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lEOXIDff B. LEX II, isTcfiklr IdiW.
VOL. XLI.
RALEIGH, WEDNESDAY JMORNING, MARCH 27, 1850.
NO. 14
minrin
II II II ;--!-
JLJL1
THE NORTH CAROLHf A STAR
risusssu WSIKLV,
v ; JI IDOIiS I. IE1H fc MJ.
' ' (Oficx nearly opposite the Post Offloe.)
Tfrmnf tlripff. "
HUM nam, whem paid I tacs t UU
1 soresaal is delay three (walks.
" -' Ttnuif UnrtUtng.
One SQiiere, (W line,) rl inaertion, f 1 00
each imiiMiMt baaeitien, o
Court enters ud Judicial advertisement, 2i pr
int. higher.
A dedoetion as S per cent, for advertisement bj
tb rear.
aT All letter ud eaamlcatieas ! be ft
fM. Ilsittaeei u; b ad at our mk.
TUB LAW OF SEW8PAPERS.
1 AB BberibeT?wh do " girt txrttss
Tici la the eontrarr, art eouudered ss wishing to
oontiavs Iheir subscriptions. '
2. If subscriber order tin discontinuance of their
pipert, the paWiehers may eoatiiiue to lend them
until eirearafsl said. ,,-.,.
t. If sabacriber neglect or refuse taking their
paper from tb office to whicb they are sent, tbj
It. beld reipoMibl till their bill sr tUed nd
thei frrir erdrt tu b liiawintiBued.. -
. 4. TbCrU bre decided tht refuing to Uk
a newspaper or periodical from the office, or remov
ing and leaving It euwalled for, is prima faci
evidence of ittioai. rA.
ty Ws end tb Bur to a few friend who bare
net ordered It bat will onider them tubtcritxn o
tonga tbey eootinns to receive the paper.
'.jT'
tify a immtdiattly of a diaooatiaaaaea, a thejr ar
responsible l Law, if thia ty ia aeglected.
MH.
WEBSETK'S SPEECH, -
rcnMCLvbEO.1
tract from the speech of the honorable Sena
tor, to which lie reTcrred:"'"
"Gentlemen, we will sec that, by whomso
ever possessed, Texas is likely to be a
slaveholder; country; and I frankly avow my
entire unwillingness to do any thing which
etiair extend the ulaveirof the African - race
on this eonltnent, or add oilier slave-holding
Slate to the Union.
"When I say that I regard slavery in itself
ia a great moral, social, and political evil, I
only use language which ha been adopted by
distinguished men themselves citizens of
alavehoM:ng Sta c.
'1 shall do nothing, therefore, to favor o;
enciurag-' its further extension. We have
ilavry alreidy among us. The constitution
found it among' us; it recognised it. and gave
It solemn guaranties.
"To the fttHr extent l these guaranties, vt
are all bound in honor, in justice, and by the
constitution. All the stipulations contained
in the constitution in favor of the sUrehold
ing State, wliieh are. already in the Union,
ought to lie fjlfiltrd, and so far as depends
on me, shall he fiilull. J 'ii tfieTiitnet of thir
spirit and hi the enctnessjif their J.ejter.
"ivwyTSFhrflrlsr Vllie Wa'ei H beyond
the reach of Conjress, It i a concern of
the S'.itf themaelve. Th'y have never
submitted it to Coii'.'ro, and Congress has
no riehtful power oer it.
"I shall concur, therefore, in no act, no
hieairm. menace, no indiliaUuB of par,
pose which sliull iulcrfere with the exclusive
utharitv of the several States over the sub
ject of alaverv, as it exist in their respective
limits. All this appears to me to be matter
of phinand imperaiive duty. "77'
"But when we come to speak of admitting
new Slates, the subject nums an entirely
-itifTerent -wag4s)W Out right .and. our . dutif
"1 tee, therefore, no political necessity for
the annexation of Texas to the Union no
advantages to be derived from it; and objec
tions to it of a strong, and, in my judgment,
of a decisive character."
Mr. Webster. I hava no'hing, sir; to add
4r nor take- Tipk -from 'rmwsrimentSi-"
That, the Senate will perceive, was in 1837.
The purpose of immediately annexating Tex
as at that time was abandoned or postponed;
and it was not revived with any vigor forsome
year. In the meantime, it had s i happened
that I had been a member of the Executive
Administration, and was for a short period in
the Department of State, ' The annexation
of Texas had become a subject of conversa
tionnot confidential with the President
and heads of Departments, as well a with
other public men. No serious attempt waa
then made to bring it about. I left the De
partment of the State in 1843, and shortly af--ItJtl
teamed, though no way connected with
:, official information, that a deaign had been
, take up of bringing in Texas, with her slave
e terrililory and population, into the United
Sutra. Iu here in Washington at the lime,
' and the person are now here who wilt re
member that we had an arranged meeting for
conversation upon it I went home to Mas
erchusetls and proclaimed the existence of that
purpose, but 1 could get no audience, and but
- little attention. Borne did not believe it, and
come were engaged in their own pursuits.
,' They had gone to their farms, or to their mer
. ehandise, and it was impossible to arouse any
aentiment in New England or in Maachu-
eetie that should combine the two great politi
, cal parties against thia annexation; and, indeed,
than was no hone of brintrin the Northern
' democracy into that view, for the leaning waa
all the other way. But, air, even with Whigs,
and leading Whig, I am ashamed tossy, there
was a great indifference toward the admia-
- eion of Texa witb slave territory into this
Union, It went on. I waa then out of Con
crete, ' The annexation resolutions passed the
1st of March, 184S. Texas complied with
lhemi the legislature of Texa complied with
the' condition and accepted the guaranties;
: for die phraseology of tha language of the res.
