10 express inem in me u 'ber deductions of reason and entirely disconnected from all superficial and extraneous encumbrances. -I have not consumed the public time in debate dur ;.,,r thn nrpsent session, and in the remarks which it lis now my purpose to submit I am influenced solely . rr ' li:. utu t e i :n : . by a sense oi puouc uuiy winuii icei uunimug w I shall not attempt to delineate elegant pictures of the imagination, or to embellish my subject with lit erary garlands or the flowers oi rneionc. uui con scious of the rectitude of my intentions, I feel myself fullv justified in the course, I have deemed proper to lUlOUb J a t 1 importance to a very large portion of the people or v'jT-.i. f,rnii'ni. A nrnnnsition to amend the Con- .,..o. -i'hr hiinirtci neiore ine noustj is uue ui visi .sdiiii vani i r j. . stitution should be determined calmly and dispassion ate! V. This great question oi altering me lunaamen- V - i .1 I 1 1 I 1 c til law oi the land is one mat snouia oeremoveu irwui M no iiical influences and associations. It should be disconnected from all party considerations and party bias. The bill proposes to submit the question to the people of North Carolina at the earliest practicable period, tor tne purpose oi asccrunuing wucmci t.uc are in favor of amending the Constitution so as to nustlifipd voters for members of the House of Commons to vote for members of the State Senate. This proposition to amend the Constitution should neither be advocated nor opposed as a political sub- j(ct. It is to entitle every tree wniie raaie citizen of twenty one years of age and upwards, who has paid . . r try II his public taxes, to rote tor oenaior as wen asior It it declared in tbe Declaration of American Independence, that great charter of Ameri can liberty, that sublime monument of exalted patri otism and chivalric daring, "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rishts" and one of those cardinal rights is the right of suffrage "a right inestimable to Ireemen, and formidable to tyranis oniy. Sir vehv shnnlH st larcre majority of the voters in North Carolina be deprived of the full and free ex ercise of the right of suffrage, that invaluable heritage of liberty, that great bulwark of American freedom t It is this lefritimate offsDrinor of HUU IUUV j'Vlv..v-w - O the American Revolution which imparts a halo of glory to the American name, wnicn gives transcen dent lustre to the Star-Spangled Banner of this "land of the free and home ot tne brave. A nA vpi strannre as it mirht aDDear. when an amend ment to the Constitution was advocated by the Hon. David S. Reid thd Democratic Candidate for Govern or in the summer of 18 18", it was denounced in the most unmeasured terms. It was characterized by Whig newspapers and Whig leaders as a Democratic humbug; and the doctrine of Equal Suffrage was not only violently opposed by the Whig newspapers and Whi leaders throughout the State, but Col. Reid was traduced and vilified because he thought it his ilniir aoa MnrliHatp hptore the oeople for their suffrages to express his views in favor of this alteration in the COnSlUUIlOn. ne Wi caarcu wnu ucing uuuuu by sinister designs, with being actuated by personal rnnsiripratinna onlv. He was accused with havins brought forward this hobby, as it was classically styl for the Durnose of accomplishing ajparty object for securing his ownelection. Buthepro tested on all occasions against having this proposi tion to amend the Constitution connected with the political questions of the day. Wa3 this question opposed as a party question, only because it was ad vocated by me jLemocrauc cauuiuau; iui uuwuvi Is every useful measure to be opposed, because it hap- pens to originate witn me uemocrauc pany t uu made this doctrine of Equal Suffrage a party ques tion 1 How came it to be made a party question i Whv is it a party question? Is it because it is ad- Tocated by Democrats 1 Is that a sufficient reason fnr nnnnsino- pverv new measure ? In some senses, however, itmay be termed a party measure. It is a party measure in tne same sense as wits revo lution in England of 1688 was a party measure. Sir, that was a party measure, carried through by a party. It was a party wnicn overuuew me mimy of the Stuarts and gave liberty a chance to rally. The nrininio nf Rnual Suffraire is a Dartv measure in the same sense as was the glorious Revolution, That was emphatically a party movement susiainea ana carneu through by the rallying cry of party, which was but another name for the rallying cry of independence and liberty. The great civil revolution oi louu was aiso a pdr ty measure, which overthrew ancient Federalism, the first combination of ail the aristoratic elements into a dynasty of political power and restored the Constitu tion at its last gasp, l ne lamous ouiwai. oi rugiiwi nueriy, wnicn now goes uy me uuure 4.au.. Charta, was extorted by the Barons from King John in 1215. That also was a party measure, a great re form measure. This charter was agreed to at a place callpd RnnimpP. atill held in reverence by posterity as the spot where the standard of freedom was first erected in England. The celebrated siauite caueu the Habeas Corpus Act, which confirms the subject in an nKanlntn sconn'tv from oDoressive powers, was passed in the reim of Charles the Second, after Par liament had been in session seventeen years towarus the clo8 of the seventeenth century. This Act was another reform measure. - 1 might refer, if it were necessary, to many of the Tefm-me in tho Phnwh whif h have been confltantlv taking place since the commencement of the Chris tian era, but I will desist. 