North Carolina Newspapers

w TUOJUSJ.lEIlT,Wttar. :VOIj. XLI. T SOSTS CitOLHIfoffffal II IiklWntfriBriIiBj:plidfiI fribBitt4ufrfiiif ffiti III loaf iFiaf ifrrdkii.' LE0MS1I L llltf, iuMiilt Editor. . RALEIGH, WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 20, 1850.' .(. .-! .-,. ,1-, , , (I1 NO. 12. -' -r r.r. r v : : : : ; JL JllJLiJ I N jt JL Bob ;-vv.i- IH NOSTH CAROLINA STAR i Us L . inn 1 tn . (Offlo Marly opposite ths Port 0!Bo) frmt af tne Pinff. ' '-" if pan it Magrea tana awatbC - . vi i r Terau f IdvwlUiM. On Mau, (1U tta.) firat iiuertion, $1 00 Coirt okJom and juJitiml adrartltemciiti, !5 r a, lughw. , . . A daJuatiu af 3J per eonl for dtcrtmcnU kj jjjy- All lettera and ommonictlon must lw pait fta.z K entrance! mwj " '""i-Tin LAW SBWSPAPERS. 1. All iaWribora, who do not fir hmph ko tici lo taa enntrary, r eontiderfd u wiihing to ctiu taeir borijioM. 3, 1 abaaribni anter tUa diaeoitinoaocc of their paperl, th pualinhera ma; continue to aend tliem until arreArana are Dflid. . IfTOhacrihera nejtlect or refuM takiag thair papara ft oin th oflioaa to vhick tli.v are eent, uicj ra iold napanalbla till their billa ar aettlcd and Ka!p nirmr nrdered to Kn discontinued. tlie lttrti hav dMtded that refoln(! to a aawapapar or periodical from the oflice, or remov. In and leatint; it uncalled for, la " prima facie' rideneaaf 'IstutiosjU. raAi'D. (gjr We aead the Star to a few frirnda who hare not ordered it bat will consider them nUuenbm ao kmiai thee continue to rereiTO the paper. Qr Poatmasters are earncatly requested t no tify ua inuMtlialtty of a Uucoutinoance, aa they are reaponaiUe in Law, if thu duty ia ncgieotea. SPEECH OF MR. WEBSTER. Isc Senatk, Tuvmoav, March 7, 1850. .....The-keJUfCsiOiiiU,. 1V JH9te!'Wk mitted blhe Senator, from Kenluoky were made the ordei : ot 'llieay irTro'ctmrfc n this ubjeet the Senator from W iieonsin (Mr Walker) hat the floor. Mr. Walker. Mr. President, lliia vast au dinnre has nbt aaaembled to hear me; and , there ii but one man, in my, opinion, who ' can assemble ueh an audience. They ex rtert to hear rititii and I feet it be my luly M well aa my pleasure, to (five the floor therefore to ilie Senator from Maaaachuaeiu. I understand it i immaterial to bim upon which of these qnesiions he speaks, and there fore, I will not move to postpone the special order. Mr. Webster. I beg to express my oblipi. tionato my friend from Wisconsin (Mr. Walk er,) as well as lo my friend from New York, (Mr. Seward,) for the courtesy in allowing ne to address the Senile this morning Mr. President, 1 wish to spenk to day, not as a Massachusetts man, nor .as a North ern man, but as an American, and as l mem ber or the Senate of the United Stales. It is fortunate thai there is a Senate of the Sui ted Slalen a body not yet moved from its propriety, not loal to a just sense' of its own linity, and its own high responsibilities, and a body to which the country looks, with confi dence jar a- wise, moderate, ... putriptie, and healini? doctrine. It is not to be denied thitt we live in th midst of strong agitations, and is) the midst Of very considerable dangers to our institutions of government-" Tfie impris oned wimN are Tot loose. ; The East, the Weatd the North, and the aluruiy South, all combine to throw the whole ocean into commotion, and to ton its billows to the skies, and to dis close its profoundesl depths. " I do' nut expect, . Mr J'tesitlmt, to hold, or to be fit to hold, the helm in this combat oHhe poTitiCal" "ele mcuts; but I have a duty to perform, and I inj$$a jp. jierforajt with fidelity not without a MnM offfieuTrbuntJing 'danKefsTWf litff without hope. 1 have a pan act, not for my own securely or safety, for I am looking out for no fragment upon which to float away from the wreck, if wreck there must be, lint for the! good of the whole, and the preserva tion of the whole; and there is that which will keep me to my duty during this struggle, -frmheHi-imdthe- 't-hlt'per- or shall not appear for many days. I speak to-day for the preservation of the Uuiun. Hear ine lor my cause. 1 speak lo-uuy, outofa solicitous and anxious heart for the restoration to the country ofthatquietand that harmony which make the blessings of this Union so rich and so dear to us all. These am the topics that I propose to myself to dis cuss; these are the. motives, and the sole mo tives, that influence me in the wish to com municate my opinions to the Senale nd the country; and if I can do any thing, however little, for the promotion of these ends, I shall have accomplished all I desire. ., ' Mr, President, itjnay not he amiss to recur very briefly to the events which, equally sud den and extraordinary, have brought the po litical condition of the country to what it now is. " Id May, 1840, the United States declared . war against Mexico. Her armies, then on the frontiers, entered the provinces of that lie . jmbllc; met and defeated all her troops; pene trated her mountain passes, and occupied her capital. The marine force of the United . fygtc tfjok possession of her towns on the Atlantic and on the Pacific. In less than , two years a treaty was negotiated by which Mexico ceded to the United States a vast ter ritory, extending seven or eight hundred miles ' along the shores of the Pacific; reaching back over th mountains, and across Uie desert, un til it joined the frontier of the State of Texas. , ' It so happened that in the distracted and fee ble stale of the Mexican Gsvernment, before (he declaration of war by the United States a frainst Mexico bad become known In Cali fornia, that the people : of California, under the lead of .. American "oflicera, perhaps, generally, overthrew the existing Provincial Oorcroment of '" California the 1 Mexican authorities end ran np an Independent flag. Whea the news arrived at San Francisco that war had been declared by the United States against Mexico, the independent flag was pulled down and the stars and stripes of this Union hoisted in its stead. ' So, sir, before the war was . over, the powers Of the ---United Htntc, mil Mary end nt-vni, had posses t Sion of San Franciano and Upper California, and great rush of emigrants from various pans of the wnrlil took place into California' lit lata and 1817. ' But now, behold another wonder. . ;. ' : i In January of 1819 iheMormons, ilia said, ol!.fnme made a discover pf aa'ct.. r'lrSbruTflariTy irich" mibtfof gold--or father of agprat 'nitantity''of gold, hardlr fit to e Iled a mino, f.w it was J spread so near the aurface on ha ltti-p part of the South or Ameriean brani li of the Saecamento. Tltfty "ftn to have attempted to conceal tlielr dis- corery fof aTomis lima; but soon another dis- esrery, pertnns of greater importance," was made of g.4,1, ,n another ptrt of lh Ameri.l jean branch of the Sacria?uto and near Saw ter's fort, as it is railed. 