' olution is that Texas ia toeome in "upon the
" conditions and under the guarantiee herein
i prescribed."
- I happened to be returned to- tho Senate
- ia March, 1845, and waa here in December,
. 1845, when Uie acceptance bjr Texa of. the
condition! propoted by Congress were- hid
. 'r before us by the President, and ttt act for . .the
consummation ot the connexion watlmd twlore
' . the two Houses. The connexion w;i not
. completed. - A final Uw doing the deed of
Delation ultimately bad not been pasted; and
J! when it waa upon its final pasaa; here, I
. e'Pfeja3 my opposition to U aud resorderj
-1 my vote m the nerative: and there that vote
, g lands, with the obscvatipn thatl made upon
t fhat . occasion. It happened that between
184? tod thit time, on various T occationt and
i -rnr opportunitict, I eipwtsed my entire oppoti
"on, - to the admission of slave States, or lite
acquisition of new slave territories, to be i
. wn raumeni or my own pur
pose in that respect, . will now again ask
I my friend froa Rhode Ialand to read ano.her
extract from a tpeech of mine, made at a Whig
Convention in Springfield, Maitachuieta, in
the month of September, 1847.
Mr. Greene here read the following extract:
"We hear much just bow of patuatm for
the dangers and evihi of slavery and alar
annexation, which they call the 'H'ilmol
promts. I hat certainly ia a just aenument.
but Hie not a oiitimcnt to lounu any new
party upon. It ia not a acutiment on which
Maaaarhueett Whig differ. There ia not a
man in this hall who holda it more firmly than
1 do, not one who adheres to it more than an
other. 'I feci some little interest in thia matter, air.
Did not I commit myself in 1838, to the
whole doctrine, fully, entirely? And I must
be permitted to say that I cinutrt quite con
sent that more recent discoverers should claim
the merit and take out a patent.
"1 deny the priority of their invention.
Allow me to aay, air, it ia not their thunder."
"We are to use the first and last and every
occasion which oflers to oppose the extension
of slave powef. " -"
"Rut I apeak of it here as in Congrees, as a
political question, a queatinn for statesmen to
act upon. We must so regard it. I certain
ly do not mean to say that it is less impor
tant in a moral point of view, that it is not
more important in tnanv outer points oi
rtCTrV'aavai-leiala
capacity,! must look at it consider it, and dr
cide it as a matter of political action.
Mr. Webster. On other occasions, in debates
here, I have expressed my determination vote to
for no acquisition, or cession or annexation,
Nnrth-ur South,- East or West.- 'My opinion
hat been that we have territory enough, and
that we should fellow tlie tipsrtan maxim,
"improve, adorn what you have, seek no fur
ther." I think that it was in some observa
tions that I made here on - the three million
loan bill that I avowed that sentiment In
ehortr-r, the sentiment ha been -avowed
quite as often, in as many places, snd before
as many assemblies, a any of the humble
sentiments of mine ought to be avowed.
. But now, that under certain condition, Tex
as is in with all her territories, as a slave Slate,"
with a solemn pledge that if she is divided in
to many Slates, those Slates may come in, as
a slave State south of 38 deg. 30 mill., how
are we to deal with it? I know no way of hon
orable legislation but, when the proper time
comes for the enactment, to carry into effect
all that we hav stipulated to do. I do not
entirely aree with my honorable friend Irom
Tcniicsee, (Mr. Bell,) that toon as the
time comes wh-n she is entitled to another
Representative, we should ereate a new State.
The rule in regard to it I take to be this: that,
when we have created new States out of Ter
ritories, we have generally gone upon the idea
that when there is population enough to form
a;atera1yThSUKm
we would create a State: but it may be thought
quite a different thing when a State is divided,
snd two or more States made out of it It
d es not follow, in such a case, that the- tame
role of apportionment ahould be applied.
That, however, as a mllr for tlie cunsidcra
tTon" of Congress when the proper time ar
rives. I may not be here, i may have no
vole to give on the occasion, but I wish it to
be distinctly understood to-day that according
to my view of the matter, this government
is solemnly pledged by law to create new
States out of Texas, with her consent when
her population shall justify such a proceeding
and so fat a sut'li 1 Slat -are- formed out of
Texan Territory lying South of 30 deg. 30
min., to let them come In as slave States.
I'hat is the meaning of the ' resolution which
our friends, the Northern Democracy, hare
left us to fulfil; and I, for one, mean to fulfil
it because 1 will not violate the faith of the
Governments ...,..- '
Now, aa to California and New Mexico, I
hold slavery to be excluded from these Terri
tories by a law even auperior to that which
admit and tanctioni it in Texas. I mean the
the law of nature of physical geography
he law of the lormation ol the earth. 1 hat
law settle t fcrever, with a atrength beyond
all term of human enactment that alavery
eannot exittin California or New Mexico.