1 will only mention two or three instances of reform at present. In me eariy Ttnrt rf ii rnnnv. oontnnr Tntin Wiflili(Te. a cele- brated English divine, was said to be the father of the reformation of the English Church from popery. In 1517, Martin Luther, who had been in one ot tne monastic orders of the church oi Home, opposea himself to the papal authority. Several ruling pow ers in Europe separated from the church of Rome, and fH 3 .1 1 . a Lil T .. lU - T'hia nvont uuuwea me aocirines iugut uy ijuiuei. uu? is known in history by the name of the Rbfohma- Tlnw In 1541, John Calvin, of Geneva, established an grier division of Christians. In 1560, James Arminius, of Holland .'founded another sppt AifTcrintr in some essential points" from V..it .. :1 r "um me tormer. Here were measures in uiavuas i religion. All o-ieat reforms In the political mstitu- tlnno i:.fl -C I ;n ihia pmintnr and all others have been party measures, and have been -usiainea, prosecuted and consommaieu uy pany c- k pa y zeal and tne ra,,y,nff cry oi pany. uui thov have hun mrtius hncoi nnnn nrinninlp. animat- J . L 1 3 rui Ilv0 UUl, wva - - - - J ed by an apprehension of danger, stimulated by the love of liberty, united and struggling for a great and common object. ' ' ' ' In this sense, Sir, the principle of Equal Suffrage is a party measure a reform measure, and should we be fortunate enough to carry it through and establish the principle, it will in my humble judgment bear some degree of comparison with the great measures to which 1 have referred. And whatever obstacles this measures may encounter, or whatever difficulties it may have to surmount, it is destined to prevail. - "There lies a hidden strength in a just cause, . That nothing can resist."' The right of suffrage is the main pillar in the tem ple of freedom. It is the cardinal element which constitutes the harmony and strength of our Govern ment. It is the sun of our political existence, and should its effulgence ever become darkened by the baleful clouds of aristocracy, liberty will then breathe its last, and the people of this country may bid a long adieu to tbe blessings of political freedom. The value of the elective franchise is not to be estimated by any pecuniary considerations. It cannot be cal culated by any amount of dollars and cents it is above all price. The political rights of the -freemen of this country can never be purchased with money. Many millions of our fellow men in aristocratic Europe pant for the high privilege of the election franchise as the " hart panteth for the water-brook. It is withheld from them by the despotic few, nd the strength of a world yields to the voice of hereditary tyranny, made strong, not by its own energies, but by the submission of the many, enslaved by military powers and overawed by the grandeur of wealth. In this land of liberty the people are united in one com mon brotherhood. They are indissolubly connected together by the. bonds of sympathy and affection. They are united by a common interest, and a common feeling. They are bound together by all the chords of social and domestic bliss, and by an unwavering attachment to liberty, which grapple them to their country, as with "hooks of steel.' It is the recollection of the heroic deeds of the pat riots of the Revolution which inspires in the bosom of every true American, a love for his country and a veneration for her name. It is the recollection of the blood and treasure expended in the achievement of the., liberty we now enjoy, which nerves the arms and em boldens the hearts of freemen and stimulates them to acts of chivalry and noble daring. It is the spirit of patriotism warmly cherished by every native citizen m North Carolina, which has been "our safeguard and our tower.' There is no danger of intestine dissensions. We are bound together as one people, and though our numbers areas huudreds of thousands, our voices are as one. " What constitutes a State ? Not high raised battlements or labored mound, Thick wall or mOated gate, Not cities proud with spires of beauty crowned ; Not bays and broad armed ports, Where laughing at the storm, rich navies ride ; Nor starred and spangled courts, No men Hirv minded men,: These constitute a State." It is those who enjoy the full privilege of the elec tive franchise, and those who properly appreciate the responsibility imposed opon them as members of society that constitute a State. But I will not dilate upon this branch of the sub- ject. I beg leave to refer to the Constitutions oi me other Slates of the Union, tor me purpose oi snowing that the principle of equal suffrage has been adopted by them all. I will commence with the Constitu tion of the State of Maine. In the State of Maine "every male citizen of the United States, of the age of twenty one years and upwards, excepting paupers, persons nnder guardianship, and Indians not taxed, having his residence established for the term of three months next preceding any election, shall be an elec tor for Governor, Senators and Representatives, in the town or plantation where his residence is so es tablished." In the State of Massachusetts "every male citizen of twenty-one years of age and upwards, (excepting paupers and persons under guardianship,) who shall have resided wjthin the Commonwealth one year, and within the tow'n or district in which he may claim a ririit to vote, six calendar months next preceding any election of Governor, Lieutentant Oovernor, sena tors, and Representatives, and who shall have paid, bv himself or his parent, master or guardian, any State or county tax, which shall, within two years next nrpcfidintr such election, have been assessed upon him in anv tolm or district in the Commonwealth ; and also every citizen, who shall be by law exempt from taxation, and wno snan oe in an omer res)ci; quali fied as above mentioned, shall have a right to vote in such election of Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Sena tors, and Representatives ; and no othev person shall be entitled to vote in such election. Tn New HamDshire "everv male inhabitant of each town, and parish with town privileges, and places unincorporated, ot twenty-one years oi age anu up wards, excepting paupers and persons excused from paying taxes at their own request, shall have a right at the annual, or other meetings of the inhabitants of said towns or parishes, to vote in the town or pansn wherein he dwells, for