7 -7 . T"" " " "j - , --j-. , , , ,,. : r - -........., ..
- " , ' f- ' ' " . 1 ? : tt " " r ' : ' . - , -. r-j-. : ,
-'-THE NORTH-C AROHN A: STAB,
. I
IflOIiS I. IMAT, Edittr.
JWOTJUOinW'hfafla ta UuiIfrtMl, mti ui physical irainu, Ikt lul IT Mj liftl u. tali at hi tffKtirti."
118X191! I. LMil, liwlalc Ediur.
VOL. XLI.
RALEIGH, WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 13, 1850.
NO. 11.
THB WORTH CAROLINA STAR
M rcniint wssatv,
IT moiis J. nut . sot
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A deduction of 83J per eenL for advertise meats by
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Jkrf-AH lettre and rounuunieations mut be pott
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THE LAW OF NEWSPAPERS.
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tici to the contrary, are considered a wishing to
ewntiaue their subscriptions.
3. If subscribers order the discontinuance of their
paper., the publisher may continue to tend them
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t. If subscribers aeplect or refuse taking their
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their paper ordered to be discontinued.
4 The Courts hare decided that refusing to take
a MWspaper or periodical from the omee, of maov
tag and leaving it uncalled for, is " prima facie"
evidence of ihtbxtioial fiu .
JST We send the Star to a few friends who bare
aot ordered it but will consider them nhtcribtrt so
loaf as they continue to receive the paper.
(fcaT- Poet masters are earnestly requested to no
tify us immedialrly of a discontinuance, as tHcy are
responsible la Law, if this duty is neglected.
SPEECH
or
- utb -eALHOif i, ir mum .-caboux a, -
OH TH
8lsrery Question, delivered in the Senate of the U-
niton Slates, juarcn 4, ib-w.
T haveT Senators," believed front the first
that the agitation of the subject of slavery
would, if not prevented by tine timely and
effective measure, end - in disunion. Enter
taining tliis opinion, I have, on all proper oc
casions endeavored to mil the attention of
both of the two great parties which divide the
Country to adopt some measure to prevent ao
great a disaster, hut without snccees. The
agitation has been permitted to proceed, with
almost no attempt to resist it until it has reach
ed a period when it can no louder be disguised
or denied that the Union is in danger. You
have thus had forced upon you the greatest
and the gravest question that can ever come
- under your rou-.ideration How can lite Union
be preserved?
To give a satisfactory answer to this mighty
epiestion, it in indispensable to have an accurate
and thorough knowledge of the nature and the
character of the cause by which the Union is
endangered. Wi:liout such knowledge it is
impossible to'pron ounce, with any certainty, by
"what measure' ft Pin heTrarcoVyrnTt as it would
be impossible for n physician lo pronounce in
(he case of some dangerous disease, with any
certainty, by what remedy the patient could
bo saved, without similar knowledge oft the
nature and character of the cause of the dis
ease. The fi ffl question",'" then presented for
Consideration, in the invalidation I pmpos? to I
rWatBr1oontorno-"rji)fain such know ledge,
.a What is it that has endangered the U-
nion?-" .
To this, question there can be but one an
swer; that the immediate cause is the almost
universal discontent which pervades all the
States composing the Southern section of the
Union. This widely extended discontent is
not of recent origin. It commenced with, the
""'agitaiioif of 1hd slaleTry question; and hasbcen'
increasing ever since. The, next question,
going one step further back, is Y hat has
caused this widely diffused and almost uniier
ul discontent'
It if a great mistake to suppose, as is by
some, that it originated with demagogues, who
excited the discontent with the intention of aid
.anf their, jwraoiul. advaocemcMr. of with the
iditappoinied ambition of certain politicians,
who resorted lo it as the means of retrieving
their fortunes. On ihe contrary, all die great
political influences of the section were arrayed
against excitement,, and jbxerted to the utmost
to keep the peotil e,utet, The great mass of
the people of the South were divided, as in
the other section into Whigs and Democrats,
The leaders and the presses of both parlies in
lh South were very solicitous to prevent ex
citement and to preserve quiet; because it was
een that the effects of the former would ne
cessarily tend to weaken- if not destroy, the
political ties which united them with their
respective parlies lit the other section.
Those who know the strength of party ties will
rsadUy appreciate the immense force which
this eause exerted against agitation and in favor
f preserving quiet. But as gtest as it was,
it was) not sufficient to prevent the wide
spread discontent which now peivadcs (he
section. N o; some cause, far deeper and more
powerful than the one supposed, must exist,
U account for discontent so wide and deep,
The question, then recurs What is the cause
of this discontent! It will be found in the be
' Hef of the people of the Southern States, as
' prevalent as the discontent itself, that they
canao remain, as things now are, consistently
widk honor and safety, in the Union. The
ett question lo he considered isWhat has
abused that belief?
... . One of the causes is undoubtedly, to be
traced to the long continued agitation of the
slave question on the part of the North, and
the many aggressions which they have, made
on Ihe rights of the South during the lime. I
will not enumerate them at present as it will
fce done hereafter in its proper place.
There is another lying bank of it, with
which this is intimately connected, that may
be regarded as. the great and primary cause.
