Newspapers / The North-Carolina Star (Raleigh, … / Aug. 12, 1846, edition 1 / Page 1
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isi ' V'S ,1 THO! i, LBVf .W, EaiTa ab PaoratiToa. 'son cabousa: roviarcL la asati, ibtsliictcai akb pbtsicai. assouacis tbb lakb or oca lists abb tii boss or ova ArricTiox-' THREE DOLLARS A YEAfc-ia abvascs. , T9- ST. RALEIGH, If. C WEDNESDAY Al'G IS, 1846 It. 33 I ' . - v rar&li INieiVicaV College QP PHILADELPHIA. . CmHE annual course of Lectures In this inati tution will b opened on Monday the 12th October, (the M ootid Monday in October, J and will he continued till the end of the ensuing Feb ruary. -- , PROFESSORS. Paci Bick Gouwabb, M. IX, Anatomy and tautology. C. C. Vab Wick, M. D., Principle end Practice of Cfurgery. Mibsditb Cltmib, M. D., Principle! and Practice of Medicines. John Babcklv Biddlb, M. 0 , Materia Me dici and Therapeutics - Dim Uditii TucEra, M. Obstetrics and Diseases of Women and Children Lena H, Joraa, M. D , Physiology and Le ral Medicine, jABtaa D. Uoeaaa, m. u., uenerai ana uipo- ic Chemistry. Demonttraiur of Anatomy Josara Lstur, M. D s'he Franklin Medical Coflege ia incorporated b the Legislature of Pennsylvania, with rentr. ( privilege equal to those enjeyed by any ainilar institution, and ia -uiharized "to grant the . derree at Doctor of Medicine, to any Mich per : eone aa anait poweaa me: quanncaiiona uauy reqo red of candijatei in other Medical College FEES. For each of the aeven couraea of Lectgrea, $15 00 Matriculation Fee, to be paid once only, 5 00 Additional information respecting the - couree ofinatructioneanbe obtained npon application to J. B. B1UULK, - Dean of the Faculty, N. E. corner of Spruca and Quince atreeia, Philadelphia. Aug. 5, 1846. 32 2t. A. O. BAGLEY'S CELE URATE D IMPEOT E D EVE K-POINTED GOLD lMi. VT A IV U A W T E B, rpHIS Pen received the bigheat premium at the laat Fait of the American lualitute, and liai been pronounced by the first Teacher of Penmanship in the country, to be infinitely u petior to auy Gold Pen. erer before introduced ' w rha ihtithntt pubWorert'F " trowtbte except by actual violence do Ink will injure them retain their elasticity, and the peculiar shape of the nib, f which wa rlrat in troduced by Bagley) make it mora pleaaanUo , use. renders it 1m liable , to damage, mote, eaay to repair, and prevent the necessity of the great care that other articles or the kind require. Maun factory, 189 Broad w ay, IV. If. Abo, Bnfflejr's "Potent Extension FetY Holder nod Pencil,' which tithe most compact artice la iie July, 18 'C. 3214t " : " ANOTHER FKAUD. - It ha boeo'diacorered that a moat atupendoaa fraud wai committed in the election of Mr. UuADBuar (Democrat) aa Senator from Maine to suceeed Mr, Evans. The 'Peiertburg Intel llftncer' give the following paitteulai is ta ken from the 'Botton Alia.' It appears that only rosTr-Riac ballots were returned for Mr. Evans, when rtrrr-TBR.Ei Whigs have aisned a solemn declaration that they voted for Mr. Evan; and four othei Whigs have testified that they voted for Mr. Allen, of Bangor, and W. P. Feaeenden, of Portland; this, together with the votes of the independent democrats, makes aerenty-four against Brad bcry, which, with the abolition vote, would have defeated him by several vote. Mr. Mrtjjoun,. of Ualh, a ggntlemari of the highest respectability and character, testifies that he went into the committee room end there found his ballot, which was sot returned, as also the billot of Mr. Ktngiberry. An investigation wit demanded In the House of Representative on the 3id, and it was declar ed if Gov. Andenoa gave Mr. B. a certificate of election (which is said he has refused,) lbs seat would he contested. The icaHtiing voiesi it is said, were all pat down to Mr. Bradbury, What way we not ex pect next? MlCcALHOUN. We find in tits South Carolina papers the following letter frrm this gentleman, written, si will be seen, in repljr to a series of t notations recently transmitted tuhim: : Washington, 19tli July, 1846. Dear sir I have received jour eom municatton of the 8th inst., covering the preamble and resolutions of the citizens of Georgetown district, and am highly gratified with their apprubAlion of mjr course in reference to the Oreon and Mexican questions. I adopted the course I took in reference to both, under a deep sense of Jul jr. and with lull knowledge of the respoiuibili t j involved; and 1 silt confirmed by jouT spprobitionin the conviction that nothing more is required to gain or retain' the confidence and support tf the people of South Carolim, but an honest, faithful and fearless discharge of tlutv, regardless of the excitement of the moment, belt