Senatorsof the county or dis trict whereof he is a member." Tn Vermont there is a House of Representatives, chosen " by the freemen of the State," and a Council of twelve, answering to our Senate, chosen also, by the freemen." "And each freeman shall give in twelve votes, for twelve Councillors, in the same manner ; and the twelve highest in nomination shall serve for the ensuing year as Councillors." In Rhode Island " every male native citizen, who shall have paid his taxes and performed military duty, is entitled to vote for all civil officers." In Connecticut " every white male citizen ot me iTr.iif.il States, who has crained a settlement in the Stto anrl has a freehold estate of the yearly value nt seven dollars or performed military duty or paid his State tax, shall, on his taking such oath as may be prescribed by law, be an elector, it is aiso pro- vided, by tne uonsuiuuoa oi iuuiireiitui, shall be made to support the privilege of fret suffrage. Tn New York everv male citizen of the age of twenty-one, who has been an inhabitant for one year. and paid his tax on real or personal prupey " has performed military duty or who has been a citi zen three years, and been assessed to labor on the public highways, and shall have done so, or paid an equivalent therefor, shall be entitled to vote for all V . . - I r.- nlntul Kir Officers that now are, or nereavver may vo cicvi tbe people." . . - , In New Jersey "every white male citizen of the United States, of the age of twenty-one years, who shall have been a resident of the State one year, and of the county in whfch he claims his vote for five months, next before the election, shall be entitled to vote for all officers that now are, or hereafter may be, elective by the people." . , . ' In Pennsylvania "in elections by the citizens, every white freeman of the age of twenty-one years, havino- resided in the State one year, and in the elec tion district where he offers to vote ten days imme diately preceding such election, and within two years paid a State or county tax, which shall have been assessed at least ten days before the election, sAalt enjoy the right of an elector." In Delaware "every free white male citizen of twenty-two years of age and upwards, who has re :aa in tha Sfate one vear before the election, and paid a county tax, assessed six montjis before the election, thalt enjoy the right vf an elector. In Maryland " every free white male citizen, who has obtained a residence of twelve months, shall have a rierht of suffrage, and shall vote by ballot for Dele gates to the General Assembly, electors of the Senate, and Sheriff's." .. v - . . .. . In Virginia " every white male citizpn of twenty one years of age and upwards, who possesses a land ed estate of $25 in value or as a tenant in common to the value of $25 or who has land ta expectancy, remainder, &c to the value of $50 or who has a lease-hold estate for five years of the annual value or rent of $20 or who has been a housekeeper and head of a family where he offers to vote, for twelve months, and who' shall have been assessed with a part of the revenue of the State, and paid the same, shall be qualified to vote for members of the General Assembly in the county, city, town, or borough re spectively, wherein such land shall lie, or such house keener and head of a familv shall live." '. In North Carolina " all freemen of the age of twenty-one years, (except as is hereinafter declared) who have been inhabitants of any. one district within the State twelve months immediately preceding the day of any election, and possessed of a f reehold with in the same district of fifty acres of land for six months next before and at the day of election, shall be entitled to vote for a member of the Senate. In South Carolina "every free white man of the age of twenty-one years, being a citizen' of tbe State, and having resided therein two years previous to the day "of election, and who hath a freehold of fifty .acres of land, or town lot, of which he- hath been legally seized and possessed, at least six months before such election; or, not having such freehold of town lot,' hath been a resident in the election district in which he offers to give his vote, six months before the said election, shall have a right to vote for a member or membecs, to serve in either branch of the Legislature, tor the election district in which he holds such pro perty, or is so resident." In Georgia " the electors of members of the Gen eral Assembly shall be citizens and inhabitants of the State, and shall have attained the age of twenty-one years, and have paid all taxes which may have been required of them, and which they may have had an opportunity of paying, agreeably to law, for the year preceding the election, and shall have resided six months within the county." In Kentucky ' every free male citizen twenty-one years of age, and who has resided in the State two years, or one year, in the district where he oners to vote, shall enjoy the right of an elector for Represen tatives; and one Senator for each district 6hall be elected by those qualified to vote for Representatives therein." In Tennessee "everv free white man of th a or a "O t of twenty-one years, beinar a citizen of the United i States, and a citizen of . the ;county wherein he may offer his vote six months next preceding the day of election, shall be entitled to vote for members of the General Assembly, and other civil officers, for the county or district in which he resides." In Ohio " in all elections, all white male inhabi tants, above the age of twenty-one years, having re sided in the State one year next preceding the elec tion, and who have paid, or are charged with, a State or county tax, shall enjoy the rights ot an elector, j In Indiana "all white male citizens of twenty-one i years of age, who have resided in the State twelve j months, shall be allowed to vote for Representatives; , and voters for Representatives vote also for Senators j In Louisiana ' every white male citizen of twenty-one years of