.That is to be found in the fact that the euuilibri.
urn between the two sections in the Government
. as u stood when the Constitution was ratified
and the Government put in action, has been
i destroyed. At that time there was nearly a
ps.fect equilibrium between the,: two. which
afforded ample means to each o protect itself
gainst mo aggression oi mo outer; out, as u
How stands, one section has d; exctustve now
of. controlling the GoremmeM, ' which
leaves the other without any adequate means
protecting itself agxmst its encroachment
d oppression. , Ts place this subject dis
tmedy before vol. I hare ftflnataro. mvauatl
hriej statistical stalesaenU showinc Ihe rela.
im weight of th two sections in Ihe Uovenv
,, mment under the first census of 1700 and the
I am eciiaas of 1840,. .f, .
a Jf0.ra,.n' to f,r the population of
i k? V "JT,? 8UIM ,nrf'"Jing Vermont. Kentuc
; f nnee, which then were in theii
020,887, Of this number the Northern State
had I,OT7'80O, and the South 1,05S,OT2,
making a difference of onlv t5,9?7 in mvor
of the former States. The number of
States including Vermont, Kentucky and
Tennessee were sixteen; of which eight inclu
ding Vermont belonged to the Northern
section, and eight, including Kentucky
and Tennessee, to the Southern, mak
king an equal division of the States between
the two sections under the first census.
There was a smalt preponderance in the
House of Representatives, and in the electoral
college in favor of the Northern, owing to the
fact that acording to the fact that according to
the provisions of the Constitution, in estima
ting federal numbers, five slaves count but
three; but it was too small to affect sensibly
the perfect equilibrium, which, with that ex
ception, existed, at the time. Such was the
equality of the two section, when the States
composing them agreed to enter' into a Federal
Union. Since then the equilibrium between
them has been greatly disturbed.
According to the last census the aggregate
population of the United States amounted to
17,063,357," of which the Northern section
contained 9,728,020, and the Southern 7,334.
437, making a difference in round numbers, of
2,400,000. The number ol Mutes had in
creased from sixteen to twenty six, making
an addition of ten States. In the mean time
the position of Delaware had become doubt
ful as to which section she properly belongs.
Considering her as neutral, the Northern State
will hare thirteen and tho Southern States
twelve, making a difference in the Senate of
two Senators in favor of the former. Accord
ing to. tliCL,.apportioniiieiit : under ; the census of
1840, there were 323 members or the House
of Representatives, of which the Northern
Slates had 135, and the Southern States (con
sidering Delaware as neutral) 87, making's
difference in favor of the former in the House
of Representatives of 48. The difference in
the Senate nf two members added to this, gives
to the North in the electoral college, a maion
tyofSO. Since the ' census of 1840, four
States have been added to the Union; Iowa,
Wisconsin, Florida, and Texas. They leave
the difference in the Senate as it stood when
the census was taken; but add two to the side
of the North in the House, making the present
majority in the House in its favour of 50, and
in the electoral college of 58.
The result of the whole is to give the
Northern section a predominance in every de
partment of the Government, and thereby con
c en irate in it the two elements which Consti
tute the Federal Government; majority of
States and a majority of their population, esti
mated in federal numbers. Whatever section
concentrates the two in itself possesses the con
trol of the entireGovernirient.
Hut we are just at Ihe close of the sixth de
cade, and the commencement 'of Ihe seventh.
rhe census is to be taken this year, which must
add greatly to the decided preponderance of the
North in the House of Representatives and
in- the electoral college, The prospect is, also
that a great increase will be added to its pre
sent preponderance in die Senate during the
period of the tiecade-" fey the addition of new
States. Two rerntones, Oregon and Minesota,
are already in progress; and strenuous efforts
are making ts bring i -three additional Stales
from the territory reeendy conquered from
Mexico; which if successful, will add three
other States in a short time to the Northern
section, making five States; and increasing
the present number of its Stales from fifteen
to, jtwqnty mid of itr-Sertstors, from thirty to
tortv. un tne contrary, were is not a single
Territory in progress'in the Southern section,
and no eertaintv that any additional State will
bo added to it during the decade The pros
pect then is that the two sections in the Sen
ate should Ihe efforts now made to exclude
the South from the newly acquired Teritories
succeed, Will, stand, before Ihe end of the de
cade, twenty ' Kortlieri" Stales to fourteen
Southern, (considering Delaware as neutral, and
forty Northern Senators to SO Soutbern. 1 his
great increase of Senators added to the great
increase of members of the House of Represent
tattves and etctoral college on the part of the
North, which must take place under the next
decade, will effectually and irretrievably destroy
the equilibrium which existed when Ihe Gov
ernment commenced.
Had this 'destruction been Ihe operation
of time, without the interference of Govern
ment, the South would have had no reason lo
complain; but such was not the fact. It was
caused by the legislation of this Govern
ment which was appointed, as the common
agent of all, and charged with the protection
of the interests and security of all. The legis
lation by which it has been effected, may be
classed under three heads. The first is, that
series of acts by which the South has been ex
cluded from the common territory belonging lo
all of the Mates, as the members ol the fede
ral Union, and which hare had the effect of
extending vastly the portion allotted to die
Nothern section and restricting within narrow
limits, the portion left die South, The next
consists in adopting a system of revenue and
disbursements, by which an undue proportion
of the burden of taxation has been imposed
upon me bouw, ana an unuue proportion oi
its proceed appropriated to the NorUi; and the
last is a system of political measures by which
the original character ol the uovernment
has been radically changed. I propose lo
bestow upon each of these, in the order they
stand, few remarks, with the view of show
ing that it is owing lo the action of this Got
eminent that the equilibrium between the
two sections has been destroyed, and the
whole powers of ths system centered in a
sectional majority. . . .