ever so great. Ent-r(ining tliii opinion, I have never hesitated in a long and even ful peno j of public service, to act. on it. without, 'in a siagle irtanee, . los inrg tlu-ir confidence or support. I may well be pr.u J of representing such constt taents, too enlightened to be decievod, and inn just and patriotic to condemn or discard a public servant, without a cslm, impartial and thorough nomination of his Dutives and reasons. What mine were have been f.illv explained as the coutse 1 took in reference to " the Oregon que ti-n, hile under discussioni but such is tot the case in reference to the Mexican. It wa hurried through, wiih-mt afTording an opportuni,ty for explanationi and now that we- are involr d in war,, the sense f duty that would hav4ainpe.led a free nd I J! I expression of my objections to the ourse wt policy by whtctt we are thvolred 0 it, compvls eitvitce now, whea it can be of no avail, and might tend to retatd its speedy termination- a-consummation, which all who love their country mutt desire. SPEECH OF MR. D. M. BARKINGEK, Of North Carolina, oj the Tariff. Delivered in the House of KepieMnratWs of ti e V. 8., July 1,1848. - . ' . The biirreported by the Committee of Ways and Mean, providing for a reduc tion and modifies ion of duties on foreign imports being under consideration in Com mittee of the" Whole Mr. BAKItlNGER said: ' That he was at all times very averse to enter toe arena of reeulsr debate in this House -His experience here bad satisfied him that thnse who were most freauemlv desirous of occupying the floor were not regarded as the mast useful or influential members of this body, lie wa especially sjage of an exhausted debate. But tiff1 sbt brre-'of 111 pf le5mp it was called Df some the great question of the day. lie had some views on litis sub ject, regarded as so deeply interesting id every section of the Union, and every class of the people of this great nation, which he desired to-presem-to thl commiti'ee''and to the puttie. He was not in the unforlun. ate, position of the gentleman who had just addressed the committee, (Mr. Stanton, of lennesee.J and who seen.ed so. greatly embarrassed in the effort to reconcile the d. Defences of his Democratic friends in thi House. - IVr. U. had nothing to say to their quarrels, which seem to threaten such seri ous collisions in their ranks, but which he was satisfied would be healed by' the prop er efforts and appliances, if it he necessary to pass this bill. He was well aware of the facilities his Democratic friends always possessed in reconciling their apparent aud sometimes real differences; and he counted nothing as to the fats of the b.lJ before the commiueo from-the-ex opinion which, on the suifac 04ily, indicate sucn violent disruption among the members of the parly on the final Vote- on this great measure. lie jiaa no such unpleasant task to perform on msstde of ilia House. tie had no conflicts of opinion to recon cile. On this side we shall present very nearly an unbroken phalanx on the final vote. But lie did not mean to make a nar ty speech; and though hie vlewipSii tr,f question differed materially frorn. tltose held by a majority of the Pemqcralic party in this House, as now orirauized. I he was glad to say not oy all of that party, he Ireely accorded to gentlemen advocating; the other side quite as much honesty in their convictions and purposes as he claim ed for himself. The two bills now before the commit tee, Mr. Chairman, ss well that commonly called McKay's bill aa the substitute of fered by the gentleman from New York, Mr. ItungerlordJ propose entire changes n the whole fiscal policy of the Govern ment, from iu earliest organization to the present time changes not gradual, but immediate, sweeping, radical; for although in some slight degree tney both recognise the principle of protection to American industry, (and this too, where. er it is done, in its most odious form,) yet coming to us as they do, under the sanction of the Ex ecutive message of December last and the official report or the secretary of the Treasury, and based aa they are on the doctrines of that famous report, which has received such consideration both in thi country- and England, especially its the liousn of Lords, from whom it received the unusual compliment of having been printed for their use, both these measures. especially the former from the Qommittee of Way and Means, amount to virtual and total abandonment ol the whole pro tective policy. Indeed, sir, that object is distinctly avowed on this floor. 