age, who has resided one year in the county whtf-e he offers to vote, and who shall have paid a State tax, shall enjoy the rights of an elector." Senators and Representatives are chosen by the same persons. In Mississippi "every free white male person of the aje of twenty-one years and upwards, who shall be a citizen of the United States, and shall have re sided in the State one year next preceding an elec tion, and the last four months within the county, city, or town in which he offers to vote, shall be deemed a qualified elector." Both Houses are chosen by the qualified electors. In Illinois "in all elections, all white male inhab itants above the age of twenty-one years, having re sided in the State six months next preceding the election, shall enjoy the right of an elector. In Alabama ' every white male person, of the age of twenty-one years and upwards, who shall be a citizen of the United States, and shall have resided in the State one year next preceding an election, and the last three months within the county, city, or town in which he offers to vote, shall be deemed a qualified elector." Both Houses are chosen by the qualified electors. In Missouri " every free white male citizen of the United States, who shall have attained the age of J twenty-one years, and who shall have resided in the ; State one year before an election, the last three months which he offers to vote, shall be deemed a qualified elector of all elective officers." In Michigan 44 in all elections, every free white male citizen above the age of twenty -one years, bav ins resided in the State six months next preceding any election, shall be entitled to vote at such election." In Arkansas 44 every free white male citizen of the j United States, who shall have attained the age of j twenty-one years, and who shall have been a citizen of the State six months, shall be deemed a qualified j elector, and entitled to vote in the county or district; where he actually resides, for each and every office made elective under this State or the United States." I have briefly noticed the provisons in the Consti tions of twenty-six States of the American Union. The Constitutions of several of the States have been amended, and if there were any instances where suf frage was not previously universal, the amended Con stitutions have invariably secured equal suffrage to every free white male citizen who has paid a public tax. The Constitutions of New York and Louisiana have been amended, but in both these States equal suffrage has been established and secured to all free j white male citizens who have attained the ago of j twenty-one years and upwards, and have paid a pub lic tax. . I have not been able to obtain the Constitutions of Florida, Texas, Wisconsin, and Iowa ; but I have no doubt from the known Democratic character and habits of the people of those States, that free and.' equal suffrage has been secured to all tree wniie mate citizens in each of them. - I believe. Sir. thata sufficient demonstration of pub lic opinion in relation to equal suffrage was furnished ; U y LUG pGUpiD VI 1 ' VI fell LAI VJIIHlf ... aw aiuw ua election in August, 1848, to require the present Gener-.J al Assembly to pass an Act to suomit mis question to the voters of tfie State at the earliest practicable pe riod. I am constrained to regard the evidence furn ished by the people in the last Gubernatorial election as an unerring index to popular sentiment upon this subject. I am not one of that number who are dis posed to deride public opinion or oppugn its man dates. Wrhen the people speak through the ballot box they are heard by all, "like a voice in the wilder ness, with awe." " Where now they have whispered, They will whisper no longer; But loud as the cannon, They'll speak sterner and stronger." The notent voice of the people must and will at aTl times be respected and obeyed. The Government belongs to the people, and not the people to the Gov ernment, and they have a perfect right to alter or re model it whenever they think that their equality and happiness, and Jhe public interest and welfare will be promoted by. the change. The verdict rendered by the freemen of the State at the last August elec tion, was the prelude of that expression of public opinion in favor of Equal Suffrage, which will cer tainly, at no distant day, sweep over the State like a torrent from the mountains. ; - It was in rav hnmble.opinion.the harbinger of that voice which will be uttered in language not . to be piisunderstood to the utmost extremities of the State. It will reverberate in stentorian tones from Currituck to Cherokee. ' ' " ' v ' North Carolina is thebiith place of freedom. On her soil were sown deep and broad .the seeds of Liber ty among her people with a liberal hand. On her soil the banner of freedom was first unfurled by the Mecklenburg patriots on the 20th of May, 1775. It was her brave and hardy sons who were first among the American Colonies to repulse a ravaging enemy and to disenthrall themselves from regal power. They were the first to unloose the fetter vvhich bound them at the footstool of the British throne, and to throw 'off tlwgallingjokeof tyranny and oppression; They were the first to cast off the chains of political vas salage, and' at a period of doubt, of darkness and of 1 ? -1 . .. . I . I CI A A CUn.