The first of the series of acts by which the
South was deprived of its duo share of the
Territories originated with the Confederacy,
which preceded the existence of this Govern
ment Itis to be found in the provision
of Ihe ordinance of 1787- Its effect wasJy of Ihe community.
-SLu.ft. - .'-.l..i J - - -- --- s
lo exclude, the Smith enUrely from' 'thai
vast and fertile resion which lies between itt
Ohio and Ihe Mississippi rivora,'awr1'mbrae
ing firs States sad one Territory. . The- next
of ths series is the Missouri com promise.
which excluded the South from that large por
tion of Louisiana which lies north of S8 80",
excepting what is included is ths. Stats of
Missouri, , The last' of the series excluded die
South from the whole of the Oregon Territory.
All these in the slang of the day, . were what
are, called slave tersitories, and not free sod;
that is, territories belonging to slaveholdin
powers and open to the emigration of masters
with their slave. isy these several ad ins
South was excluded from 1,338,085 square
miles as extent of eountry toosidcasbly x-
eeeding the entire valley of the Mississippi
To the Sooth wai left the portion of theTer-
ntory oi UHisuna lyuig South of 38 10',
and the portion north of it included in the
urate ol Missouri.' The Portion lying south
of 38 10, including the States of Louisiana
and Arkansas, and the territory lying west
of Ihe Utter and south of 30 30 called the
Indian country. These, with the Terrilory
of Florida, now the State, make in the whole
883,603 square miles. To this must he added
the territory acquired with Texas If the
whole should be added lo the Southern sec
tion, It Would make an increase of 335,580,
which would make the whole left to the
South 600,083. But a large part of Texas is
still in contest between the tiro sections,
which leaves it uncertain what will be the
real extent of the portion of territory thai may
be left lo the South.
I have not included the territory teeently
acquired by the treaty with Mexico. The
North is making the most strrnous efforts lo
appropriate the whole to herself, by excluding
me im irora every iooi oi iu u sne should
succeed, it will add to that from which the
South has already been excluded, 686, 078
square miles, and would increase the whole
which the North lias appropriated to herself
to 1 ,704,02 J, not including the portion that
she may succeed in excluding us from in
1 rxas. I o sum up the whole, the United
State since they declared their, independence
nave -acquired 2,(179,040 square miles of tern-tort-,
from which the north will hare excluded
the South, if she should succeed in monopo
lizing the newly acquired territories, about
three, fourths of the whole, leaving to the
South but about ono fourth.
Such is" the first and greal cause that lias
destroyed the equilibrum between the two
sections in the Government.
t The next is the system of revenue and dis
bursements which has been adopted by the
Government, It is well known that the Gov
ernment has derived its revenue mainly from
duties on imports. I shall not undertake to
show that such duties must necessarily fall
mainly on the exporting states, and that the
South, aa the great exporting portion of the
Union, has in reality paid vastly more than
her due proportion of the revenue; because I
deem it unnecessary as the subject has on so
many occasions been fully discussed. Nor
shall I for Ihe same reason, undertake to show
that a far greater portion of the revenue has
been disbursed al the North, than its due
share; and that the joint effect of these causes
has been to transfer a vast amount from South
to North, which under an equal system of
revenue and disbursements, would not have
been lost to her. If lo this be added, that
many of the duties were imposed, not for fov
enue, but for protection that is, intendended
to put money not in the treasury, but directly
into the noeket of die the manufacturers, aomc
conception may be formed of the immense
amount which, in the long course of sixty
years, have been transferred from South to
North. There are no data by which it can
be estimated with any certainty; but it is safe
that it amounts to hundreds of millions of dol
lars. Under the most moderate rsuinate,' it
would be sufficient to sdd greatly to die wealth
ol the the north, and thus, greatly increase
her population by attracting emigration from
all quarters to that section.
rhis combined with Ihe great and primary
eause amply explains why the Nor til has ac
quired a preponderance over every depart
ment of the Government by its disproportion
ate increase of population and States. The
(ntfnef; a sr been snown," Tiar Mcreased In
fifty years, 8,400,000 over that of the South.
This increase of population, during so long a
period is satisfactorily accounted for, by the
number of emigrants, and Ihe increase of their
descendants, which have been attracted to the
Northern section from Europe and the South
in consequence of the advantages derived &PW.
the causes assigned. If they had not existed
if the South had retained all the capital
which has been extracted from her by the
fiscal action of the Government; and if it had
not been excluded by the ordinance of
87 and the Missouri compomise, from die
region lying between the Ohio and the Mil-
sisisippi rivers, and the Munissppi and the
Rocky Mountains North ol 86" 80 it sarce-
ly admits of a doubt that it would have divided
the emigration with the north, and by retained
her own people would have at least equalled
the North in population under die census of
1840, ana probably under that about to be ta
ken. . She would also, . if she had retained
her equal rights in those territories, have
maintained an equality in the number of States
with the North, and have preserved the equil
ibrium between the two sections that existed
al the commencement of the Government.
The loss then of the equilibrum, is to be attri
buted to the action of Uiis Government.
But while these measures were destroying
the equibrium between Ihe two sections, the
action of the Government was leading lo a
radical change in lis character, by concentra
ting all the power of the system in it self.