1 assert, without the feai ol successful contradiction. hat the policy, which i flow supported by the opponents of this bill to repeal the aet tof 1842, has teen maintained since the foundation f our Government , to the pres ent time. We should alwaya hesitate lone to disturb a policy which has received the constant approbation of the nation. To the principles end practice of our revolutionary statesmen, who were conversant with the early wants of our country, and established the constitutional forms of fiee Government under which we have so long lived ' and prospered, do we owe an- especial defer ence and tespeet. The m t imperative reasons, founded on considerations of abso lute national independence, demonstrated the necessity of an early adoption of - the principle of a fair and reasonable encour' agement to domestic indiistiy. -The pre- attrblr of the second act passed by the first Congress declared that "whereas it is ne cessary for thesupport of the Government, for the discharge or the debts of the Uni ted Stales, and the encouragement and fnoteciion of manufactures, that duties be aid on goo-Is, wares, and merchandise im ported." &e. This act Was Approved and signed on the 4th of July, 1780, by George Washington, Hie rather ol his Uountry, and voted for by James Madison, the ablest and best expounder of our Counstitution. Oo the 8th of 'January, 1700, General Washington used the folio whip Isnguaee in his first annual address to Congress: "The safety and interest of the people re- qinra that they should promote such man ofaclures as tend to rendet them indepen dent of others for essential, especially mili tary supplies." And in hii last address. on the 7th of December, 1790, General Washington1, in continustion of the same policy he had always supported and urged btlora Congress, used the following Ian gunge; "Congress has repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention to the encouragement of manufactures' The object is of too much consequence not to ensure a continuance of their efforts in eve. ry way which shall appear eligible." 1 he following is an extract of the mes sage of Mr. Jefferson to Congress on the 15 of December, 1808: "To cultivate peace, maintain commerce and navigation in their lawful enterprises; to foster our fisheries as nurseries for navi gation, and for the nurture of man, and to protect the manufacluies adapted to our circumstancee, to preserve the faith of the nation by an exact discharge of its debts and contracts, to expend the pjiblis money with the same caie and economy we would practise with our own, and impose on our citizens no unnecessary burdens;' to keep i KttiigB wiimn oui contNiu torrai pow ers, and cherish the federal Union as the only rock of safety: these, fellow-citizens, are tile landmarks by which we are to guide ourselves in all our proceedings ' -In his message of the 5th of No-ember, T8 1 1 . Mtr MaWolVsaTsT 1 ' rtf ipugfe oiTiec objects .Wili.psesa.more immediately on your deliberations, a portion of them cannot but be well bestowed on the just and -sou ml poHcy of securing to our manufactures the Success they have attain, ed, and till are attaining, under the impulse ol causes not permanent; and to our navi gation, the fair extent of which is at present abridged by the unequal regulations ol for eign Governments. Itesides the leasonsi bleness of saving our manufactures' from sacrifice which a change of circumstances might bring upon them, the national inter est requires that with respect to such ma terials at least as belong to our defence and primary wants, we should not be loft, in a supplies.? Mr. Madison never failed to enforce similar sentiments on the consideration of Congiees and the cimntry, whenever A.fit opportunity presented itsi If. I dlmll not detain the committee by further extracts from that dis'inguishedsource. Mr. Mon roe, distinguished for his devotion to the best interests of his country, in his inaugu ral address expresses himself thus: "Our manufactures will like .vi-te require thfSsyu?inalic and fosterim? isaja.of eminent. lVMe'"r ne do' .. ,,,e raw materials, the fruit of our own soil sud industry, we ought not to depend, in the degree we have done, on supplies from other Countries; while we are thus depenJ ant, the sudden event of war, urirought and unexpected, cannot fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is impor tant, too, that the capital which nourishes our manulactures shou'.d be domestic in its influence, as iu influence in that case, instesd of exhausting, a it may do in for eign hands, would be felt advantageously in agriculture and every other branch of industry On the 3d of December, 1817, in his message to .Congre.cs, Mr. Monroe said: "Uur manufactures Will require the con stant attention of Congress. The capital employed in them is