-i.'no uanger, wiinqui concert wiin otner oiaies; imiui as surances of support from any quarter, they were me first to 44 dissolve the political bands, which connects ed them with the mother Country," and to declare themselves a free and independent people,': and of right, ought to be sovereign and sen-governing. Such acts of fortidude and bravery manifest their deep devotion to liberty and prove that they were "Wen who knew their rights, and knowing, dared main tain them." The patriots and heroes of Mecklenburg, who first published to the world the Declaration of Indepen dence, have left behind them in the memory oi meir countrymen, beyond the reach of calumny, 'A name of fear, ; That tyranny shall quake to hear ; And left their sons a hope, a fame, They, too, should rather die than shame." The blessings of our mild and beneficent Govern ment Jike the gentle dews of Heaven should descend equally upon all, the poor as well as the rich. I am in favor of establishing equality in political rights among free white men. I wish to elevate the condi tion of the poor man, because it is mainly those with limited means who always .fight the battles of their country". Whenever our country has been summoned to the sanoruinarv altar of ruthless war, whenever her rights and honor have been assailed, the laboring classes have always flocked to her standard, and ar rayed themselves to meet the foe. Is a man less a friend, to his country because he is born poor 1 Is poverty a crime, and misfortune a reproach Is it right or just to deprive a freeman of the privilege of the elective franchise because he is of humble birth? No, Sir, it is contrary to the spirit of free institutions and the principles of republican liberty, which recognizes all freemen politically equal. 44 Equality of rights is nature's plan, And to follow nature is the march of man." It is political equality that gives energy and strength to our Government; and it is those who are inured to daily toil, those with labor-hardened hands and sun-burnt faces who are its safeguard in peace and its tower of strength in war. Sir, I regard the property qualification for the ex ercise of the elective franchise, as incompatible with the fundamental principles of free government, and : contrary to its nature and genius. This property qualification in our Constitution, is a plant of exotic growth in North Carolina. It was transplanted on her soil from the soil of England. It is an excres cence, unsuited to our salubrious andgenial climate. It had its origin with the lords and nobles in a kingly government. It is the gem of aristocracy, the bane of democratic principles. It was wafted to our shores across the broad Atlantic it came as an unwholesome disease. It is a morbid and unnatural plant that cannot flourish in our State, and I believe that evi dence has already been adduced to prove that the people are disposed to extirpate it. The current of public opinion cannot be easily resisted 44 You may as well bid the mountain pines, To wag their high tops, and make no noise, When they arc fretted with the gusts of Heaven." It wasthe powerful voice of the people with Divine assistance, which spoke our government into exis tence and made it what it is 44 a city set upon a hill w hich cannot be hid," which gave it energy and vigor to be able to withstand all the opposition that might be waged against it, and which has preserved it from domestic dissensions and the tumults of faction. The revolutionary battle grounds in North Caro lina, will ever remain as enduring monuments of the valor and bravery of those who gained our liberties, amidst the roar of artillery and the clash of arms. Mecklenburg, Moore's Creek, King's Mountain, and Guilford, are landmarks which time cannot erase from the pages of history. They will remain as long as her own Pilot Mountain remains. They will stand out as beacon lights to direct her sons in the road of freedom. They will continue when time itself shall have grown old, as faithful sentinels upon the watch tower of liberty, to guard the rights and privileges of the people against the encroachments of aristo cratic power. And whenever the people's rights are assailed by a hostile adversary, they will at all times be found ready to respond to the country's call. They will " Come as the winds' come, when forests are rended. Come as the waves come, when navies are stranded." It is freedom of speech, freedom of action, freedom of the public press, and freedom of suffrage, which are the primary and essential elements of our govern ment. Let either of these be attacked, and the hardy people of North Carolina will rally as a bodyguard, to repel the aggressions of the enemy. For 44 Freedom's battle once begun, r' Though baffled oft, is ever won." So will freedo:n ever triumph in every country where the elective franchise is exercised equally by the people, and where tjieir interests and destinies are identified with their country. In the Republic of France, which was until within the last year a Kingdom, suffrage is now universal. In the Preamble to the new Constitution ot the Re public of France, it is declared that 44 The French Republic is Democratic, one and indivisible," In the Constitution of France which was adopted by the National Assembly in November, 1818, it is de clared that ." Suffrage shall he direct and universal." Suffrage is free and equal in France, the most pow erful country of Europe, which was until lately ruled by a king, and where the great body of the people were entirely deprived of the exercise of this invalu able privilege. It is my humble opinion that a property qualifica-j tion for the right of sufirage, does net comport with the fundamental principles of free government. It virtually deprives every man who is not so fortunate' as to own the amount of" property required; by the Constitution, of the right of self-government. It substantially deprives the people of the privilege of celf-government to have rulers over them that they have no voice in choosing. I believe it to be wrong in principle to make prop erty alone the test of qualification, as to (he exercise of a freeman's right to vote for those who are to make laws for him, or for those who are to administer them. To show that the doctrine of equal suffrage has been favored and approved by some of the most dis tinguished men that have ever lived in this country, I will make use of an illustration which was made by Dr. Benjamin Franklin, whom we are informed by history was a wise philosopher, a true patriot, and an able statesman. That able and eminent phi losopher, it appears,was in favor of universal suffrage. On one occasion he was arguing with a learned gen tleman as to the merits or demerits of a