The occasion will not permit me lo trace
the measures by which this great change has
been consummated. If it did it would not be
difficult to show that the process oommenced
at an early period of the Government; thai it pro
ceeded,. almost without interruption, step by
step, until it absorbed virtually its entire pow
ers, but without going through the whole pro
cess to establish ths fact it may be dons satis
factorily by a very short statement.
That the Oovemme ntelaims. and nraeticall v
maintains, the right to decide in the last resort,
as to Ihe extent of its powers, will scarcely be
denied by any one conversant with the politi
cal history of die country.' That italsoclaiins
the right to resort to force lo maintain whatov
er power she claims, against all opposition.
is equally certain. Indued it is apparent, from
what we daily hear, that this has become the
prevailing and fixed opinion of a great major
Now, I ask, what limitation can possibly be
f placed upon the powers of a government
Claiming ana exercising sucn ngnui . anu u
none can be, bow can lite separate government
of the States maintain and protect die poirere
reserved lo them by Ihe Constitution, or the
people of the several States maintain those
which are reserved to them, and among others
see sovereign powers by which they ordained
and established not only their separate Stat
constitutions and governments, but also the
CocttttUittoa and garerninera of, the United
Stales? ' But if they havs bo coastituuooal
means of maintaining them against th right
elaimed by this Uovscnmenl, it necessarily
follows that they hold them at jls pleasure and
disofsuon snd that vl fit powers, of th ay
tern are in reality concentrated in H. It also!
follows thai Ihe character of the Government
has been changed in consequencs from a Fed
eral republic as it originally cams from the
hands of its f rumors, into a great national con
solidated democracy. It has, indeed at pre
sent all the characteristics of the latter, and n t
one of die former, although it still retains its
outward form.
The result of Ihe whole of those causes
combined is, that the North has acquired a
decided ascendency over every department of
Uiis uovernment, and through It a control over
all the powers of the system. A singlo
lion governed by the will of the numerical
majority, has now, in fact, the control of the
Government and the enure powenof die sys
tem. What was once a consliuttonal Federal
republic, is nowonvertcd, in reality into one
aa absolute as that of th Autocrat of Russia,
and as despotic in its tendency as any abso
lute government that ever existed.
As, then, the North has tho absolute con
trol over Government, it is manifest, on all
questions between it and UieSoulh where there
la a diversity at iuUmats, las interests ui the lat
ter will be sacrificed to the former, however op
pressive the effects may be as. the South pos
sesses no means by which it can resist, through
theactionof the Government. Hut, if there was
no question of vital importance to the Sodth
in reference lo which diere was a diversity of
views between the two sections, Uiis state of
things might be endured, without the hazard
of destruction lo die South. Rut such is nol
die fact There is a question of vital impor
tance to the southern aecUon in reference
which the views and feelings of the two sec
tions are as opposite and hostile as they can
'possibly be. ' " ""'"''" T
I refer to the relation between the two races
in the- aoudiem -section, - which constitutes a
vital portion of the social organization. Every
portion of the North entertains views and feel
ing more or less hostile to it. Those most
opposed and hostile regard it as a sin and con
sider themselves under die must sacred ob
ligation to use every effort lo destroy it. In
deed, to the extent dial they conceive they
have power, they regard themselves as impli
cated in the sin, and responsible for suppres
sing it by the use of all and every means.
Those less opposed and hostile regard it
as a crime -an offence against humanity, as
they call it, and, although not ao fanatical,
feci themselves bound to use all efforts
to effect the ssme object; while those who
are least opposed and hostile regard it as a bolt
and a stain on the character of what they call
the nation, and feel themselves accordingly
bound to give il no countenance or support.
On die contrary the southern section regards
the relation as one which cannot be destroyed
without subjecting the two races to the great
est clamity and the section to poverty, desola
tion and wretchedness; and accordingly they
feel bound, by every consideration of interest
and safety lo defend it.
This hostile feeling on tho part of the
North towards the social organization of the
South long lay dormant, but it only required
uim"A TMftn in net on thnsn who frit mnsMi
ttWe!Hiely4tia theyW for its con
. . -'" . t
tmuance, to Call it into acUon. 1 he increasing
power of this Government, and of the control
of the northern section over all its depart
ments furnished die cause. It was this which
made an impression on the minds of many,
that there was little or no restraint to prevent
the Government from doing whatever it might
choose to do. This was sufficient of itself to
put die most fanatical portion of the North in
acfiorTWBi plffp dwfttiylrfffthwwilivH
ing relation between the two races in the
South. ,
The first organized movement towards it
commenced in 1835. .Then, for die first time
societies were organized, presses established,
lecturers sent forth lo excite die people of the
.North, and .incendiary, publication caUcred
over the whole South, through die mad. I he
South was thoroughly aroused. Mectinn were
held every where and resolutions adopted,
calling upon the North to apply a remedy lo
arrest the threatened evil, and pledging them
selves to adopt measure for their own protec
tion if it was not arrested. At the meeting of
Congress petitions poured in from Ihe North
calling upon Congress to abolish slavery in
the District of Columbia, and to prohibit what
they called the internal slave trade between,
die States, announcing at the same time, that
their -ultimate object was to abolish slavery,
not only in ihe District, but in the States and
throughout the Union. At this period, the
number engaged in die agitation was small
and possessed little or no no personal influ
ence. Neither party in Congress had, at dial lima
any sympathy with them, or their cause.