Understand, me, sir; I mean slavery as we re
gard it; slaves in the gross of the colored race,
transferable by sale and delivery like other
firoperty. I will not discuss that point 1
eave it to the learned gentlemen who have
undertaken to discus it; but 1 suppose there
ia no lave of that description in California
now. I understand that neonwm, a sort ol
penal servitude, exist there, or rather a tort
of voluntary sale of a man and his offspring
for debt aa it ia arranged and exists, in tome
part of California and New Mexico. But
what ! mean to aay it, that African slavery, aa
we see il among us, is ae utterly impossible to
find, or to be found in Mexico, as any other
natural impossibility, California
and
Mexico are Astatic in their lormation and
scenery, 1 hey are composed ol vsst ridges
of mountain of enormou height with some
times broken rigde of deep valley. I he sides
of iheee mountains are barren, entirely barren.
iheir top capped by perennial snow. .1 here
may be in California, now made free by it
constitution, and no doubt there are some tract
of valuable land. But it is not so in New
Mexico, Pray, what is tlie evidence which
any gentleman has obtained on this subject
lrom information sought by himsel! or com
municated by others. I have inquired and
read all I could in order to obtain information
on thia subject
What is there in New "Mexico that could
by any possibility induce any body logo Uiere
with slaves? I here are some narrow stripe
of tillage land on the borders of the rivers; but
the river themselrea dry up belore midsum
mer is gone. All that the people can do ia
to raise some litde article, tome little wheat
for their tortilla and all that by irrigation.
And sho eosU to s a hundred biack mn
cultivating tobacco, enrn, cotton, rice, or any
thing slw, en land in New , Mexico nisde fer
tile only by irriiraliont I look upon it there
fore, aa a fixed fact to use n expression cur-
rent to the day. "that both Calilomu and
New Mexico are to be free, to far a they
are nettled at all, which I belie, especially
in regard to New Meaico, wiU be very liiOe
fur great length of timet free by the arrange
ment of thing by the Power above us. I
have therefore to say, in thia respect lso,
that thia eounlry it fixed for freedom, to a many
Demon aa thill .ever live there, by m trre-
pealable and more irrepealabte a law than the
law' that attaches to the right of holding slave
in Texas; and I will say further, thai if a
olution or a law were now before ae to pro.
vidoa Xemtoswl Government for New Men-
ico, I would not vote to put any prohibition I
into it whatever. The nae of such a orohib-
ition would be idle, at it retpectt any effect
it would hare npoa the Territory; and 1 would
not take paint to reform an ordinance of Na
ur, nor to re-enact the will of God. And I
would put in no Wilraot proviso for the pur
pose of a taunt or a reproach. 1 would put 1
into it no evidence of the volet of superior
power, to wound the pride, even whatever a
just pride, a rational pride, or an irrational
prule, to wound the pride or the gentlemen
who people the Sonthem States. 1 have no
such object, no such purpose. They would
think it a taunt, an indignity; they would
think it to be an act taking away from them
what they regard a proper equality of privi
lege; and whether thty expect to realixe any
benefit from it or not, they would think it a
theoretic wrong; that something more or less
derogatory to their character and their rights
had taken place. I propose to indict no
such wound upon any body, unless tome
thing essentially important to the eodmry,
and efficient to the preservation of liliertv
and freedom, is to be effected. Therelore.'l
repeat, sir, and I repeat it because I wish it
to be understood, that I do not propose to
address the Senate often on this subject 1
desire to pour out all my heart in at plain a
manner at possible; and, I aay again, that if a
nroposition were now here tor a Government
insert a proviso tor a prohibition ot slavery,
I would not vote for it.
Now, Mr. President I have established, so
far a I proposed to go into any line of ob
servation to establish the proposition with
which' "T seroiit," and' iipon which I propose
to stand or fall; and that is, that the whole
tarritory of the tittle in the" " United ' States,
has a fixed and settled character, now fixed
and settled bv law, which eannjt be repealed
in the case of Texas without v violation of
public faith, and cannot be repealed by any
human power fn -regard to California or New
Mexico; that under one or the other of these
laws, every foot of territory in the States or
in the Territories has now received a fixed
and decided character.
Sir, if we are now making a Government
for New Mexico, and any .body should pro
pose a Wilmot proviso, I should treat it at Mr.
Polk treated that provision for excluding slave
ry from Oregon. Mr. Polk was known to be in
opinion decidedly averse to the Wjlmot Pro
viso; hut he felt the necessity of establishing a
Government for th Tarritory of Oregon, and.
though the proviso was there, he knew it
would be entirely nugatory; and, aince it must
be entirely nugatory, and since il took away
no right: no describable, no estimable, no
weightable or tangible right of the South, he
said he would sign the bill for the sake of en
acting a law tn form a Government in that
Territory, and let that entirely oselest, and in
that connection entirely teftscless, proviso re
main. For myseir. T will say, "dial we '"hear
much of the annexation of Canada, and if there
be any man, any of the Northern Democracy,
or any one of the Tree Soil party, who sup
pose it necessary to insert a Wilmot proviso
in a Territorial Government for New Meai
co, that man will of courae be of opinion that
it is necessary to protect the everlasting snow
ol Canada from the foot of slavery by tlie same
overpowering wing of an act of Congress.
Sir, wherever there is a particular good to be
done; wherever there it a foot of ground to be
stui.l back from becoming slave territory, 1
am ready to assert the principle of the exclu
Mon of sfrysr F'am pteed to if front fh
year 1 837; I hare been pledged to it again
and again; and I will perform thote pledges;
but 1 will not do a thing unnecessary, that may
wound the feelings or others, or that does dis
grace to my own under landing.