property qualification for , voting. To show how ridiculous such a requirement was, the Dr. supposes a case : For example that B, a fieeman, is required by the Constitution of a State to own fifty dollars worth of property before he can vote fof a member ot a certain branch of the Legislature of that State suppose that his fifty dollars are vested in a jackass ; that to-day the polls are to be opened, but a minute before the polls are opened the jackass dies : B is therefore constitutionally deprived of his right of suffrage. Now .in whom was vested the suffrage, B or the ass? Certainly not in B, for he was only acting agent for the beast while living, which agency ceased on the death of the said beast." Can any thing be more forcible than the Doctor's illustration "i - I have not yet perceived why the possession of property inspires a roan wiin more axaor-anu zeai ior his'country than one who was born poor. I do not accord with the sentiment that property is the main test of merit. ; I am , opposed to such an, aristocratic doctrine. . I feel constrained to refer to the course of the gen tleman from Hertford, (Mr. Rayner,) upon the subject of Equal Sunrage. - It is not my purpose to ascribe to him improper motives, or to accuse him with wishing: to effect some ulterior object; but I must be permit ted to say that he has shown his inconsistency on this question. In the canvass for Governor during ' the last summer, he strongly opposed, the. doctrine of eaual suffrage and employed all the powers of his eloquence against it ; buta change has come .over the spirit of his dfeam, and his opposition appears to have considerably abated since the election for Governor in last August. - He now thinks that the proposition to amend the Constitution so as to allow all who are qualified to vote for members of the House of Com mons to vote also for Senators of tbe State Legisla ture, should be immediately submitted to the people of the State. He thinks it is a proper question for the people to decide. He now professes to be will ing to consult the people upon this subject, although he has denounced it as a democratic humbug. I cannot better illustrate my view of him than by relating a story which occurred in the time of the Rev olution. Just before(the battle of Goilford, when both armies were very near- each other, a countryman in the vicinity found himself overtaken by darkness as he was returning home. He was very apprehen sive that he might be captured, and felt (lie more alarm lest in such a controversy the darkness should prevent his ascertaining into whose hands he had fallen. As he anticipated, he was hailed, und in a moment after surrounded by bayonets. 44 Who are you!" was the first question propounded. He hesi tated in the hope of. gaining time to ascertain the character of his captors, but at length gave his name slowly. " Which side are you for? Whig or Tory !" " Well, ahem ! if I must tell the truth, I did'nt want to fight mighty hard on neither side." I presume that the election of Governor, in August last, had some influence on the mind of the gentleman from Hertford, and very much assuaged his resistance to a measure which he has so strenuously opposed. It is not my business to determine whether he has been influenced by factious designs, or by pure and disinterested motives. I leave that to his own con science to decide. I only claim the privilege of thinking and speaking for myself. But it is not my design to stray on diverse subjects, and therofore I must abridge my remarks. It does not seem to accord with pure Democratic principles, to make a distinction between free white citizens at the ballot-box, and to disfranchise one portion whose destiny is identified with the interests of their country, because they are more unfortunate than the other portion. It may be argued that the landed interest should be represented, . and that the landholder has interests separate and distinct from the non-landholder. The full vote of the State, as shown in the August election of 1 848, is about eighty- j four thousand. Of this number it may safely be assumed, that near fifty thousand are non-landholders. In North Carolina there are about thirty-two millions of acres of land, and probably thirty-five thousand freehold voters. If a man owns fifty acres of land, he is entitled to vote for a Senator of the State Leg islature, but it makes no difference how may thou sand acres lie may own, he can give but one vote. There are many freehold voters in the State who own. but little more land than is required by the Constitu tion to entitle them'to a vote for Senator, while there are many others who own several thousand acres. It appears from the most accurate calculation .upon this subject, that out of the thirty-two millions of acres of land in the State, but about two millions of acres are actually represented. There is another view of this subject which I will here present. A man may own fifty acres of land which may not be worth one hundred dollars, and he is entitled to vote for Senator, while another man may own forty-nine acres of land, and may also own on said land person al property consisting of improvements, and goods, and chattels, to the amount of from ten to fifty thou sand dollars, and still he is not entitled to vote for Senator. Thus it is perceived that a man may own one hundred dollars worth of one kind of property, and be entitled to vote for Senator, while another man may own ten thousand dollars worth or more of another kind of property, and still he is not entitled to vote for Senator. The first section of the second article of our State Constitution, declares "the Governor shall be chosen by the qualified voters, for the members of the Housa of Commons, at such time and places as members of the General Assembly are elected." . j This article of the Constitution gives the power of choosing the Governor, to 44 the qualified voters for ' the members of the House of Commons." Under this provision of the Constitution, every free white man in