I he members of each party presented their
petitions with great reluctance. Nevertheless
as small and contemptible as the party then
was both of the great parties of the North
dreaded them. They fell that, though small.
they wore organized in reference to a subject
which had a great and a commanding influ
ence over the northern mind. Each party, on
that account, feared to oppose their petitions,
leal the opposite party should lake advantage
of Ihe one who might do so, by favoring their
petitons. 1 he effect was that both united in
insistiiur thai die petition should be received.
and that Congress sW, :!d take jurisdiction of
ths subject for which they prayod. . 1 0 justi
fy their course, they took the extraUirdinarT
ground that Congress was bound to receive
peuohs on every subject, bower objectionable
U might be, and whether they bad or had not
jurisdiction over the subject These views
prevailed in the House ol Kepresentauve,
and partially in tho Senate, and thus the party
succeeded in their first movements in f lining
what they proposed position in Congress,
from which agitation could b axtcudod over
the whole Union. . This was die commence
ment of the agitation, which ha ever since
continued, and which as is now acknowledged,
has endangered too Uiuoa itself.
A for myself, I believed, at that early pe
riod if die party who got up th petitions
should succeed in (retting Coogress to tike
jurisdiction, that sgitstios would follow, and
that it would in tho cad. It not arresteO, Oc-
etroy ths anion. . I thosj so expressed my
elf la debate and called upon both parties to
take grounds "against assuming tunadieuon.
but in vaia. Had par rows been heeded, ad
had Congress refused to tak jurisdiction, oy
die united votes oi all Darties. ths acitauaa
which followed wotdd have been prewea ted.
and ths mintieal leal thst gives impulse to
tho agitation, mf which has brought iu to our
present psritoM ooodilio would have be
come exltuguished from die want', of foci to
feed Ihe flame." 7W was ths time for the
I North lo show her devotion lo the Union; but
unfortunately both of tho great parties of that
sccuob were so Intent on obtaining or re tam
ing party ascendency, that all other consider
ations were overlooked or forgotten.
What has since followed are but the natu
ral consequences. With die success of their
first movement, this small fanatical party be
gan to acquire strength; and with that, lo be
come an object of courtship to both the great
parties. The nenrssary consequencs was, a
further increase of power, and a rradnal
tainting of the opinions of both of the other
parties with their doctrines, untd the infection
has extended orer both; and the great mass of
the population of Ihe North, who, whatever
mav-be their optnton of the original abolition
party, which still preserve its distinctive or
ganisation, hardly ever fail, when it comes to
acting, to co-operate in carrying out their mea
sures. ' Wi;h die increase of their influence.
they extended Ihe sphere of their action.
In a short time after the commencement of
their first movement, they had acquired audi
(int influence to induce the legislatures of
most of the Northern Stales to pass acts,
which in effect abmgnted the provision of the
Constitution that provides lor the delivery op
of fugitive slaves. Not long after, petitions
followed to abolish slavery in forts, magazines,
and dock yards, and all other places where
Congress had exclusive power of legislation.
This was followed by petitions and resolu
tions of legislatures of the Northern States
and popular meetings, to exclude the South
ern States from all Territories-acquired, or to
be acquired, and to prevent ths admission ol
any Slate hereafter into the Union, which, by
Tur ,Xfttrmtion,-rJov rjot pTOmbrt stvrvv
And congress is invoked to do sll thiscxpressly
with the view to the final amboliiion of slave
ry in the States. Thai has been avowed to
be the ultimate object from the beginning of
me agnation until ine present lime I ami yet
the great body of both parties of the North,
ill the full knowledge of the fact, although
disavowing the abolitionists, have co-operated
with them in almost all their measures.
Such is a brief history of the agitation, as
fares it has yet advanced. Now I ask.'Sena
tors, what is there to prevent Its further pro
gress, until it fulfil die ultimate end proposed,
unless some decisive measure should be a
dopted to prevent ill Has any one of the causes.
which has sdded lo it increase from its origi
nal small and contemptible beginning untd il
ha attained its present magnitude, diminished
in force! Is the original cause of ths move
ment, that slavery is a sin, and ought lo be
suppressed, weaker now than at Ihe com
mencement? Or i the Abolition party less
numerous or influential, or have they less in
fluence over, or control ever ths two great par
tie of the- North in elections? Or has the
South greater means of influencing or control
ling the movements of this Government now,
than it had when the agitation commenced r
To all these questions but one answer can be
given: no, no, no. The very reverse is true.
Instead of being weaker, all the elemsnts in
- i - Tf'MfiBtrtl'r11ft' sTwSirof ''bow lhaft they
. .fin 1 ! A . J
were in loan, wunn it ursicoinnienceu, xriiuc
all the elcmenri of influence on the part of the
South am weaker. Unless something decisive
is done, I again ask, what is to stop Uiis agita
tion,, before the great and final object at which
il aims the abolition of slavery in the State
consummated! Is It, then, not certain that
if something decisive i not now done to ar
rest it, Ihe South will be forced to choose be
tween -abolition and accession?. Indeed, as
svsaustSM saw Aoviug,. H Y ijl not rBquioiths
South to secede to dissolve the Union. Agi
tation will of itself effect it, of which its past
history furnishes abundant proof, aa I shall
next proceed to show.