considerable, and the knowledge required in the machinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great value. Their preservation, which depends on duo encouragement; is connoctud with the high interest of the naiion." In his second annual message, he uses this language1: 'It cannot be doubted1 that the more complete our internal resources, and the least dependaut we are on foreign Powers, for every national as well aa domestic pur. pose, 'the greater and more atable will be our public plenty. By the increase of our domestic manufactures will the demand for the rude materials be increased; and thus will the dependence of the several parts of the Union on each other, and the strength of the Union iUelf, be proportionable aug. raented." Again, in his message of tile 3d of De cember, 1822, he says: "Satisfied i am, whatever may be the abstract doctrines in favor of unrestricted commerce, (provided all nations would con cur in it, and it was not likely to be inter rupted by war, which has never occurred, and cannot be expected, - there are other strong reasons, applicable to onr situation aud relations with other countries, which impose on us the obligation to cherish our manufactures' General Jackson repeatedly recognised and enforced the same suggestions of public poliey. In his message of the Tih of De. cember, 1830. he employs the following emphatic and unanswerable argument; "The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged to the aeveral Stales. 1 lie right to adjust these duties with a view to the encouragement of domestic branches ol industry, is so completely in. eidental to that power, that it ia difficult to suppose the existence of the one without the other. The State have delegated their whole aathority over imports to the Gerf era! Government, without limitation or restriction, saving tlie very inconsiderable reservation relative to the inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed from .the States, the right to exercise it fof the purpose of protection does not exist in them; and, consequently, it it be not pos- j sesscd by the Genersl Government it must be extinct. Our political system would thus present the anomaly of a people strip- peu of their right to protect their own in dustry, aud to counteract the most selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. This surely cannot be . tlie ase, This- 4ndisreiifcble power, tune surrendered by the Slates, must be within the scope of the authority, on the subject, expressly delegated to Congress. In this conclusion I am con firmed as well by the opinions of Presidents Washington, Jefferson Madison, aud Mon roe, who have each repeatedly recommen ded the exercise of this right under the Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Cuhgrtss, the eoitt inued eco. uteseence of the States, ami the general undcrstanging oi tne people. I will not refer to the votes of General Jackson arid oiher of the leadinsr statesmen ot the opposite party in faromf the act of 182-1; nor to hi remarkable letter of April .4-Vl84,pn Wits aubjecUto Etr. Ceuiiiu, oi my own nstive State. Lcould cite line upon line, and extract upon extract, fron I. .... i i i . OT'icuiinj recururu anu expresscu o pinions' of the great statesmen of all paries In our country, and at all times in our his- !X.', iPJHf. ,bflMOh..cuhC)l..j,luty.;4if. congress, in proper casvs, to give a fair and reasonable encouragement to Amcricart labor. The sentiments I have quoted are the opinions of those who have hud the fullest confidence of the country, und .es, pecially of the Soiith. The truth is, .Mr. Chairman, that no President or party Whig or Democratic, Federal or Republican, had omitted, when in power, to maintain both the constitutionality and expediency ol the dpcttine contended for by out side of the House, ii was a chief element of success in the election of General Jackson. It had never been disputed in a Presidential mes sage until the annual communication of the present incumbent in December last. ..Even Mr, Po.k adminid it, -t 1ai desiretfiti favor- of -the doctrine -up to- that-pertod. i'ou nil remember, sir. his celchrnted Kane letter, which was' made "to assume all the hues of lha chsiucIeaQr and which has been so severely commented on iu this debate. fc.very gentleman from the great Democrat ic State oi Pennsylvania, who has yet taken pun in mis discussion, his admitted that Mr. Polk could not have gotten thu. vote of thai S'ato but for the belief produced by that letter that he was in favor of the tariff, fruits which I fear that groat State is des tined to reap from the deception which has been so skilfully practised upon her confi dinir people. The