Mr. Prctident in the excited time in which
we live there -t found -to exist a alate of crim
ination and recriminatiou between the North
and the South. There are lists of grievance
produced by each; and those grievances, real
or supposed, alienate the mindt of one portion
of the country from the dtheryexaaperate the
feeliajsrubdue the sense of fraternal connex
ion and patriotic love and mutual regard. 1
shall bestow a little attention, sir, upon these
arious greivancea produced on the one aide
and on the other. 1 begin with the complaints
of the South. I wilt not answer, further,
than I have, the general ttatementt of the
honorable Senator from South Carolina, that
the North has grown upon the South in con
sequence of the manner of administering this
Government in the Collecting or its revenues
and to forth. They are disputed topics, and
I have no inclination to enter into them. Hut
ill state these complaints, especially one
complaint of the South, which hat, in my o
pinion, just foundation; tnd that la, thit mere
hat been found at the North, among individu
al! and among the legislator of tlie North,
a disinclination to perform fully their eonsti-
New-ftuttonal dune in regard to tlie return ol per-
tont bound to eervice who htv (scaped in
to lha free Slate. In that respect, it hi my
judgment that the South is right and the North
is wrong. Every member of every Northern
Legislature ie bound by oath to support the
Contitution of the United Stole; and this arti
cle of the Constitution, which say to . these
States they shall deli, er up fugitivet from ser
vice, it at binding ii honr and conscience as
any other article.
No man fulfils hi duty in any Legislature
who set himself to find excuse, evasions,
escapes from his constitutional duty. I have
always thought that the Constitution addressed
Itself to the Legitliuiret ol the Hlatet them
selves. When it is stid that a person esca
ping into another State, and becoming, there
fore, within the jurisdiction of that Stale, shall
be delivered up, it seems to me the import
of the passage is that the 8ute ittetf, in obedi
ence to the constitution, thall cause him to be
delivered up. That- i my judgment I hava
always entertained it and I entertain it now
But when io euteev-tonra-yeereegev-wtt
before the Supreme Court of the United States,
the majority; of the judges, beld jhal lha powi
er to cause fugitives from service to be deliv
ered up waa a power to be exercised under
the authority ot this Government I do not
know, on the whole that it may not have oeea
a fortunate decision,-- My aabil at to respect
the molt of judicial deliberxuim and: the
lemnity of judicial decision. But n ll now
land, the husinesa ol seeing that these lugt-
. - . r , ...... . .
tive ire delivered up reside in the power of
Congress and the national judicature, and my
friend at the bead of the Judiciary Committee
has a bill on the ubject now before tho Hen
ate, with come amendment to it whioh J pro
pose to support, with all' it, proviaiona, to
the fullest extent And I desire to call the
attentHui'o M the sober-minded men of alt
eonsrientions men in" tlie North, of all men
who are not carried away bv any fanatical I
idea or by any false idea whatever to their1
constitutional obligation. I put it to all the
sound mind tithe North a a question of
conscience. What right have they, in their
IwisUnre-capaeilyTOT
to -get round thit coattilution, to embarrass
the free exercise of the rights secured by the
constitution to the persons whose slaves es
caped from them? None at all; none al all.
Neither in the forum of conscience nor before
the face or the constitution are they jutlined, in
my opinion. Of course il is a matter for their
consideration. They probably, in the turmoil
of the times, have not slopped to consider this;
they hav followed what seems to be the
current of thought and of motives for the oc
casions, and Ihey neglect to investigate fully
the real question, and to consider their consti
tutional obligation; aa I am ture, if they did
consider, they would fulfil them with alacrity.
Therefore, 1 repeat sir, that here is a grouud
for complaint against the North well founded,
which ought to be removed, which it is now
in tlie power bT'thS different department of
this Government to remove; which cnllt for
the enactment of proper lawt authorixing the
the judicature of thia Government in the
several States, to do all that is necessary for
the recapture of fugitive slave and for the
restoration ol them to those who claim them.
Wm?wroftnww
subject and when I speak here 1 desire to
speak to the wholo North I tay that the
South has been injured in this respect and
has a right to complain; and the North haa
been too careless of what I think the constitu
tion peremptorily ' and emphatically enjoins
upon it ts a duty. '
Complaint liat been made tgainst certain
resolutions that emanate from Legislatures' al
the North, and are sent here to us, not only
on the subject of slavery in thit district but
sometimes recommending Congress to consid
er the meant of abolishing slavery in the Slates,
should be sorry to be called upon tb present
any resolutions here whicb could not be re
ferable to any committee or any power in
Congress, and, therefore, I ahould be unwil-
iic to receive Irom the Legislature ol
Masacusettt any instructions to present reso
lutions expressive of any opinion whatever
on the subject of slavery, for two reasons;
because first, I do not consider tbat-the leg
Ulature of Massachusetts has any thing to do
with itx and next I do not consider that 1,
as her representative here, have tny tiling to
do with it Sir, It hat become, in my opin
ion, quite too common; and, if the Legisla
tures of the Stalet do not like it they hsve a
great deal more power to putit downlhan thave
to uphold it It ha become, in my opinion, too
common a practice to present resolutions here
on all subjects, and to instruct ns here on all
subtecis, 1 here it no pu bite man that re
quires instruction, more liiao I da( er desire
il more hetrtily; but 1 do hot like to have it
come in quite too imperative a shape. 1 took
notice, with pleasure, of some remarkt up m
thit sullied, made the other day in the Senate
of Massachusetts, by a young man of talent
and character, from whom tha bsst hope may
be entertained. 1 mean Mr. Milliard- He
told the Senate of Massachusetti that he
would vote for no instructions whatever to
be forwarded to the members of Congress, nor
for any resolutions to be offered, expretaive
of the scnue ot Mastachusettt at to what
their member of Congrett ought to do. Ho
said he saw no propriety in one set of public
scrvTnffl"Tv'm
turea to another aelol public servtnts. Io
ther own master all ol them must stand or fall,
and that master is their constituents. I wish
these sentiments could become more common.
a great deal more common. 1 hare never
entered into the question, and never shall, a
bout tho bmaing bef Mutrucuon. -I will, i
however, limply tay this: if there be any
matter of interest pending in this body, while
I am a member of it in which Massachusetts
hat an intcreat of her own not adverse to the
general inU. rest of tlie country, I thall pur-
aue her instruction with gladness of heart and
with all the efficiency which I can bring here,
But if the quctlion be one which affeclt the
interest of til other States, I thall no more
regard her political wishes or instructions
than I would regard the wishes of a man
who might appoint me an arbitrator or referee
to decide some question of important private
right. If there, ever waa a Government upon
hearth, it is this Government; if tlie re ever was
a body upon earth, ill this body, which would
consider itself as composed by agreement of
all, silting here under tlie solemn obligation
of oath and conscience to do that which they
think it best for the good of the whole.