It is a great mistake to suppose that disun
ion ean be effected bv a sinirls blow. The
cords which bound these State together in
one common Uiiioh are far loo" numCrousand
powerful for that. Disunion must be the work
of lime. It is only through a long process,
and successively, thai the coids ean be snap
ped, until the whole fabric fatts asunder. Al
ready the agitation of the slavery question
has snapped some of the most important, and
ha greatly weakened all the other, I shall
procerd lo ahow.
TlMcords dial bind the Stales together are not
orJy many, but various in character. Some are
spiritual or ecclesiastical; come .political; oth
ers social. Some appertain to the benefit con
ferred by the Union, and other to the feeling
of duty and obligation. . ..'ZTZZZ...,
The alrongest ol those of a spiritual and ec
clesiastical nature consisted in the unity nf the
great religious denominations, all of which or-
r ! .l i i tr . . ah
iginaiiy rnioraceu uie wnoie union, ah
these denominations, with Ihd exception, per
haps, of tho Catholics, were organized very
much upon the principle ot our political insti
tutions; beginning with smaller meeting corres
ponding with the political division of th
country, their organization terminated in on
great central assemblage, corresponding very
much with the character of Uongres. At thee
meeting the principal clergymen and lay
members or the reapecuve denominations irora
all par: of the Union met to transact busi
ness relating lo their common concerns. Il
was not eonfined lo what SDoertained to ths
doctrine and discipline of the respccliv de
nominations, but extended to plan for dissem
inating die Bible, establishing missionaries,
distributing tract, and of establishing presses
for the publication of tracts, newspapers, tai
periodicals, with a view of diffusing religiou
information, and for die support of the doctrine
and creed ofthe denomination. All this combin
ed contributed greatly to strengthen Ihe bonds of
the Union. The strong tie which held each
denomination together formed strong cord
to hold the whole Union together: but, a pow
erful a they were, they have not been able
lo resist the exploviv effect of slavery agita
tion. , '; :
'Hi first of these cord which (napped, un
der its explosive force, was thai of the pow
erful Methodist Episcopal Church. The no-
merous and strong lisS which held it together
art all broke, and lis nmty gone, 1 hey aw
form separate charches; and, instead of that
feeling of attachment and devotion - to the in
terests of the whole church which wa form
erly foil, ihey are now arrayed info lw hos
tile bodies, sniraged in .litigation about what
wa formerly their common property.
Ths next cord dial snapped was that of
ill Baptists, on of ths largest and most r
necuible of the denbmlna tioos. That of the
prasbvieria. it not rntirely snapped, but
of it strands hav given away. That of tho
Episcopal Church Is ths only one of ih four
great I'rotestanl denominations which remain
unbroken and entire, '
The strongest cord, of a political character,
consist of Ihe many nd stronf tie that havs
held together the two great parties which
have, with oai modifications, stilted Iras
ihs beginning of ih government ' They both
extended 10 evetv nortion of the Union, snd
Strongly contributed to hold all its parts to
gether. But this powerful cord ha fared
no better than the spiritual. - It resisted for i
long time the explosive tendency of the agi
tation, but has finally snapped snider its fores
it not entirely, in a great measure, ' Nor
is there one of Ihe remaining cords which
hav not been greatly , weakened. To Ibi
extent ths Union baa already been destroyed
by agitation, in ths only way it can bs, by
napping minder and weakening Ih chords
wnicn Dinu it fogeiner. - v
If die agiuiioa goes on, ths sims fores, act
ing w iih increased intensity, as baa been shown
will finally snap every chord, when nothing
will bs lento hold Ihs States together except
lore, nut, surely, that can with no propriety
of language, bs called a Union whoa the
only menus by which lbs weaker is held
connected with ths stronger portion is fart.
It may, indeed, keep them counseled; but Ih
eonaewlioe) will partake much mors of the char
acter of subjugation, on ths part of the weaker
to ths stronger,, than Ihe union of free, in
dependent, and sovereign State, in one eoa-
f ode rati on, aa dwy stood in ihe early stages of
lh Uovemmeut, sad which only w worthy
of the sacred nsms uf Union. . 1.
f- Having now, Sous tors, explained what it
is that endanger lh Union, and triced il to
its cause, and explained it nature and chanc
ier, the question again recurs How can die
Union be savedl To this I answer, lliers is
but ono wy liy wliii-h- Uciia bst and thst is-
by adopting such measures will satisly
Ihe Slates belonging to the Southern section
that Ihey San remain in the Union consistent
ly with Iheir honor and their aafety. There
is, again, ouly one way by which dial ran bs
sfferled, and lhal is by removing lh causes
by which Ihia belief ha been produced. Do
that, and discontent will cease, harmony and
kind leelings between tne sections bs restored,
and every apprehension of danger to the U
nion removed. . The question, then, is By
what ean this bs done! But before I under
take to answer this question. I propose to
show by what die Union cannot be saved.