'The fame of these discoveries spread tar ana wiua. I hoy ex cited more and more the spirit of emigration towards California, which had already taken place; and persons crowded in hundreds, and flocked towards the bay. of San Francis- ci. ThK as I hare said, -look place in the winter and ring of 181ft. The digging commenced iu the spring iif that year, and from that Urns lo tins Ilie work of searching lur gold has been prosecuted . with a success nut heret"'fgre known in ilie history of this globe. We all know, sir, bow incredulous the American public . WJS at the accounts which reached us at first of these discoveries; but we all kuow that these accounts received, and contiuue to receive daily confirmation, and, down to the present moment 1 suppose the assurances are aa strong, after the experience of these several months, of mines of gold ap parendy inexhaustible in the regions near San Francisco, in California, as they were at any period of the earlier dates of the accounts. It so happened, sir, that, sllhough in the time of peace, it became a very import!!!!! subject for legislative consideration and legislative de cision to provides proper Tectorial (Govern ment for California, yet differences of opin ion in the councils of the Govermenl prevent ed the establishment of any such Territorial Government iiir California at ihe last session of Congress. Under this state of thiiigs.'tlie inhabitants of San Francisco and California then amounting to a grat number of peoplu in the summer of last year, thought it to be their duty, to establish a local "Uorernment. Under the proclamation of Gen. Riley, the people chose delegates to a Convention that Convention met at Monterey. They formed Constitution for the State of California, and It Trm adopted hy ..ihg .peoplo of California in tneir primary assemblages, uesirousoi im' mediate connection with the United States, its Sanators were appointed and Representatives chosen, who have come hither, bringing with them the authentic Constitution of the Slate of California; " and Uiev now present them selves, raking in behalf of their State; that the Suite may be admitted into tins Union as one of the United St3tes. This Constitution, sir, contains an express prohibition against slave ry or involuntary servitude in the Mate ol California. It is said, snd 1 suppose truly. that of the members who composed that Con vention, some sixteen were natives snd liud been residents of the slaveholding States,, a bouli twenty-two were frum the non-slavehold-ing Stales, and the remaining ten members were either native lliloninuis or old st'tllers m that country, t ins pruniumon against slavery it is alleged Mr. Mule. Will the Senator give way uu- lil order is resorted! Tlis Vice President. The Seargeant-at- Arms will see that order Is restored, and no more persons admitted to the floor. Mr. (Jass. 1 trust the scene ot the other day will not h repealed. The Searseaiit-at-Arms must display more rncrg) in suppressing this disorder. ' : Mr. Hale. The noise is outside of the door. Mr. Webster. And it is this circumstance, sir, the prohibition of sbvery by tfi.it Conven tion, which baa-coolcihuled. lo jaise-I do not say has wholly raised the dispute as to the propriety of. the admission of California into the Union under this constitution. It is not to be denied, " Mr. President nobody thinks of denying that, whatever reasons were as signed at the commencement df jtie late War with Mexico, it waa prosecuted for the purr jioseofthe- acquisition of territory, and' under the i attege'3Argu7ntTii)i'ar'"ThS cTsStoii' "6T fer ritory was the only form in which proper compensation could he made to the United Stales hy Mexico for the various claims and demands which the people of this Govern ment had against her. At any rate, it will be found that President Polk's message at the commencement of the session of December, it4T, avowed that rhe witr was -to be pres-cn-ted until some acquisition of territory was mule. And as the acquisition was to be south of the line of the United Slates, in Warm climates and countries, it was naturally, I suppose, expected by the South that whatever acquisitions were made in that region would be added to the slaveholdiug portion of the United States. Events have turned out as waa not expected, aud that expectation has not been realized; and therefore disappoint ment and surprise lias resulted, of course. In other words, it is obvious that the question wbieb has so long harmssed the country, and at some times very seriously alarmed the minds of wiao, and good men, has come upon us for. a' fresh discussion the question of sla very in these United Slates. Now, sir, I propose perhaps at the ex pense of detail and consequent detention of the Senate to review historically this ques tion of slavery, which partly m consequence of its own merits, and perhaps, in the manner it is discussed in one and the other portion of th country, has been a source of so much alienation and unkind feeling between the dif ferent portions of the Union. We all know, sir, that slavery has existed ia the world Irom time immemorial. There was slavery, in the earlicst'period of history, in the Oricntial na tion. There was slavery among the Jews; the theoretic government of that people made no injunctions against it. There wa slavery among tn Greeks, and the ingenious philoso phy of las Greeks ? found, or sought to find, a justification for it exactly upoa the grounds which have .been assumed for such a justifi caun in this country; that is, a natural and original difference among the races of mankind, the ..inferiority' of the black or colored rice to the white. 