Then, ttr, there are those abolition socie
ties, of which I am unwilling to apeak, hut in
regard lo which I have very clear notions and
opinions. I do not think them useful. 1
Hunk their operauons tor me lastiwenty year
have produced nothing good or valuable. Al
the ame time, I know thousand of them are
honest and good men; perfectly well meaning
men. i ney nave exctteu leeungs, iney iniux
they mutt do something for the cause of liber
ty, and in their sphere of iction they do not
see what else tney can oo, man to eonirinute
to an abolition pre or an abolition tociety,
or to pay an abolition lecturer. I do not
mean to impute grot motive even to the
leader of these societies, but I am not blind
to the consequence. I eannot bul ce what
mischiefs their interference with -the South
ha produced. And i it not plain to every
man! Let any genUeman who double of that
recur to the debate in the Virginia House of.
Delegate in 1832, and he will tee with what
freedom a proposition made by Mr. Randolph
for the gradual abolition of slavery was dts-
euued in that body. Every one. tpoke of
tlavery a he thought very ignominoti. and
disparaging name and epithet were applied
to It : The debate in th Hoot of Delegate
on that eeioav 1 believe, went-all publish-)
ed. . They were read by every colored man
wbo could read, and if there went any - who
could not read, thote debate were tend to
tliera by white men. Al that time Virginia
wa not unwilling nor awaid to diteut tun
question, and to tot that part of her popula
tion know a much of it a they could learn
That wa la 1838 A It been said by-the
honorable member from Carolina, these . abo
lition societies commenced their course
action in 1835. It is said I do not know
how true it maybe, that they sent incendiary
publication into th Slav 8tatet at any event,
they attempted to arouse, and did arouse,
Terr atrong feeling; in oilier word, they cre
ated great agilaUrma ta the H ortb, against Boutn-
ern alavery. Well, what was the result?
Th hands of the lvf were bound more
firmly than before; their rivet were more
strongly fastened. Public opinion, which in
Virgiua had begun lobe exhibited against
slavery, and was opening out for the discussion
of the question, drew back and tbut itself up in
itseasUs. I wish to know whether any body
can now talk at Mr. Randolph,
LUov. McDowell, and others talked there, ope
and tent their remarkt tn the prett in
1833. Wt all know the fact, and we all
know the cause, and every thing that this ag
itating people have done ha been, not to en
large but to restrain, not to tot free, but to
bind faster the slave population of the South.
i nat le my judgment Sir, a 1 have said, i
know many of them in my own neighborhood.
very honest good people, misled, ae I think,
by itrange enthusiasm; but they wish to do
something, and they are ealied on to contribute.
nd they do contribnte; and it I my firm -
pinion thit day, that within the last twenty
yetrt as much money hat been collected and
paid to abolition societies, abolition presses.
and abolition lecturer a would purchase the
Ireedom of every slave man, woman, and
child in the State ef Maryland, and send them
all to Liberia. I have no doubt or rt But
have yet to learn that the benevolence of
these abolition societies has at any time taken
that particular turn. Laughter.
Again, air, the violence of the press i com
plained of. The pre violent! Why air, the
outrageous reproaches in the North, against
the South, and there are reproaches in the
South against the North. Sir, the extremiatt
of both parties of this country are violent;
they mistake loud and violent talk for elo
quence and fur reasoh.ey ihinfc that Tie"
ho talks loudest reason the best. And
this we mhst expect, when the press is free.
as it is here, and 1 trust always will be for
wun an its licentiousness and all it evil, the
enure and absolute freedom of the press is
essential to the pretervition of Government
on the basis of a free constitution, Wherever
it exist, there will be foolish paragraphs and
violent paragraph in the press, a there are,
I am orry to ay, foolish speeches and vio
lent speeches in both House of Congress, in
short, air, I mutt tay that in my opinion, the
vernacular tongue ol the eountiy hat become
greatly vitiated, depraved, and corrupted by the
ttyie oi our congressional debates. Laugh
ter.") And if it were possible for our debates
Congress to viiiate the principle of the peo
ple aa much at they have depraved their taste,
mould cry out "od save the Republic.
Well in all thit I see no solid grievance, no
grievance produced by the South, within the
redress or the Government but the eingle one
to which I have referred; and that ie the proper
regard to the injunction of the constitution for
the delivery , of lugitiv slave.