the State who is twenty one-years of age and has paid public taxes, has the right to vote for Gov ernor. But a contingency may occur by which an individual who has not been elected by the qualified voters for the members of the House of Commons, may succeed to the Executive Chair of the State. The Senators are elected by the freeholders, and when the Senate meets they elect one of their number Speaker, who is to be Governor in case of the death of the-Governor elected by the people. "The Consti tution vests the power of electing the Governor in j the qualified voters for the members of thc.House of Commons; and I have as yet been unable to discover any satisfactory reasons why a man who is entitled to vote for a member of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, for Governor of the State, and for President of the United States, should net also be entitled to vote for Senator of the State Legislature. The people',' sir, are the main source of political pow er. They can pull down or build up. They do not resort to violence to alter their form of government, but to the peaceful method of the ballot-box.' " This is the covenant of a' representative government, and sheet-anchor of our liberties. 4 There is a weapon surer yet, And better than the bayonet, A weapon that comes down as still As snow-flakes fall upon the sod, And executes a F-ceman's will, . As lightning docs the will of GoJ In spite of bars and bolts and locks, That weapon is the ballot-box." The omnipotent ballot-box is the main channel through which the voice of freemen is heard, and by which the grasping aspirations of the political aspirant may be controlled, and brought into subjection to the public will. The magical influence exercised by the ballot box, has shed resplendent lustre on our country. Sir, that influence has been felt, and is now being felt in dif ferent quarters of the globe. Under its magic influ ence thrones have trembled, dynasties have been overturned, and crowns have fallen. It is the prop and stay of freedom, and the security of the people against dinarchy and tyranny. It was the spirit of liberty that has convulsed all the countries on the continent of Europe within the last year. The ines timable value of the elective franchise will be prized above all other considerations wherever the peoplel have trie capacity ot thinking aright tor themselves. It gives encouragement to the poor man in his log cabin, and enables him to feel while occupying his humble tenement that his political rights are secure. It nerves his arm and emboldens his heart. ' Noth ing can animate the desponding like the ties of friends and home. When our anticipations of happi ness prove fallacious, and our brightest prospects of the future are banished; when we are bereft and des poiled of that which we so highly appreciate; when friends fail us and wealth deserts us, and above all, when we are afflicted with sickness, and suffering with disease, then the magic word home incites with in our bosoms feelings and associations which no other word has power to impart. The affection which is felt for home is beautifully expressed in the lines of the poet 44 Mid pleasures and palaces though we may roam,- ' Bo it ever so humble, there's no place like home ; '- -A charm fr6m the skies seems to hallow us there, Which, seek through the world, is ne'er mot with lseP where." " . i The bonds of friendship- and the endearments of home should never be violated by a ruthless despo-. tism. There is little to fear from arbitrary power where the right of suffrage is free and equal.- -The principle of. equal suffrage will sooner or later" jire vail in North Carolina. The- coarse-of our- Whig? friends upon this subject reminds-me of aft aiecdo which I have heard. A vender of lottery tickets-Went Into a remote part of one of the- Western State Th , novelty of the matter, and the pfbspeet of getting ' rich so easily gave his business- a -wonderf ul run. Among those who purchased-tickets was a individ ual as remarkable for the great size of his body as for the smallhess of his intellect. The drawing com menced, and the first ticketfgreatly to the surprise of its holder, drew a blank. A" dozen in succession met a similar fate, and there was a strong suspicion and much complaint that all was irof right. The stout man was particalarly vehement, swearing that it was a cheat and a fraud, and if they would let him get to the wheel he'd smash tbe whole eoncern. : He was held back and ad vised to wait a little. Presently his ticket came out, and with it the highest prize. He looked on a moment until he understood the mat ter, and then exclaimed i " Well, it'e as as fair a thing as ever was." In the canvass for- Governor last summer, when Col. Reid advocated the doctrine of free suffrage, it was opposed by the Whig leaders as 44 a cheat and a fraud" ; but as soon as the result of the election for Governor was known, and it ap peared that the gallant Col ReW had reduced the VVhig vote from several thousand to-a few. hundred, the Democratic hobbjina it was termed by the Whigs, became as " fair a thinj as ever was.,' . ' Our Whig friends seem to be much more ii favor ef equal suffrage since the laot August election thaa they were previous to that time. They remind me of the anecdote " who was the farther of Zebedee's children." A pedagogue in Albany, (Courtney by name,) was viewed with some terrror by his neighbors for his scholarship and the sternness of his manners. On one occasion he had an exhibition of his pupils, and proud of their display, he told the company on the second day that any of them might put questions and try his pupils. A wag asked him if he was se rious!. "Certainly, certainly, Sir." replied Courtney.