1'he Grecksjustified their system of slavery upon that ground precisely. ' Thrr held the African, and in some part the Asi atic, tribes to bo inferior to the while race; but they did not show, I think, by any close process of logic, that, if this were trua, tha more intelligent aai the stronger had therefore a right to subjugate the weaker. The more manly philosophy and yirisprudeaee -of the Romans placed thc justiucalion of slavery on entirely aiiTercut grounds'. . ', The Roman jurists, from thefirst and down to the fall of the empire, admitted that slave ry wa agninst the tiaioral law, by which they maintained thai all men, of whatsoever clime. Color or eapaityr JttM equals bul llicy jus'.i. ued slavery, first, upon -the ground and author ity of th law of nations urging, ami urging truly, that at lli;Uday the eunvenuunal Uw of nation admitted that captives in war, whose Uvea, according lo tlo uotions ot the times, were at the absolute disposal of the raptors, Blight, in exchange for redemption front death, be made slave for life,' and -that such serrhnde might &mut;tft.dtir piBrity-lof..ilieni, fhe jurists of Rome also maintained that by civil law there might ba servitudc-s-tarery, per sonal and hereditary first- 6v the voluntary act of an individual who might sell himself nito slavery; second hy hi being received into a state of slavery by his creditors in sat- taction ol a aebt;and, thirdly, by being pla ced ia a elate of aVilude or slavery for crime. At tho in trod uu ion of ('hrisiianity into lbs world, the Roinaif world was full of slaves. and I suppose there is to be found no injunc tion against that relation between man and man in the teachings by the Gospel of Jesus linst, ot ty any or his Apostles. The ob ject ofthe instrnction imparted to mankind by the founder of Christianity, was to touch the heart, purify the soul, and improve the li es ot individual men. I he object went directly to the first fountain of all political and all so cial relations ofthe human race th individ ual heart and mind of man. Now. sir, upon the general nature and char acter and iufjuence of slavery, there exists a wide difference between the Northern portion of this country and die Southern. It is aaid on Ihe one side, Ihst, not the subject of in junction or direct prohibition iii the New t estament, slavery I wrong; that it is found ed merely in the right ol the strongest; and that is an oppression, like all uniuat wars. like all those conflicts by w hich a mighty na tiuu subject a weaker nation to their will; and that slavery, in its nature, whatever may be said of it in the mollifications which have taken place; is not in fact according to the meek soirit of the Gospel. It is not kindly afTectioned. It does not "seek another' and not it own J' It does not "let the oppressed rn free." These are sentiments that are cherished, and recently with greatly augment ed force, among" the people of the Norlhern States. It has taken hold ol the religious sea rimcnt- of that- pari of. the country, as it has more or less taken hold of the religious feeling of a considerable portion of mankind. 1 1: South, upon the other side, having been ac customed to this relation between the two races all their lives, from their birth; having been taught in general to treat the subjects of this bondage with care and kindness and I believe, in general, feeling for them great care and kindness have yet not taken this view of the subject which I Iiavs mentioned. There are thousands of religious men, with con sciences as tender as any of their brethren who do not see the unlawfulness of slavery; and there are more thousands, perhaps that; whatsoever they may think of it in iu origin and as a matter depending upon natural light, yettuke things as they are, and, hmhng slave ry to he an established relation of the society where they live, can see no way in which let their opinions on the abstraction be what they may it is in the power ot tne present generation to relieve themselves from this re- laii jii. And, in this respect, candor obliges me to inv. they are iust as conscientious, many of them, and of the religious people all of , , , . , Lheiri, as they are lit the North in holding dif ferent opinions. W hy, sir, the honorable Senator from South Carolina, the other day, alluded to the sepa ration of that great religious community, the Methodist Bpmirornt horrlr: i list srpara- Uenw-a ermtrht-abottt y -oittirenees ol tk pinion upon this peculiar subject of alavery. I felt great concern as that dispute wqnt on about the result, and I was in hopes that the difference of opinion might be adjusted, De cause I looked upon that religious denomina tion as on of the" great pffif religldtl and morals throughout tha whole country, from Maine 10 Georgia. The result was against m'f RopC-1 m rt atrthW ptoeeedingw; and all their arguments, but 1 have never yet been able to come to the conclusion that there was any real ground for that separation: in other words, that no good could be produced by that separation. Sir, when a question of this kin I takes hold of the religious sentiments of mankind, and comes to be discussed in re ligtoWasWihWlewiflf the rtrrgy and hiry.