gentleman from Kentucky Mr. TibbattsJ has here publicly admitted that Mr. roik could not have received the votes of the western States, except for the belief that he recognised the constitution ality and expediency of incidental pro tection within the revenue range, and of discrimination to protect all the gieal inter ests of '.ho country. Even iu the inaugural address of the President on the 4th of March, 1819. we have the strongest recog nition of the power to legislate with a view to the encouragement or the great industrial pursuits of the country. Ho said: "The power 'to lay and collect taxes, duties, impost,' and excises, was an in dispensald one to be conferred on the Fed eral Government, which, without it, would possess no means of providing (or its own support. In executing this power, by levy, ipg a tariff of duties for the' sdpport of Government, the raising of te venue should be the object, and protection the incident To reverse this principle, and make pro tection the object and revenue the Incident, wou d be to inflict manifest injustice upon all ober than the protected interests. In levyirig dune's for rCvertuey it is doubtless proper to mske such discriminations, with in the revenue principle, a will afford Incidental protection to our home iritcresis. Within the revenue limit there is a discre tion to discriminate) beyond that limit the rightful exercise of the power ia not eon ceded." Mr. Chairman, I shall not multiply, as I couiu, authnnliea on this subject. It would be an anomaly, if the Government did not have this in'dipentable power. It would be suicidal. Without its just exe r cise, we should hot be an independent people. I t was one of the chief objects of ouraepsratmn irom tne mower country. whose poliey bsd been so mimical to the development of our resources, and wfio tlctred to restrain us from the nower to manufacture even a bob-nail in the colonies, It was incorporated in our federal Consti- tuit"n, ami has been sanctioned, by the practice of every Administration,, under every diversity of party. Even now large portion of the ascendant party in this House will not admit that it is, in. any sense, the test of party alWiance; and on this express their amazement at the theo riea of those who hold political communion witu thorn on other subjects. And yet, Mr. Chairman, after all (his weight of argument, anu precedent, and practice, geutlemco throughout this debate, on the oilier tide, nave been horrified' and startled at the idea of the least discriminstion, even within the revenue range, in favor of the essential interests of the nation. . It is rep resented, especially ry some of our oppo nent from Virginia and Alabama, as a modein violation of the plainest provisions of the Constitution, it is no now thing, air, to legislate for the protection of par- wher their preservation are connected with the and advancement general welfare of the nation. By what authority have oiir navigation laws been passed f Whrit right had we to five a preference, in ihe whole coasting liade. to Americaiv hippittvHhoiit regard 4 tUo fi -rrnirotn rr-r l'iu tion offered by foreign MTC'tioualiiy or "wisdom tatea oi transportation veisutr Hie Cbnsti ticuUr interests, oi mese laws has never been questioned. j revenue. I bis fact is -admitted by the Is not this a tiolaiion of the principle to ' most ultra free trade men. Yet gentlemen sealously urged by gentlemen heref Is( are for returning. not gradually, but sud this "buying where we could buy cheap- denly, to the same avrtem. Who can est?" (r is it not, on yobr piincipUs, "an believe that the bill before us will raise iuf- , odious, grinding monopoly, in fuvor of a, ficient revenue for the want of the Govern set of bloated, purse-proud American mSn- nientf Curtail your expeuaesi ataridod ufaeturersf" Mr. Chairman, I do not desire to be misunderstood. I aril not iu favor of a "AiA protective 'TuriJT," I am not . for a Tariff for "vrottrtion metetv" 1 do riot contend for that system of "ItgitlizeJ pluiJer and .robbirt)" that gentlemen st eloquently declaim about in. this buU Wt ". i .' r . - ' - . - j . l .. . I mat i insist upon anu wnar f iiiinit tne highest interests of the country demand, is such a tariff as has been the subject of good sound Whig doctrine from the begin ning, sanctioned by the principles and nrsc- JjU'f r f,,.