- Whereupon the wag addressed the line of scholars, and asked them 44 Who was the father of Zebedee's children 1' But finding, after repeated trials, that no scholar in the school could answer the question, Courtney remarked to his pupils: 44 Here is Mr. Smith, our neighbor over the way if any were to ask you who was the father of Mr. Smith's children, do you not know 1" 44 O ye'S, certainly Mr. Smith is." 44 Very well who then is the tinther of Zebedee's children T" 44 O yes, yes, Mr. Smith sure !" Such seems to be the understanding; of our Whig friends in relation to equal suffrage They will tell us that Mr. Smith is the father of r i i i.i . tin At. a t r ebedee's cnuaren, ana mat tne wings, noi ine vet mocrats, are the peculiar friends of equal suffrage. I must now bring my desultory remarks to a close. I regret that I have to omit many views of the sub ject that I should like to offer, but I cannot do it at present. PRINTERS AND AUTHORS. N. P. Willis, in the Home Journal, thus lay claim to his right as one of the brotherhood of Faustua : If there was an apprenticeship to the trade of au thorship, it would be as essential thata young author, should pass a year as a compositor in a printing of fice, as that a future sea-captain should make a voy age before the mast. It is not alone that he wjould thus learn the importance of properly preparing bis copy" for the printers, by a legible penmanship and knowledge of the signs, marks and abbreviations by which proof is corrected. These are matters, an ao" quaintance with which, on the part of the author, would save much time and vexation, and prevent se rious blunders. The chief advantages would be to the author himself. There is no such effectual analy sis of style as the process of typesetting. As he takes up letter by letter, of a long or complex sonr tence, the compositor becomes most critically aware of where the sentence might have been shortened to save his labor. He detects repetitions, becomes im patient of redundancies, recognizes careless or inappro priate use of expletives, and soon acquires a habit of putting an admiring value on clearness and brevity. We venture to say that it would alter the whole char acter of American literature, if the authors, (of our flu ent nation !) were compelled, before legally receiving a copy-right, to have given one year to labor at the com positor's case. We have said nothing of that art of nice punctuation, which is also acquired in a printing office, and by which a style is made as much more tasteful as champaigne by effervescing. Journeymen Printersare, necessarily, well-instruct-ed and intelligent men. It is a part of a'proof read- " er's duty to mark a 44 query " against every passaga in a new book which he does not clearly comprehend. Authors who know what is valuable, profit by tho3s quiet estimates of their meaning ; and many a weak point, that would have ruined a literary reputation, if left uncorrected for the reviews to handle, has been noiselessly put right b3' a proof-reader's unobtrusive "gu ?" Of most books, indeed, we would rather have the criticism of the workmen in the office wbero it was printed, than of the reviewers who skim anrj pronounce upon it. - We speak with some little authority on this .subjret, not only because father and grandfather of our own were printers and newspaper editors before us, but because we have ourself pjefited by the discipline of which we speak. A rebellion against Greek and Latin in boyhood, was very sensibly met by the put ting of ps to work at, the compositor's case, and vre did not leave it to resume an education, till, (attar two years' practice) we could "set and distributo'' like a journeyman. Our labor was upon the religious newspaper, the Boston Recorder, and we we.l re member the gratification with which we obtained ths exclusive privilege of seeting from the manuscript of Rev. Richard Storrs, one of the contributors the style was so seizable by the memory and so invaria bly brief and to the point. Whatever may havo been the merit of our own style of writing since, we ara convinced that we owe, at least its freedom from cer tain defects, to the training we received whilo so small as to stand perched upon two type-boxes at a 44 bre vier case." A Gultivatjd Mind. Is it not strange that the mass of men care so little about cultivation? that young men especially, who have golden opportuni--ties for improvemeut, should prefer to Waste thoir hours in the ball room, bar room or bowling saloon,' rather than spend them among the calm pursuits of literature, which so indefinitely transcend the former as a source of pleasure even? It must be that they have never tasted, or at best have but an inadequate conception, of those exquisite delights -of which Sir John Herchel spoke-, when he said, "If I wero to pray for a taste vvhich should stand me instead under' every variety of circumstances, and be a source of happiness and cheerfulness to me through life, and a shield against its ills, however things might "go amiss, and the world frown upon me, it would be a taste for reading." Nor can they sympathize in the enthusiasm of the elegant and amiable Fenelon, who in a strain of eloquence, even beyond his wonted manner, declares, 44 if the riches' of both Indies, if the crowns of all the kingdoms cf Europe, were, laid at my feet, in exchange for my love of reeding, I would spurn them all !" ! iMMMM I I - J ' Immediate Relief of Toothache Dr. Kyan ob serves,' that the application of pure nitric acid to a carious tooth procures almost immediate relief of toothache and faceache, without producingfthe slight est pain. The acid must be applied to every part of the decayed surface, and care taken not to suffer it to touch the gum, cheek, lips or apparel. The mouth should be washed after the application' with tepid water. ' It is much easier to touch the teeth in the lower than in the upper jaw ; but I have never known a single instanoe in which the acid was fairly tried and completely applied to the decayed surface, with out procuring almost immediate relief, and without any pain. When the upper teeth are diseased, it is very aimcuii to teucq tne nerve m a small opening, and this is the cause of failure. The remedy may be employed, however delicate the patient reven to chit dren. Medical am Surgical Journal,- r