-there is always to be epected, or always to be fear ed, a great degree of excitement. It i in the nature of man, manifested by his whole history, that religious disputes ,are apt to be come warm, and men's strength of conviction is'proportionate to" their views ofthe magni tude of the questions. In all such disputes there will sometimes men be found with whom every thing is absolute absolutely wrong or absolutely right. They see the right clearly; they think others ought to do it, and they are disposed to spread a broad liue of distinction between what they think right and what they hold to be wrong. And they are not seldom willing to establish that line upon their own convictions of the truth and the jus tice of their opinions, and they are willing to mark and guard that line by placing along it a series of maj, as line of boundary are marked by posts and stones. They are men who, with clear perceptions, a they think, of their own duty, do not see bow too hot a pur suit of one duty may inrolve them in the vio lation of others, or how too warm an ambrace mcntof on truth may lead to a disregard of other trutlil equally important. A I lieard it stated strongly not many days ago, these per son are disposed to mount upon some duty a a war horse, and to drive furiously, on and upon, and over all other dutie that may stand in the way. There re mea who, in time of that sort and dispute of thai ort, are of opinion that human duties may. be ascertained with the precision of mathematics They deal with moral as with mathematics, and they thii'k That is right may be distinguished from what is wrong with the precision of an algebraic equation. They, have, therefore, none too much charity towards other who difC fer from them. They are apt, to s to think that nothing is good but what i perfect, and that there are no compromises or modifications to be made in submission to diflerenca of opin ion, or in deference to other meu' judgment. If their perspicaciou vision enable thent to detect a pot on the face of the un, they think that a wood reason whv the nun should be struck doww frow heavem-;-They prefer- tbU ehanc of running into utier darkness to lit ing in hsnvenly light, if that heavenly light bn not absolutely without any imperfection There are impatient men too impatient al way to give heed to the admission of He Paul, f that we are not to do evil tbat good may come" too impatient to waif for the low progress" of miiral'ranses tn the ImpimvemenV of mankind. They 8n not remember thai the doctrines and miracle of Jesus Christ hare, in eightocn hundred years, converted only , a Miiall portion of the human race; and among the nation that ire converted to Christianity tliey forget how many vice ma crimes, pob lin and private, still prevail, and that many public crime rspecially, Wtlicn are I ufTences against tha Christian religion, pass without exchiivg particular regret qr indigua- Uon. Tha w are ara waged and unjust war. I do notary that there mar be just wars- There certainly are, but it wa the remark of an eminent person, not many, years ago, on the other aide of the Atlantic, that it wa one of ihe greatest reproaches to human nature that wars were sometimes necessary. The defence of aaiioos. snmotiiae causes a war against the injustice of ether nations. New, sir, ia this stale pf sentiment upon the general nature ofslovtryJjiMt the cause of a great portion of those unheppjt divisions, ex asperations, aud reproacliea-wkich find Vent and support iu different parts of ihe Union. Slavery doe exist in the United Slates. It did exist in the State before the adoption of this eensliuiuon, and at that lime. And now let us consider, air, for a moment, what wa ths state of sentiment North snd South in regard to slavery at the time this constitution was adopted. A . remarkable chauge iaa taken place since, but what didj the wise and great men of all part ofthe coun try think ofivery!v-ro whit estimation did they hold It ill 1787, 1'hen this constitution was adopted! Now, it will be found, sir, if we carry ourselves by historical research back to that day and ascertain jneu' opinioas by authentic record still existing among us, that there wa do great diversity of opinion between thf North and the South upon the stilriectof slavery, and it will be found that both parts of the country held it equally an e- vil moral and political evu. it will oeounu that aeither at the North or at the South there was much, though there wa some, invective airainst slavery a inhuman and cruel.' The great ground of objection' to it was political; tnat It weaaenei! tne social monc; mai, wa.iiig Ihe place ol free labor, society was tes pri ductive; and therefore we find from all the fminrrit nelhe uine the clearest expri's- sion of their opinion that slavery was an evil And they ascribed it, not without truth, and not without" some acerbity of temper and force ef language, to the injurious policy of the mother country, wno, to tavor tne naviga tor, had entailed theseevils npon the colonies I need hardly refer, sir, to th publications of Ihe doy. They are matters of history on Ihe record. The eminent men, the most eminent men and nearly all the conspicuous of the South held the same sentiments; that slavery was an evil, a bliiihl, a blast, a mildew, a scourge and a curse. There are no terms of reprobation of slavery so vehement in uie North of that day as in the South. The North wa not so much against it as the South, and th reason tt 1 suppose, because there was much less it the North, and the people did not sec, or think they saw, the evils so prominently m they wercaeen, pr thought to be seen, at the South. Then, sir, when this constitution was fram ed, this wa the light in which the Convex lion viewed. The Convention reflected the judgment antf sen timen,ts of the great men of the Soulh.Afhember of the other House, whom I have not the honor to know, in a recent si-eeeh ha collected extracts from these "puk lie documents. They prove the truth of what I am say i ng, and die question tlien. w as, how to deal with it; and how-to deal. jw ith. it as an evil? Well, they came to this general result. They thought that slavery could not be continued Jn this country, if the impor tation of slaves were'madd ra'rease', ind