I here is also complaint of the North a-
gainst the South. I need not go over them
particularly The first and. ravcatis, that
the North adopted the constitution, recognis
ing me existence ol slavery In the n laics, and
recognising the right, to a certain extent of
representation of the elavet in Congrett, un
der a stale of sentiment tnd expectation which
do nut now exist; and that by events, byeir--
cdaistanc.es, by hs eagerness of the South to
acquire territory and extend their clave popu
Iation, the North finds itself, in regard to the
influence of the South and North of the free
States and die Slave States, where it did not
ex peel to find iiself when they- entered the
compact of the Constitution. They complain,
Uler
therelore, that instead of tlavery being nfun
e' wmrvvrl; twit -wiirttitmwwhlclt
all hoped would be extinguished gradually, it
is now regarded by the South as an institu
tion to be cherished and preserved and extend
ed; an institution which, the South bat extend
ed to the utmost of her power by the acqui
sition oi new territory, n en, men, pasting
Ironj thav every .body in the Nortli readj: and
every body read whatsoever the newspaper
contain; and the newspapers, some or thorn,
especially those prestci to which I have el
uded, are careful lo epread about among the
people every reproachful sentiment uttered by
any Southern man bearing at ill against the
norm, every ming uiai it eajcuiaieu io exas
perate, to alienate; and there are many men
thing, aa every body will admit front lha
South, or tome portion of it which are epread
amon the reading people; and they do exas
perate and alienate, and produce a most mis
chievous effect upon the publie mind it die
Norm. Mir, l would not notiee things oi
thit ort ippeariug in obscure qttarfrral but
one thing ha occurred in this debate whicb
truck me very forcibly.
An honorable member rrom Louisiana ad
dressed u the other day on thia auhieet ' I
suppose there ie not a more ' amiable and
worthy gentleman in this chamber a gentle
man who would be more slow to give offence
to any body, and he did not mean in hi re
mark to give offence. Bill what did he sty?
Why, tir, he took paint to run contrast be
tween the slave of the South and the labor
ing people of the North, giving the preference
in all points of condition, snd comfort, and
hapine, to th eltve of the Mouth. he
Senator douhtlest did not mppoea that he
gave any offence, or any injustice. He wa
merely expressing hi opinion, ' But doe he
know how remark of thai sort are received
bv the laboring piopte of the : North? Why,
who are the laboring people of th North?
They are the North. They are tha people
who euluvate their own farm with their own
hand; freeholders, edueatsd men, indep
dent Men. Let me say, sir, the fiva-tiiths
of the whole property of th North ie ia the
hand of the laborer uf Ih North: they cut
livile 'their farms, they educate their children.
they provide the meant of' independence; if
they ate not freeholder, they earn wage,
Iheee wage accumulate, ar turned Into capi
tal, into new freehold, and email capitalist
are created. That ie die ease. And what
ean these people think when to respectable
and worthy a rendemen a the member from
Louisiana undertakes to prove that the abso
lute ignorance and the abject tlavery of Iht
South ie more in conformity with the
high purpose oi immortal, rational, human
beings, than the educated, th independent
free laborer of the North!
Now, sir, no far at any of the grievance
have their fiMindauon in matter of law, they
ean be redresaed; to far as they have their
foundations in matter of opinion, In sentiment
in mutual crimination and recrimination; all
thtrt ean do Is to endeavor to allay and
cultivate 4 butter feeling and more fraternal
sentiment between the South and the North
Mr. Presidnnt I should muuh prefer to
have heard from every membe on tide floor
declaration oi opinion that tin Union ahould
never he rjitfilvrd, than the dnclnnttinn fopin
ioa that in any case, under die pressure of any I
circumstances, such a dissolution was Dowible.
1 hear with pain, and anguish, and distretethe
word secession especially when it Edit from
the lip ef those who are eminently patriotic,
and known to the country, and known all over
the world, for their political eervice Seces
sion! Peaceable tec est ion! Sir, your eye and
mine are never destined to eee that miracle.
3 "he diamemberment of thit vast country with
ut convulsion! The bursting up of the foun
fcsine of the great deep without ruffling the sur
face! Who ie to foolith I beg every body't
pardon as to expct to see any euch thing?
Sir, he who eere these States, now revolving
in harmony around a common centre, can ex
pect to eee them quit their place and fly off
without convulsion, may look at the next hour
..A- th . L .. I I. I : a
w -i. uw mairmj iiwwf rusn irom their
sphere and jostle against each other in the
realm of (pace without producing a crash in
the universe. There can be no euch thing a
a peaceable secession. Peaceable secession is
an utter iiripoiwiMliry. , Is the great Constitu
tion under whicb we lire here, -cov ering ihrs
whole eoamlry it it to b thawed and tin-tied
away by ?cessinn, at the tnowe on the moun
tain melt under tlie influence of a vernal enn?
disappear almost unobserved, and die off? No,
sir! No, ir! I will not state what might pro
duce the disruption of the Stoles: but sir. I ar
il a plainly a I fee the enn in heaven I see
will not describe in in twofold consequences.
Peaceable tseescion! peaceable secession!
The concurrent agreement of all the member
of thit great fbpublic to ecperate! A voluntary
scprmuuD, wun anmony on one aide and on
m 6thrrWhyrwhaf wbulu be the renoltt
Where it the line to be drawn? What tttatn.
am'toieeede! What it to remain American?
What am I to be? Where ia the flat- of tha m-
puoiicio remaini vvnere le the eagle lull
to lower? or it he to cower and shrink ,!
a II . - . la
lau io uie ground i wny. sir. our ancestors
our father and our grandfathers, those of them
that are yet living amongst ut with nrolonired
livee, would rebuke end reproach us and our
children and our grandchildren would cry out
shame upon us, if we of thit generation ahoukl
dishonor these ensigns of the power of the Go
it every day felt among ni with to much joy
vernment end tlie harmony of the Union which
and gratitude. What i to become ofdie army?