(w,. IfMfc, repiiilicaii faith; such a Tariff as ha been recommend edt over and overagain in the " messages ol our best Presidents, and advocated and virtually promised in' tho inaugural address of Mr Polk himself, viz: a tariff which, while it imposes duties on foreign imports for the necessary revenue In sup an economical administration of the Gov ernment as its pruue object , shrill be so ar ranged and nd justed in us details as to af ford a just and rosonablo encoaracenient in favor of ell the great interests of agricul lure, commerce, manufactures, and the mechanic arts. While revenue should be the object discrimination should'be - the incident. Sir, you neverrfiti conduct the affuim of , thts,,great, nation success faltrretfBWl is4hewell established revolutionary ; principle for which; ettr forefatjmxl tortteid, i ed; this is necessary for the prosperity of tuo great lutercals- of -the people- ami im ie -pertsable to us as a free ami independent nation, a lantt ot some sort we must have. Ihe Governrri-nt must be sup. ported. No influential American stales man has ever seriously jleclared.himaelf in favor of direct taxes as a permrineut sys tern of revenue in time of pence We can these are obvious. A Tariff of duties on foruignimports must theiefdre belaid.'Such duties have been laid front 178J U ' this dayj add, air 1 predict that whatever ... may be the fate of this bill proposing a revolu tion in the whole nnaricial system of our country, experience will continue to point out tne ueaten tracx oi our lathers as tne best course for its fd pursue. We shall soon get tired of this untried experi ment. 1 am not for any hot house stimu lus to industry and I admit that true policy requires that legislative protection should pe confined in jt wiiediscrlnlidalion to such productions as our situation, ' capi tai, anu resources enable us to mako suc cessfully to supply the wants of the coun trvi ' Un the 30th of August, 1842, Corigrss passed a 1 arrtr lavr now in forcer- 1 his bill piopotes to repeal it . Is this proposed change right Nothing.can be more perni cious to the labor and capital of the country than this vascillaUng policy this constant fluctuation both irt the tfdde of the country and the revenues of the Government. 1 do not pretend to say that the act of 1312 is perfect; or that it should be liko the laws ol the Medea add Persains, unalterable. If it b-s.iinperf.-ct, as it'doubttess is, let it be amended in such particulars as experience may have indicated us necessary. - Let K be amended in propel way and on tnpTbugh examination and nor at the In stance and upon tbe ttatesmenls of British importers and their sgenti. The regula tion of a Tariff of duliel is necessarily complicated and one of great difficulty. It is a questiou of facts and details, ramifying themselves through every inter est ol society. We never hsve and,' in a country like ours of such diversified pursuits and interests, we never can pass any gene ral Tariff jaw which wilt give satisfaction toailr- true course is to come as near this end as possible 1 have freely admitted that ' the existing law might bs wisely amended I (hould like to see that indispensable tie. cessaiy of life, suit, made duty. fee. The duties and mioimums on coarse domestic might be lowered, if not entirely abolished; anu on raw cotton, me duty which was once important but- uuw useless, 'might weH be abolished altoeetlier. Dy this course we should wrest from ths bauds of demoiroffues iustruments by which, they are constantly trying te deceive the people 1 here are other instance in which the net of 1842 might well be amended 1 nd tho ffce list might be declassed But, in the, main that law had operated well ofnil, alter all experience is the best teacher; it worth all your theories The act of 1842 hud completely refuted the - predictions of its enemies and fully realized the beat hopes of iu friends. Unde.' its operation the country wss prosperous. Under what eit- curasiauces had that act , been passed T ' 1 heed not dwell on what all' must so well remember. The objects of that law were 10 I vise a sinking revenue; to restore the public credit ; to pay the publio debt and habit ties; and last, though not least, tglv4 incidental protection to interests essential to Our nationnl welfare and independences ' j Towards the close of toe operation' of the ' celebrated compromise tct of 1833; (he! expenditures conslantlv exieerfed 6ttf hi . i-nu ouioie Hie reWIClHHI QBU rSaCtl ed Hie lowest point of twerttjr L Per eent, r had utterly fulled to produce lua oeccssa- ' come. vtn before tlie reduction had reach your magnmcenr scheme' onnfernal' Im provements, passed by tliM Democratie House, under the name of the harbor and river bill; reduce your annual! expenditttrel to seventeen millions, and p rhspthen ait tfterago rate of twenty five trf thirty per cent, ad valorem may (trove: aufficient. V fetair, dot.y one here blJtr-thsC fhfe " reduction "will bef brought aboutf' Ws) must legislate for s existing