there fore they provided that after a certain period Iheirhportatinn might be prevented bir th act of the iww Governments Twenty y ears was proposed by some gentlemen, a Northern rtenalvitiiiikimmy-f' theHBeB" ern gentlemen opposed it as being too long. Air. Madison especially was someiiung warm against iL lie said it would bring too much of this mischief into the country to al low the importation of slaves for such a peri od. Because we must take along with as, in the whole of this discussion, when ws are conVideritig "the senlimenTs and 'opinion tn" which the constitutional provision originated, that the conviction of all men was that if the importation of slave ceased, the while race would multiply faster than the black race, and that slavery would therefore gradually wear out anu expire, it may not uc nminjjrct here to allude to that, I had almost said, cele brated opinion of Mr. Madison. You ob serve, sir, that the term slave, or slavery i not used in the constitution. ..The constitution does not require that "fugitive slaves" shall be delivered up. It requires that 'person bound to service iu ono State, and escaped inlo another, shall be delivered up." M' Madison"" opposed the introduction of the term slave or Alavery into the Constitution; for he dJ nolf wish lo ee it rccognixed by the constitution ofthe United Slate of Ameri ca that there could be property in man, Now, sir, all this took place at the Conven tioir in 1787; but connected wilh this concur rent and contomperaneous i another im portant consideration not lufficienily attend ed to. 1'he Convention for framing this consti tution assembled in Philadelphia in May, and sat until September, 1787. During all that time the Congress or the i nitea Blaies wa in session at New York. If was a matter of design, as we know, that the CoveuUon should not assemble In the same city, where Cangras was holding it sessions. - Almost all th public men ot the country, uiereiors, of distinction and eminence, were in one or th other of these two assemblies; I think it happened in soma iuttauce that the same gentlemen were niomber of both. If I mia take not, Mich was the case of Mr. Rufus King, then a member of Congress from Mas sachuastts, and at die same time a member of the Convention to fram ths Constitution from that Slate. Mow, it wa in the summer of 1787, the very lima the Canvsntioa of Philadelphia wsa framing this constitution, that Ihe Congress in Ne York was framing the ordinance of 1787. They passed thai ordinance on the 13th July, 1787, at New York, th very month, perhaps th very day, which thaw questions about the. ImporU.- tioiTBf stareiUnd thr'eharaetcT of lavry were debated in the Convention at Phila delphia. And, so far as w eaa now learn. were was a perfect eonourreacs ol opinion be tweesj these raspaeliv bodies;, and . iirewli. edin this ordinance of 1787, excluding slavery sapplied to 11 the territory ot er which ihe Congress fifths United State had jurisdiction, and that wa ail the territory, northwest of the Uhio. f. Three year before, Virginia sod other States bad made a eession of that great territory toths United States.. . And a most magnificent act It wai, I never reflect upoa it without a disposition to do honor and justice and justice would bs tha highest honor to Virginia for that act of cession oj hr north- ! ' ' - . western territory. I will say, iir, it h n of her fairest claims to tha respect and grati hide of th United S la tea, and dial perhaps it i only second to that other claim which at taches to hen that in her counsels, and from ths intelligence and patriotism of her leading statesman proceeded tho first idea put into practice tor Ihe formation of a general consti tution of the United Slates. Now, sir, the ordinance of 1787 applied thus to the whole territory over which tha Congress of the U- nited States had jurisdiction. It wa adopted nearly three years before the Constitution or the I'nited biates went into operation be cause the ordinance took effect immediately on ila passage, while the Constitution of the United States, having been framed, was to be sent to the State to be adopted by their Con ventions; and then a government had to be organized under it. Thia ordinance, then. wa in operation and force when the eonsti tution was adopted and this Government put in mo inn, tn April, I7BU. Mr. President, three thing are qiille clear as historical truths. Une is, that there waa an expectation that on the ceasing of the Importation of slaves from A flics, slavery would begin to run out. 1 hat was hoped and expected. Another u, that a far as there was any power in C ongress to prevent Ihe spread of slavery in the United Slate, that power wa executed in the most absolute manner and to the fullest extent. An honorable member whose health would not allow' him to be here to-day A Senator. He is here. (Referring lo Mr. Calhoun.) Mr. Webster, lam very happy to hear that he is may he long be in hftallh and the en enjoyment of it to erve hi country- eaid tha 1 otTipr day- mivhr'toiwidertd ttririr-fffet first in the series of measures calculated to enfeeble the South and deprive them of their just participation in lite oeiumts ana privi leges of this"TJ6vem"meht. Tie "say very properly that it was done under the old con federation and before this constitution went into effect; but my present purpose is only to say, Mr. President, that it was done with ilie entire and unanimous concurrence ofthe whole South. Wliy there it stands! The vote ' of every Stale in the Union was uuanimons tn fivor ofthe ordinance, with the exception of a single individual vote, and that individual wa a Northern man. but, sir, the ordinance a- bolislilng or rather prohibiting slavery north west of the Ohio, ha had the hand and seal of every Southern member in Congre. Thia was a state of things, sir, and this the state of opinion under which those two very important mailer were arranged, ant) Uios two important things done, that is, the estab lishment of die constitution with a recognition of slavery aa it existed in the Slates, and the 1 1 establishment of Ihe ordinance prohibiting, to the full extent of all territory owned by the United States, the introduction of slavery into those territories. And here, sir, we may pause, ne may reflect lor a moment upon the entire coincidence ind concurrence of sen timent between the North snd the South up on' this qumtimi at the period or the adoption of the constitution. But opinions, iiri have" changed really . changeiI-r-hanged.NorUi and changed South. Slavery is no( regarded in the south now as it" wa tneir.