II cannot, them bs savsd by suiogie on lh
Union, however splendid or numerous. The.
cry of "Union, Union ths glorious Union!"
an no mors prevent disunion than Ihs cry of
"Health, health glorious health!" on lh part
of ths physician, can save a patient lying dan
gerously ill. So long as the Union, instead
of being regarded as a protector, is regarded
in the opposite character, by not much Us
thai majority of ths Stalns.it will bs in vaia
to attempt to eoncdiate them by pronouncing
eulogies on it. -
Bender thra ciT of Union es " eflns-
monly from Ihoss who we cannot believ
to be sincere. It usually comes from our as
sailants. But ws cannot believe ihea to be
sioaerat for,- if they loved Ihs Union, thsy
would necessarily Be devoted to Ihe Consti
tution. It made the Union, and to destroy
the. Constitution Would be to destroy ihs U
nion. But the only reliable and Certain svi-
dence of devotion to Ihe Constitution is, to ab-
taitw pn throne. honiL from rioUiting it, smJ
to repel, on ths other, all attorn pis to violate
it. It Is only by faithfully performing these
high duties that lh Constitution eaa b pre
served, snd with it lh Union. : .
But how stands tho profession of devotion
to Ihs Union by our aasadants. whs bjoughl
lo this teslf Have they abstained from vio
lating lh Constitution? Let ihs many acs
passed by ths Northern Mules to est astd and
annul the clause of lh Constitution providing
for the delivery up of fugitive slaves answer.
I cite this, not that il is the only instance, (for
there are many other,) but beeaus the vio-
iation In this Trtientaf"-t too notorious and
alpable ton denied. Again: hav they stood
brth faithfully to repel violation of Ihs Con
stitution? Let their course la reference to th
agitation of lh slsvery question, which was
commenced and has been carried on for fif
teen years, avowedly for. the purpose of shot- J
iahing slavery in the States .an object f 11 ac
knowledged to be unconstitutional answer.
Let them show a single instance, during this
long period, in which they have denounced
Ihe agitator or their attempts to effect what
is admitted to bs unconstitutional, or a (ingle
measure which they have brought forward for
that purpose. How can w, With atl (beta fact
before us, believe that tliey are siucer in
iheir profession of devotion to die Union, or
avoid believing Iheir profession is but intended
to increase ths vigor of their assault and to
weaken the force of our resistance! ; ,
Nor can we regard Ihe profeeaioa of devo
tion to die Union, a the part of ilioee who are
not our assailants, as sincere, whe.n Ihey pro
n ounce eulogies upon the Union, evulsnUy
with the intent of charging us with disunion,
ithout uttering on word of denunciations a-
gainil our assailsnta. If friends of ihs Union,
iheir course should be to unite with u ta re
pellinj these assaults, and denouncing ths ao-:
thors as enemies of the Union. Why Ihey
avoid this, sad pursue the course they do, M
w for them to explain. , '-,-.
Nor can the Union be saved by invoking
the name of the Ulustriou Southerner whoie
mortal remain repose on tho western bank
of Ih Potomac. He ws one of us s slave
holder and a planter. W have, studied his
history, and find nothing ia it to justify ub
missiou to wrong. On lh contrary, his great
lam rest on Hi (olid foundation, that, while
he was careful lo avoid doing wrong to plheri,
he was prompt and decided in repUing wrong.'
I Irnst that, in thi respeet, w profited by his
example,, ' .' ,
Nor can we find any thing in hie history to
deter us from feeeding from . th Union,
thould it foil to fulfil lh object for which it
wu instituted, by being permanently and
hopelessly son verted into the mean of op
pressing Mislead of proteeung a. - On the
contrary, we find much ia his example to en-
courage sa, should ws be force J to ths ex
tremity of deciding between submission snd
disunion. ; ; ' v-v . ''
.There existed then, a well as now, a union
that between parent country and her then
colonies, it was a union .thai had much to
endear il to Ihe people of ihe colonies- Un
der its protecting snd superintending rare,
Ihe colonies were planted and crew Bp and
prospered, thorugh a long course of years, until
.the became populous sad wesl0iy.,4 It
fit wore not limited to tiiem. Their exten
sive agricultural and other productions, gave
birth to a flourishing commerce, which rich.
ly rewarded the parent country tor th - Irou
bio and expense of establishing and protect
ing then. Washington was bora and grow
p to manhood under that union. Hs aeouin
ed his early dtstinetios ia its service, sad there
is every reason to believe lhal ha wae dev
todly attached to it. , wul his devotion was a
rational one, Hs was attached lo it, not as
an end, but as s means to an sod, hen
it failed to fulfil its end, and, instead of afford- "
ing protection, wa converted into die mean
of oppressing the colonies, he did not hesitate ,
to draw bis sword, and head the great move
atent by which that anion was Airever vs .
ed, and the independence of these Slates es
tablished. This was th great and crowning
glory of his lint, which has spread hi fame ,
over the whole jrlobe, and will transtail it to
ths latest postemy,.. . .' - .?-4' . , -Nor
ean ths plan proposed by the : distin- -guished
Senator from Kentucky, nor that al (
the Administration, save the Union. I (hall -pa
by, without remark, the plan proposed
by the Senator, and proceed direcdy . to the
consideration of lhal of ths Administration-- ? .