What t to become of the navvf W hat to be-
come of the publie land.? How it each of the
thirty State to defend itself? I know, ahhouirh
the Idea haa not been staled distinctly. There
is w oe a qouinem tjonieocracy perhapa, J.
do not mean. When I allude to thii statement
that any pne criimly:4nteninlatee such a
ttate of tiling. I do not moan to any that it
i true, but I have heard it niggcited elsewhere
that the idea baa originated from a design to
separate. I am sorry, sir, that it has ever been
thought or. talked of, or dreamed of, in thirwfftt
est flight of human imagination. But the idea
must be 6Ta teparalioniricludingffie eTave
state upon one side and the free States on the
other. Sir, there it not I may express my
self too strongly perhaps bul tome tilings,
tome moral things, are almost asimnoMibleas
other natural or physical ihin sndl bejd the
idea or a teptrauon Of these States, those that
are free to form one government and those
that are slaveholding to form another, as a rooe-
I impossibility. Wi could not separate the
Statoc by any such line, if we were to draw it
Wreourd not tit down here to-daytnd draw
line of separation that would satiafy any five
men in tlie country. There are natural causes
Ttftet would- keep and He uT,igtjdiwpwnticiai end'1
domestic relations which we could not break if
we would, and which we ahould not if we
could. Sir, nobody ran look over tlie face of
thi eounfry at the present moment nobody
ean 3e where it population is the most dense !
and growing, without being reidy to admit!
and compelled to. .adroit.. lbateralong America
will be in tlie valley of tlie Mississippi.
Well, now, sir, I beg to inquire what the
wildest enthusiast hat to sav on the anuihllitv
of cutting off that river end leaving free State
at its source and its branches, and stave State
down near it mouth? Pray, ir, pray, air, let
me aay to the people of thi country, that these
thing are worthy of their ponderiiur and of
their consideration. Here, sir, are fire millions
of freemen In the free States north of the river
Ohio: ean any body suppose tint this popula
tion can be severed by a una that divides them
from the territory 'of a foreign and an alien
Governmeut, down some where, the Lord
knows where, Upon The tower banks of the
M isaissippiT What would become of Mitsott
ri? WiU the, join tlia arrondisement of the
uUve States? Shall the man from the Yellow
Stone and the Mad River be connected in the
new Republic with the man who live on the
southern extramity of the Ctpe of Florida! Sir,
I am ashamed to pursue thi line of remark. I
dislike it 1 have an utter disgust for it. I
would rutlicr hear dlnatural blasts and mildews.
war, pestilence and famine, than to hear gentle
men talk of secession. To break up! to break
up this great Government; to dismember this
great country to astonish Europe with an
act of folly such al Europe for two centuries
has never beheld in any Government! No,
sir; no, sir! There will be no socession.
Gentlemen are not aertou when they talk of
secession.
Sir. I hear that there is to be a Convention
held at Nashville. 1 am bound to believe that
if worthy gentlemen meet at Nashville in Con
vention, their object will be to adopt counsel
conciliatory, to advise the South to forbearance
and mixlerauott, and to inculcate principle!
brotherly love and affection, and attachment to
the constitution of the country as it now is.
believe if the convention meet at all, it will be
for this nn'ronsa: for certainly, if thev me-t for
any purpose hostile to tlie Union, ihey have
i ' : ...i i : ... ! i
oeea singuuiny uwupruunuui ia wcirnarcuun
ota place. I remember, sir, that when Uie
treaty was concluded between Franca and
England at the peace of Amicna, a item old
EnjcMiman and iq orator, who disliked the
tsms of tlie netce a iamomiuious to Emrland.
aid In the House of Common, that, if King
William emild know thetenntof the treaty
be would turn in hit coffin. let me commend
the saying, in all it emphasis and in all its force.
to any body who thai! meet at Nashville for
the purpose jjf concorting maure for the
overthrow oi me union ot uu country over in
bone ol Andrew Jackron. ' '
Sir, 1 witb to make two remark, and hasten
to a conclusion. 1 wish to tay, in regard to
Texas, that if it should be hereafter at any time
the pleasure nf Ui Government of Texas to
eedn to the Uiiiicd States a portion;" larger or.
smaller, of her territory which lie adjaocnt to
New Mexico and north of the 34th uegrce.pf
I ntrrlll pfiii9) tvm a ion vtuiwiv.-it an muin;r v
in th peym-mtof korrl-'vl, I think in o'ijtci
north latitude, for a fair equivalent in money or
well worthy tlie consideration of Coojresa, and
1 ahall be happy to eonrur in H myself if I .
should be in the publie councils of the csun-
try at the time. ,
I have onn other remark to make. Itmv ,
observations upon slavery a it ha existed in ,
the country, and a it now exist 1 have ex- -
prere 1 no opinion of the mode ofils extinguish- j
ment or amelioration. I will say, howeter,
though 1 have nothing to propose on that tube
jeet because I do not dot m myself so compe
tent at other gentlemen lo consider it that u
any gentleman from the South thatl propose a
scheme of coionixation to be carried on by,'
this Government upon a large er-nle, for the
transportation of free colored peop'.e to any col
ony or any place ia lha world, I should be .
quit disposed to incur almost any degree of .
expense to accomplish that object M ay, sir, -
following aa example act here more than ,
twenty year ago by a great man, then a c-cn-f
a tor from New York, 1 would rtura to V u .
gin ia through her for tlie benefit of the wholo ,
South all the money received Inna the land
and lerrilorie cridnd by . her to lhia Governs
ment; fbrirrr awbr purpose -a to relieve, tit :"
whole or in part or in any way to diminish,
or deal bennCciallv with tlie frea colored pop-..
ulanon of the Southern States. . . , , ,
1 hav laid that I honor Virginia fur lie
cession of this territory. There have bua receu--,
ed into the treasury of the United Statcteigluy
of the publie Unda ceded byl'irgini. Il ilia -
residue should be sold al tlioaame raleviha" .'
whole aggregate will exceed two hundred miW '.