- i tee tn honorable member of this body paying me the honor oflistening to my remarks; he brings to me, sir freshly and '"vividly, the seiiituieht of hi great ancestor, so much distinguished iu hi day and generation, so worthy to be ue eeeded by lo worthy a grandson, with all the seutiment he expressed in tha Convention iii- PTiittdelplil i ttpolt Thihf aUbjaut Here we mav pause. There was unanimity of sentiment, if not a general concurrence of sentiment, running through the whole commu nity, and especially entertained by the eminent men of all portion of the eouutry, in regard to til is subject. Hut soon change began it the North and the South, and a severance of ouinion soon allowed" itaelf the North growing much more warm snd strong against slavery, and lh South growing much mora warm and strong ia it support. Sir, there i no generation of mankind whose opluion are not subject to be influenced by what appear lo them tobe their present snd emergent and ex igentinlerest. I im pute to the South no particularly Interested view in the change wnicn na com over her. I impute to tier certainly no dishonest view. All that ha happened has been natu ral. It has followed those cause which al ways influence the human mind and operate upon It... What, then, have been the cause which have created so new a reeling in favor of slavery in the South which have changed h whole nomenclature of the South on the subject and from being thought of and describ ed in the term 1 have mentioned and will not repeat, it has now become an institution, a cherished institution there; no evil, no scourge, but a great religious, aocial, and moral pleasing, a I think I have heard it latterly described: I suppose thia, sir, is owing to tha sudrW up rising and rapid growth ot Uie cotton planta tions of the South. So far a any motive of honor, justice, snd general judgment eould act it wa ths cwtton interest that gave a new de sire to promote slavery, to spread it ind lo use its labor. I igain say that this is produced by 111 cause which we must always; expect to produce lik effects their whole interests be came connected with it If we Ipok back to ths history of th eommoree of this country all tne eany commencement oi mis uoremmeni. what were our ex portal uotton wa hardly, or but to very limited extent, known. 'J The table will show that the export of cotton for the yean 17110 and '81 were hardly m ire than forty or fifty thousand dollar a year. ; It ha gone on increasing rapidly until it may now be, pei haps, In a seaaon or great product and high price, a hundred million of dollars. Then there was mire of wax, more of indigo. more ol rice, mar or almost every thing ex- rjrtcJ from lh South than of cotton. I think hare heard It said, when Mr Jefferson nego tiated the treaty of 1791 wilh England, be did not knout lhit cotlan was exported at all from thrVnfts'd States; ti I hare hrard h said that, after the treaty which gave to the Uhited States the right to carry their owa commodi ties in their own ships, the euitom-house in London refused to admit eotton, upon an alle gation that H eould uot bs an American 1 pro duction, tli ere being. es they eupposerl, no cotton raTsed in Ameriei."Thry would nardly think so' now. ' 11 '' :--''" ' Vell,ir, w know what Mlows.The aie of eotton became a gotdefrage for our Southern brethren. It granfind their dJsire , t--- " ' for improvement ind accumulation it the time that tt excited it. The desire grew by what! il fed upon, and 'there :n eame tobe an! eagerness tor other Irrritorv, new tret or new areas for lh cultivation oftha cotton rop, and measures were brought about, some w hick rapi- ly ao afW aaoiher, Nader tit lead of Southern mea a$ the head ef Ilia Government, they hav ing a majority ia both branch of th Gov ernment, to eeeomplieh their ends. The boo orable member from Carol ma observed thai there has been a majority all along in favor of the North. If that b true, air, the North act ed either very liberally ' and . kindly or very weakly; fog they never exercised that majors. ty fire time in the history of ihe Government Never. Whether they were out-generalled, or whether it wa owing to other kausls, I shall not stop to considers "9 man ac3Jtfnted wilh the history of the country can deny that th general lead in thVpolitira of tha country for lliree-lourlhs ol the period that ha elapsed tinea the adoption ofthe eonstitutioo,)) been a Southern lead. In 1802, ia pursuit of the idea of opening a new cotton region, the United States obtained a ccwioa from Georgia of die whole of the W eater a territory, now embrac ing ihe rich and growing State of Alabama.- In IHi3 Louisiana was purchased Irom r ranee, out or which the rtatrsol Ijouisiana, Arkansas, and Missouri have been framed as ataVCllold- iug State. , j . . In 1819 ill cession of Florida wa made, bringing another cession of slaveholding prop, erty and territory. Sir, Uie honorable mem ber flom South Carolina thought he saslff in certain operation of the Government, such a the manner of collecting the revenn anu the tendency of those measure to promote, emi gration into the country, what account Tor lh more rapid growth of the North than lh South. He think Ihey were not the operation of time, but of Uie system of government establish un der tins constitution.