1 however assure the distinguished and blo
8enator. that in taking this enurse, aa disres
rict whatever U intended lo him or his plan
have adopted it, beeaus (a many Senaujr
ol distinguished anilities, who were present
when he delivered his (peach, and explained
hi plan, and who were fully capable to do
jusuce lo th aide they wpport, have replied
10 him, ,. - -'. . .J. ; j ' . . .V l V
Ths plan of the Administration cannot tar
the Union, because it can have no effect whaV
ever toward satisfying th State composing
the Southern section oi tne uniun. mat ,,inu;-s-.
ean, consistently with lately and honor,, re
main in the Union, It is in fact but. mod
ification of lh Wilmot proviso;!! ptvrpouvW''"1
to effect the same object, to exclude th
South from all territory acquired by the , '
Mexican treaty. It ia well known that'
lh South is united against th Wilmot provi
so, and has eommitled itself by solemn res-
oluiiona, to resist, should it be adopted,. Its
opposition it not lo Ikt name, but that which
it p repose f tffitt;-1 nai in Bouwera state -- -hold
to be unconstitutional, uujuit, in coo-
sislent with their equality a member of the
common Union, snd calculated to destroy Irre
trievably, ths equilibrium between the two sec
tions. These objection equally apply to what,
for brevity, I will call the Executive proviso.
There is ao difference . between it and., the .
Wilmot. except kt the mode of effecting the
object, and in that respect I must aay, that
the latter is much ths least objectionable.- .
It goes to its object, opeuly, boldly, and dis
liuady. .41 claims. Jor Congrass -nidiiniteil
power aver th Territorie, . and propose ,
lo assart il over th Territories acquired from
Mexico, by a possiuv prohibition of Slavery,
Nol so th Executive proviso. It take an
indirect course, and ia order to elude th Wil
mot proviso, snd thereby avoid encountering
the unitsoTand determined resislanoe of the "
South, it denie, by implication, die authority
of f lomrrees to Inrislate for tho Territorie. '
and claim tit right w Wongng eiioluslvoljr
to toe Mhabtlaateol tn-territories, . ji w
effect th object of excluding die , 8outh il
take care, ta the mean time, to let in emigrants
freely from Ihe Northern Slate and all other
eunrtera, except from ihe Sooth, which il take
special care to exclude by holding - ap to - - .
them. the. .danger of having their UeaBb' ," '
rated under the Mexican law. 1 he neeee-
rv eonseauence is to exclude Ihe South
from th Territory, just a effectually aa would
the Wilmot. proviso. The only difference
ia thteetert i-Hhswlvat jite propose av
aieet eUry.,apdylh ffa.M&&&"ZSZ
to effect indirectly and eoverlly. , . .
But Ih Executive proviso u more objec
tionable than ths Wilmot, in another and more
important particular. . Ths Utter, to effect its "
object, indict a dangerous wound upon lite
Constitution, by depriving the Southern State 1
a ioinl partners and owner of lh Territorie,
of thau 4tgAta..ia themihut it indict no greaK
r wound than u absolutely accessary to ef
fect il object, Th former, on the euntrarr,
while it inflicts lh earn wound, inflicts oth
er squally gnat, and, if possible, greater, as I .
shall next proceed toexplain.
In claiming the right tor Ihe inhabitants. 10-
(lead of Congress, to legislate for th Ter- .
ritories, lh executive proviso, assumes that
th sovereignty over lh Territorie I vested
ia Ihs formert or to express it ia the language
used ia a recolution offered by on l the
Senator from Texaa, fGcn. Houston, now
absent,) ihey have "the earn Inherent right
of ef-govrnment as lh people ih th States.
Th aasomptioa m utterly uulounded, unron-
Mituuonal, without example, and contrary to
the entire practice of the Uovernment, Iron
ite eommeneenwnt to lh present lira, as I
hslt proceed to (how. : '
fhe recent movement of individuals In Cat
ifontia to form a constitution and a Slate gov.
eminent, and to tppoiot SeaBlor tud Rrpn. '
entail, ia ihs first fruit sf this monsuovsa
assumption. , If the individuals, who mide
this movement, had gone into California l(
adventurers, and if. aa uch. they 'had eoa
qncred tiia Territory and established Iheir In
dependence, die sovereignty of th country
would bav been vested in thera, as a sepa
rate and independent community. In thai
they would have had a nglit lo wrm a
constitution, snd to establish government for
themselves; and, if afterwards, they innugni
proper to apply to Congress for admission in
to lh Union as a sovereign and iniepena-ns
Slate, alt this would have been regular, snd
according to established principles. But suck
it aot Ih ese. It was in umieu oiateo
who conquered California, nd finally acquired
ilby treaty. The overeignty, pr course is
invested ia them, and not in ihe Ind'riduale
who have attempted to form a constitution and
a State, without iheir consent. AU Ihis is
clear, beyond controversy, unles it can be ,
shown that they hv inc lost or been di-
vested of their sovereignty. ", v "
Nor i il les clear, lltal lh power of lcgisTa
ting over th acquired territory I vested la ,
Congress, nd not, Mwassumsd, in the inhttW -lants
of th Territorie. None fan deny that
die Government of the United State bav th
power to acquire Territories, cither by war
or 1eatyi but if the power to rquir exists,
it belong to Congress to carry il into execu- , , .
lion. ' On this point there can be no doubt, for
ihe Constitution expressly provide that Con-
grres shall bavepower "to make all law which
shall b accessary and proper to carry 1 into
execution th foregoing powers," (those v-i.
ed in Congress,) and all other powers veMed
by Ihi Constitution in iht Coi innin :! of the
United States, or in any drparlinrt.' or rL rt
diereof." It waller not, then, where the
power ia vesleilt lor, if voted at all in tb
Govrrnmcnf of die 1'inteJ Nut . or mv nf
w
'rrs ; ,f.i V
'
'' ' -, ...
t