state' of things, Tho expenditure of the dovern ment, instead of being restricted bv eoono my to seventeen millions a year amounted i It has stood at that' rate for years - past It - will be " increaseit -rhe acquisition ot"" ' ""p F Texas snd the establishment of nevy fers -' ' .i'm.,i ri.. .. .1.. j - : . i , , .iviiui uuiiiuuicuii, me iuusi expensive appendages of your Government, and the ' necesary eniargumenl ot your army and navy will enhance vout eirn.liture.i ' They will be from twenty eight to thirty millions per annum. I do not sneak of a . state of war, but of a peace establishment; V ' I lie gentleman nroni New York (Hunger oidl has demonstrated, by a most search ' inj sniklysistf that this bill will ridt produce more than seventeen millions nfftt reretatfe " i-i a time of peace and less in time of war. ' How shall we supply the deflcitT Sball few mf wmumim iitim hme ' uittiib4iiajprthejjiijJaJ-Ttu-iffJ-Bil at it was ialieiL ; piUd to I84j: bich my'" U' collesgue, now before me (Mr. Urahsifl,) " well rumemUers. the compromise1 - act still , - failed lo raise Hie riecary inco.no. It : aank to less than thirteen millions a " year. T The Treasury was empty (he Govern ' ment bankrupt and general rum stared in J.fcs! fac:-EperMniC4.'it4--w -- voice that could not bs miih cv,- w - - " proiuls fih i-USHed it. ' The Compro, HfiseBCt-protratedthe-reditf-ihe Govertfroedt; the act of IS 12 resloiea it Who does not remember wtui a blush of pauiotio shame the low point to which' " ' thecieditol our nation had been brought! L liow your Government scrip was hawed 1' and peadled about in every inorie'V market of the world with out a bidJer.. The Cun " 1 gross of 1843 had of necessiiy to revise the whole revenue system. uut uentlemea h ssy tlie rates df that law ware1 too high, ' because they are above the ' retenue stan 5 dard. "The retenuri undard!M" Whit f dd gentlemen mean ' by these cdballstie ' '. f Phrases: Is the amount needed ' tor s f tesenueaflxedquantityt Ordoei it Hot5' I, fluctuate with the stato'of the nation and . J : the necessitief of 1 ouf publio : affairsf It 'j 1 1 must neeesiarily depend on tlie etate of ' , j - trade and the jmblie exigertcice. We wht f- ' one amount in peaco, another In- timo' of-- . war. lheie is, . therefore flefsuch thing as a fixed revenue standard. Mr Secreta- ry Walker asserts that it is twenty per cent' We have tried that, or at least we , ' J had approached it at a tune too ttlten . our ' importations vrete very large and our ex 4 ': pCriiflciit had proved lliat when we got down in the scale as far' as twenty five , per cent the revenue failed, aud the Gov , ernmenl waa prased In tbe most tryingand peiiious crisis. Under the ' act of 1842 the annual average nett revenue ' is from " twenty six tr twenty seven milllions of dollars s bout so (ficient - to answer ; the wants of the Government in ordinary ' limes. But Mr Chairman It ' if " objected 1 " toilreexlstirtg law tliat its-opetatton is i most injurious to the consuming potuon . of the community, especially to the farming; ., ana pianung luieresis; mat u raises me. , . price of all the people have to bey, aud low .. . era the price of all they have to aell; that ' it is a system of plunder and injustice and - . that it puis into the pockets or the man nfacturer two dollars for ; every ;;;one if places in the Treasury fifty four million to- enrich them, and only twenty seven -millions j tt - the pational eoffersf .Thia i representation, which hr truth ie mefar declamation opposed to the case, is based on the idea that in all eassee tins tax is paid by the consumer. Now, air I ut terly ' deny thTs position. It may be true as a gene raj rule, but U nut only has insny . exceptions, but there are may eases were , it k drfc'idedly opposed ta. the. truth... Ott . those articles from which we derived .the greatest part of our revenue the duty did not raise the price, and was not i tax to the consumer; because nearly enough of, the articles were produced in our ownjeoun .f try to meet the demands of consumption without resort to the foreign , supply. : Da inestic competition was indueed and lower tlie price.' Wheii the article is not made t homajn . aufficient quantities to answer, our demands, the duty was of en -dividod between the consumer and producer or im porter, in which ease the foreign importer -pays a part of the tax for the privilege of set ling in our markets. Where we do not make the article at all the whole duly, was strictly a tax and paid by tbe consumer. ",3
The North-Carolina Star (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Aug. 12, 1846, edition 1
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