-That isa matter ofopin ibnTTbVcefuin'exfcnV iiajf bul Jl doe seem to me that if any operation of the Government could be shown in any degree to have promoted the population, and growth and wealth, of ihe North, It is much more sure that there are sundry important and disimet operations or the Government, about wnicn no mad cart doubt,, tending lo proinoltY.iAd which absolutely have promoted tlia increase of die slave interest and the (lav territory of Ihe South. Allow m to say that it wa not time that brought in Louisiana; it was the act of men, It wa not time that brought tn Flori da; it wa the. act of men; And lastly, air, to complete those act of men who nave con tributed so much" to enlarge the area and the sphere ofthe Institution of slavery, Texas, great snd vast ind illimitable Texas, wasidded to the Union a (lava Stat in 1845, and that. ir, pretty much closed lb whole chapter and ettlcd the whole account. That closed die hole chapter that settled tha whole account. because the annexation of Texas upon th conditions and under the guaranties upon which she wa admitted did not leave ao acre of land eapablo of being cultivated by slave labor be- llfU Nil WIS Iklll MIMW Wl MIW Nueces, or whatever is the proper boundary of Texas not an acre, not one. From that moment the whole country from here to the western boundary of 1 exas, was hied, pledged, fastened decided to be slave territory forever, by the solemn garanlie ol Jaw. . .. . I . And 1 now sav. sir. a the pronoaillon upon which I aland tin day, and upon the truth and Brrhhess of which I intend to act uutil it Is overthrown, that there is not at thi moment within the United States, or any tsmtory of fit United States, a sioir lo loot ol land uie eharaetsr of whicjia regudto it -buing fro oil territory or slave territory, is not fixed by some law, and some trropeulabla law beyoiid the power of the acUon of this Government. Wc.WlwrTt Why, it is most manifestly so, Tb honora ble member from South Carolina, at the time of the admission of Tsxas, held aa important post In the Executive Department pf the Gov ernment; ho was Secretary of Stale, Another eminent person of great activity and adroitness in affairvl.mean to.:JMJjkp&tyLJii. Treasury, (Mr. Walker,) was a leading mem ber of diis body, and look the lead in the busi ness of annexation; and I must say tliey did their business faithfully t there was no botch in it. They rounded it off, and mads as,clu oinework u ever W put together, Reso utionsof annexation were brought into Con gre filthy joined together Compact, firm, ef ficient, ermclusiv npon thegreal object which they had in view. Allow m to read the resolution, It a the third clause of lh second section of ihe reso lution of th 1st March, 1849, for the admission of Texas, That clause reads in these words: - "New Stales, of convenient si as, not exceed ing four in -nuniher, in -addition to said State of Texas, snd having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent ol saiu estate, be formed out of the Territory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provis ion ofthe Federal Couatitution. And sueh States ae may be formed out of that portion of said territory ly ing south of 80 !i i rty m inu tea north latitude commonly Known aa tne Missouri compromise line, shall be admitted Into Ihe Union with or without alavery, ae the people of each Stale asking admission may desire; and In such Stale or State a shall be formed out of said Territory north of said Missouri compromise line, slavery or involuntary servi tude, (exeept lor crime, J shall be prohibited. Now what is here stipulated, enacted se cured! ' It K that all Texas south of 3d deg. 30 mm., which is nearly the whole of It, shall be admitted into tha Union a a alave State It was a Iav State, ahd therefore earn m as asMveState end tliat, new1 States shall be mad out of it, and that such State a are formed out of that portion of Texas tying south of 16 deg. 10 mill, may come in as slave States to the number of four, - in' addition to the State then in existence, and admitted at that lime by these resolution. I know nn mod of Legislalio which Can strengthened that I know no mode of recognition that ean and a title of weight to it. I listened respectfully to the resolutions or my honorable friend from Tennessee, (Mr. lieu,.) ' He proposed to re cognise that stipulation wilh Texas. " But any additional recognition would weaken Ihe force of ih because it stands her on the ground of a contract for a eousideratioii. it is i law founded on th contract with Texas anil des tined to carry that emtractJnu effect." A re cognition founded on any consideration ami any contract, would not be so strong aa it now standees the face of -the resolution. Now, ! know no way, I eaudidly eonfess, m which thi Government, acting in good faith, a I trust it al ways wilt, can relieve itself frum thai sti nidation end pledge by liny honest course of legislation - I - - J - - .- - CI amej-whstover. ' And, therefore I ay again that, so flit a Texas i euneerned '.he whole of Tex s south of Sdg, atrtniit., which I suppose embrace all tha slave territory there ao laird, not an iere;thfrrtiaraeer of wVch is not established by law, raw which cannot be rr- peiled without the violation of a contract. I hope, tr,'M ie now apparent tha my propo sition, so far a Texas is concerned, lias been maintained, and the provision in this article and it has brew well suggested by my friend, from Rhnde Island, dial that part off Texas ' -which liee north of thirtr-four degrees of nordr : letitude may be formed1' ;tnto three States is dependant in like manner upon the consent of Teta. hereeira slave State.' . .', ' Well, now, sir how eame hf nHow rams) it that wilhin these walla, Where It i atd by' the honorable member from South Carolina thai Ihe Tree States have a majority lW res oltition of annexatien, such a I have deaeriW : ed fL found mat mainritv la both TlonarS nf Congreesf y.hy, found that Tnsjority by the vastfadiBnon of Northern voles addil to the entirenuthem rote, or