lions of dollar. If Virginia and the South,
I see fit to adopt any proposition to relieve them-
elves irorn uie true ueopuj ui i ui uiuuna,
them, they hve my tree consent that Govern
meml shall pay "uiemM ut
of it proceed which may be adequate to the,
purpose. ."- - -;, " " r, . -
And now, Mr. President, I draw these ob
serrstions ta a close. 1 hive epoten freely,
atJ-wrwr.-i- '
no display I hav sought to enliven Ilia occa
sion by no animated discussion; 1 bare (ought
only to speak my seotimenta fully and at large, .
being desirou once and for all to let the Senate
know, and to let the country know, tlieopituoii
and sentiment which I entertain on all these
suhjocte. These opinions are not likely to bo
suddenly changed. If there be any future
eervice that I can render to the country con
sistently with these sentiment and opinion, I
thall cheerfully render it If there bo not I ,
thall ttill be glad to have an opportunity to
disburden my routcicafei ftm. U bottom, of
my heart, end to make known every political
tentiment that therein exist, t I. . ,
And now, Mr. President instead of speak
ing of the possibility or utility of weestum. in
stead of dwelling; - m thee-ewrcnr of dark T
aeas. Instead of groping with those ideas so
full of all that to horrid and horrible, tot ua
come out into the light of days let ua cliemh
those hopes which belong tol lot Til devour
ou metre to those great object that are tUiir
oirrconsidtration tndoutactionjU-td raise our
conceptions to the magnitude and the laipot
tance of the dutioe that devolve upon us; let
Lour eomprcheniirm bt brosd. it .. the c oun- .
try for which wo act our aspiration a nig
as its certain destiny; let tu not be pigmies in
that calls for aneav-Aever tiw there
devolve on any generation of man higher
trust titan now dovalv upon ua-Jot tha pre. ..
ervation pf thi ntiiutlnvnd th hamwnjr
and peace of all who are destined to live under
it. It It a great popular Constitutional Gov-
Bnt ruiitrd awVi?"noT'wyit t by "
judictlure, and dufewlad by Hi whole alfwe-
uont of the people. .- -i
No monarch icul throne presses these Stales .
together; no iron chain of despotic power encir
cle themt they live) and stand upon a govern
ment aonular in its form, rep reseula live in it
charactofv fouwdud pnnpritvctpl -fqwalivs
ml calculated, we hope, to last torn er. in an
its history it has boon benefkieut; it ha trod
den down no man's liberty) it has erush.-d no
State. Il haa been, in all ha influences, be
nevolent benofteont! promoting the general
glory, and the general renown, aud, el last U
hat received a vast auuiuoa oi vornioij. jig7
befors, h hat now, by recent eveula, becoino
vastly largor, Thur republic Bow extend,
with a st breadth, across the whole eouti
nent The two great sear of the world wash
the one and tlie other chore. W may realise
tlftr beautiful description of Uie ornamental edg
ing of the buckler of Achilles ;
"Knr lh breed shleM Vossplett the artiaterewned.
With alt last Umi. 4 soared tlis scesa round;
M liviag silver seeaaed tlx wave to roll.
As4 but th buckler's verge, and bound the wbolt.
Mr. Calhoun, . I rise to correct what I con
ceive to be an error of the.dittinjuislicd Sena
tor from Maaaachusett as to the motives w.n.-h
induced tlie acquisition of Honda, lilina
and Texas, 4 He attributed it to tha great
growth of Cotton, and tlie desire of the 8 ulli
ern-people to get an extension of territory.
With me view ot cumyaung i wiui m'n.7 jm.m..
than they could in a compact and crowded
settlement Now. Mr. President tlie history
of tliese acquisitions 1 think was not correctly
given.- It is well known that tun. acquisition
of Florida wii the result of an Indian w nr.
The Seminole Indian residing elitttg the lino
attacked one of our fortriMncs; troops were or
dered out they were driven baek;nd under
the command of General Jackson, Penwcula
and 8t Mark were icixeJ. ll wa the3 act.
and not Uie desire for the extended cultivation
of cotton, which led to the acquisition of Finn
da, . 1 edmit Uiat there had been, tor a long
lime, "a desire on tho part of the Sju'.h, ami ol
the Administration I believe, lo acquire Flori- -
da, but it was very different from the reason
. . , .. ' c rt
assigned by tne nouorama fvm.uor. n;i ;
were collected together four tribe of Indian
the Creeks, the Choclaws.llie Chickasawi.
and Ihe Cherokee, tbout thirty thousand war
rior who hold connection, af.tiort tlie whole
of them, with Uie Spanish authorities in Flori
da, and earned on a trade pcrp -tuaiiy
litem. It waa well known tJi u aruioeiip!'-"''i """"
eious influence was tiu..ejerc.t.od over them;
and it wa tlie detire of preventing conflict be
tween the Indians and nurtelvc tn the rwuin,t
as helieve, which induced the acquisition ut
Florida.
J c ni n-w to LrMsiint. - W w.'ll ka w
dial tlie immediate c uise for lite aeq-.n iii vi of
Louisiana wa the tuspension of o ir riir'it of
d?poite at New Ort ans. Under a treaty
with Spain w had ri-rht lo lha nvigatmu
of thariver as for t tiew Orl.-wiut n-l trudit .
to make deposit in the port of.New Orleans.
Tho Spniliab-autharitievi interrupted thai n-li',
nd that interruption pro.lui-iHl a i,'roat egttation
at the West and 1 mav "ay tliroi-fioit th
whole United State. The pemli-im h turn m
i n iwv , - ---- r-
joppoiitum, i hii-My r.-pen .M ry (thl
iViv - -v.-txH