at least nearly the whole ofthe Southern votes. lt wi made' up of Northern a well a of Southern rotes. In th House cf Representative it etood, I think a-' about eighty Southern votes forthtjadmission of, Texas, and about fifly Northern rote for the ad- . mission ofTetai." lit IheSetiatetlietotero'id for the admission of Texas twenty-seven, and twenty-five against it; and of those twenty-e ev en voice constituting a majority for the admis-' si on of Texas in dii body, no less than thir' ' teen of them eame from the free Stales four of l hem were from New England. Thewhol" of these thirteen Senators from the tree Sulci -vwithia a fraction you aee of one-half of all I ha rotes thi body for th admiemon of Texas,-whh-l Irameasa ruble extent ef elave territory were eent to thi body by frive soil vote. " Sir, there is not so remarkable chapter in' ow history of pohtical. events, political partiesy and political men, as tssfforded by this aneaai. lire for the admission of Texas, with this im' . mens territory, that a bird cannot fly over tit week' Laughter. Sir. New England,' w iih eeiine el her-votcaaupported thii mesurej Three-fourttis of the votes of liberty-lovinf Cnaneeiicot went for it Tn the other House, and ana-half here. ' There wa ene ot fee it in Maine, but I am happy to say not the vol of the honorable member who addressed the- , , Senate ths day before yesterday, (Mr. Ham lin,) and who w ' then Representative . from Main in the ether I!oaet bot there wa - - a vote or two from Maine aye, snd there was on vote for it from Massachusetts, ihe gen tie-, man the representing and now living m ibsr durtrict in which the prevalence of free soil seer' -lament for I Couple of yean or so ha (Mestad - -f he choice of any member to rrpresent it in Congress, Sir, that body ef Northern and ' Eaateresnoa, who gave those votes at that lime, are now sjeen taking upon themselves, tn the nomenciatinrfpmit trieappsf of the NortherB ? Uaveeracy. 1 bey r 100 k to wield thedrstraieeof Ai eanpire if . I mav call a reoublie aa emptt and their po-' liey waa and they persisMd ia it, to bring mt this country til thi territory they eould, 1 They did h ander pledges absolute pledgee to th slave : interest tn the ease of Txs,anf afterward i. Die case of these new conquests. My honorable friend from Georgia, in March, 1847, moved the Senate to daelare that the wa. asight but to be proeeeuted for acquisition, for conquest for the dumemberment of Mexico. Th ' : Northera lemoeray entirely voted against iu i H1 did not get a vote from them. It suited ' " th view, the ostriotism.theeUiTatadaenUmeBti of the N orthera Democracy to bring in a world here, ainoag lhmesntaanand valley ot uaf ifomia and New Mexico, at any oilier part of Mexico, and then quarrel about it to bring "" lh AVUuiol proviso. -,. . .r. There were two eminent and highly respect. able genii emea from the North and East, thee, leading gentiepara ia this Senate I refer, and " Ida a with entire reapact, for I entertain for. . both of those gentlemen ia general high regard, to Mr. DiX of New York, and Mr.. Nile of; CunaecugMt .nwhs voted for tb admission . Texas. ,Ther would not have that tote any other way than as it stood; and they would ' have it aa il did stand, , I speak of the vote upon the annexation of Texas. Those Wo gentlemen would have the reaolutiun of (npei-, . itioa just as it is and tliey voted lor it. just . , it is, aud their y'e were ail opea to it, M y hon orable friend, the member who addressed ua die other day from South Carolina, wath then,, , Secretary of State, Hi correspondence with( Mr. Murphy, th charge d'sffaire ol die U- nited Suics in Texas, had been published. , That correspondence wa all before those gen tlemen, and the Secretary has! the boldness, and candor to avow in that correspondence. that the great object sought by the annexation f - of Texas was to strengthen the (lave interests ' or Uus eountry. ,Vhy, sir, he said iu m ma ny words Mr. Calhoun,. Wilt the honorable Senator permit me lo interrupt bim fur moment? , t Mr. Webster. Vertaiuly. " ' Mr. Calhoun. l am. very reluctant to In terrupt the lionorntiie gentleman; but. Upon a point of so much importance, I deem it right to putmiself rertut in turia. I did not put it upon the ground assumed by die Senator. ,1 put it upon this ground; that Great Britiao had announced to this eonutry, in o many words, that her object wa to abolish slavery in Tex-, a, and through Texas to accomplish the abol ishment of slavery in the United State and the world.'' The ground I put it on wa that " it would mcke an exposed frontier, snd, if , Great Britain succeeded in the obji-e', it would ' . be impossible that tliat frontier eould be ' eured against fheaggression of the abolitionirtfl ! and that this Government was bound, undsr ' Uie guaranties of the constitution, to protect us i against such t state of things. " " , Mr, Webster. That eomre, I suppose, sir, ' . ' to exactly the aanie tiling. It was, tliat Tec as must be obtained for the eeeurity ol the slave interest of ihe South. '" Jtlr. Calhoun., Another riew i very die- tinctly given.1 -v'" . Mr. Webster. That was " the obieet set' North in ths correspondence of a worthy genii. man not ow-livin, who precrd 1 the bonof eble member from SouihCardlin in that office. There repose on ths file of the Department of Statu, as. I have occasion to know, Strong let tors from Mr, Upshur to the United State min ' isinr in England, and I bvlievenhere ire torn to ths eame minister from the honorable Sena tor to himself, asserting to this extent the sent!-; . nwnas of this Government that Great Dni.ua "' wa expected not to interfere to take Texas ' out of ihe hands of its then existing Govern ment, and make it a free country., t.ii my 1 aigument, my augcetion is tlit that ihose gendomefl w ho composed th N orthem democ racy wtlon Texas wa brought into the Union, saw with all tlieireyee that tt was brought ut a a s'ave country aud brought, in for th pur- . 'f