Newspapers / Carolina Watchman (Salisbury, N.C.) / April 10, 1851, edition 1 / Page 1
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i 1 TIJII5W Or THE CJUOLIM WtTCtfJUX. J.- !icrpi1on. pir year, Two Volt nfs payable in .Jta'nce iit,i not paid in nilvanie Two Dullars ' imJ fifty ni le charged iptgRfiNE.xn, ts srrted at 1 for th first, and 25 eta. qunrr lor fijcjl subsequent iiishti thtrJ'J 2 perr nt. higher than th rtikini. Court orders ratea. A lib- fral dfihictlon o those who advertise by the year. LcrtRS ,l Witor must b,e post paU 'SPEECH .OF jlPi.rEAYNKR, OF I1E1TF0RD, dit the proposition to change IhL Constitu tion ly Legislative enactment so as to ex Ami to voters for members oflthc House 0f Common's the right to vote, for mem Urs pf lhcScnute. In the House of CoiMons, Dec. VJth andZQtk, 1850. I :!1(cONCLyDEl).) These romlrks about "diMiust of the Mr- twit. con,ii.ins i Jtc:i;c..HJ(Vl,op,U not lolliave Ward1 J-,...: i. i on thi ijrave nd important pc;casioii. It might hf tolerated on the huntings, and even then it wduld be unfnir-f-jbut liere it iineilhWdignilled nor in accordance with ih'7 action of ilir governmeni. j Constitu tions are inadvby the people.! if not di rrttly, yet tPs selected ivitth especial reference to th views of ths they rep rtsent. : , The v(?ry idea of a constitution involves a district which the people have l thfmselvesi Constitutions lare based on uc erring fjfcd frail nature of men, and are designed tojeounteract thetemporary and fluctuating-, impulses of the public mind. -The' limitations they! contain are limitations imposed by the pejjple them lve$, Ur uudir. our republican system, I tie)' &r' uhmitted to the people for rati- iicntion, heforojihey go into titration. I jjut snys lh? gentleman fr)m Burke, (Mr. Avery.) 'suppose the; i'onvention bfnassembljiJ. disregard iheflimitation, vdpo orf to rnake other alterations in ffipconstituriorj, for, .says the jgentleman, some men irKthe State contend that the ' .mitation willjr.ot be. binding. j Well, sup- pose it does.. ,!VVhy. it would Je no con j fentidn at all, jescept for the express pur !. pose for whicllH wascallel. According : to.the provisions of my bill, iihie people in callins the Cobvetttion, woiilcj prescribe 'an o''hi( he tiken byahe nieinbers, that they would not('totich the Cdnjtitution ih any other particular. Until Ithf-y took the th.theyuwouldiot be a Convention ; if hf)' proceeded Xo business without taking t, their acts wpuld hav? no indrebinding operation, thatthose pf n ptibrcTneeting of the citizen! 'of Kaleigh. Iff they took 'the Onth and then d'sregarjdj'jil it. they would be .guilty- of perjury ; aijid in eith- fr cHse. no on. would pay anyisor; of at tention to their-doings, and the inachinery of the State government would still move on um'.er the ptesent state o(')lhings. Such I doubt-not would be tii- 'kl ciioii ol lit '(pretniv Ciurt on the first qiestion lW would ai j$e -Uiidei such a case as .upposel ; and;such would i doubt be the opinion of .;& i grandjupy heforr whom lany member of, such a con ution might he presented for perjury, jl uudersland vrry well, whyi'this intiinatto has been th;ovvn out, fiofjoiily here but. iii .t portion of the public ph'sd' thejta;ie that a limited convention if' 'called! will, when asserhhU-d, disregard t lie? restrictions im posed, h is tofiighten the frifjndsof I'ree sudrnge in fhe nst to vote against a lim ited 'convent ionmnder the idea that when Jibe .'.convention Vhssembles, it will disre pnj the limit, And proceed to j rearrange mr unsis ui ui-Miiuiumi. linueii an ap peal. to easterntjinemliers, i8 jpoor com pliment to theirf intelligence.' The same power and authority that would call the convrntion would impose the limitation and it is absurdjo say that if ia majority af the people ol.l' State vote; lor a con Vntion limited lo a specific purpose, that a the calling t)e convention;, their act would he jivi), tu'fita valid, but j in allixing the limitation, itj would be inoperative. I say such an argument is tool absurd to i t oetU reply, p rt it be recollected that I ... I Ml l ' . I y oiu providira mat every one votui" "Convention"' snail be understood as ex pressing his opinion in favor oljJfre limi tation.. If the itrgument alhjded to be correct that a Uniiifd convention may-dis regard. Us-, restrictions when jassembled, ften it cx)mes toil his that the" general as sembly may in tjie plenitude of its wis dom and its lovo of the poplf, make an 8.nipndment of jhe constitutiorj, limited to One object, but Kit the peoplelhcmsel ves Cln hot, do . it I i convention. r A pretty ctrlne this tf ilV more especially as coming from those who so grievously af fecicj at the idea of the peoplle being de Prirej qf their ?fjghts. have but!oue precedent jin the his totJof our Stajj'j; hi regard to amending Const it utiolU-I allude to the Conven in 1835.- Although our origination dilution, 'whirli I fre 1835. carjiained no provision as to tnmanner hi i yliich it was toj be amend '".'or m regard ll o the callinifia ennven. - Von the Legislature, as thi law mak- H power, Ks jhe only authority that legal ri Vote of the prjople in re R"rd o a cbartfee in-their Cbfistitution,' Itted to thU qualified voters of the, atMhe proportion, whether Mipy would 1 - Jc- ? Convntiun, limited to certain spe- "'tied n!tp..iSKLi r -.l .:.:..! . . inuunji.ui COIIMIlUUOll. iC t,r. . l - . . Z to the pPle by the Ve ry same act, galled the jvcntionUrt4 yet restricted; its action l consider) ion of the sub jects pro Jei So that jt was, in fact he people ; j: . no5 lbe Legislature that itjr posed the 'Ration. LHIgentlemen elimine the Wes of thq convention of! 1833, and . erwiU find tlift on thd dayj of the as king of the! ton vent ion, tlfc question l moved, as t6 whelher the members ,)heJ bound tfjjtake the oajll. limiting jLlflclloi. which had beerfsiibmitted to . consideratido of the people by law And v Q PeoP'e at me polls. on discuh many of the kblest and 31 Prominentlmen of the body concur- r f' if c Keep a check txjpbjr all tour, fef! n j ( ' . NEW SERIES. Editor f PrtnrtPtn -p. i 2f?'lPS3r.i:' ' Do THIS. A wd LntcvrV ) " . uliU11JW' " - V W-f J , T7faSB--. . ( VOLUME VII NUMBER 49 1 ' y i - " ' - ! I ' . red in the opinion, that by the decision 'of the people at the ballot-box, until ttie members had taken "the oath prescribed, they goujd not be organized as a legal convention. The body with great una nimity adopted this view of the Question. ,np.m"prs w"" n1""" aor.d .i i . . . . v t Z .!, . V T . . '""i"" lr ain' anU "uU proceeded to amend the constitution. Then their acts would have, had no validity, because, it would not have been such a Convention as the people had called.' So far then as prece dent goes, we have but one precedent an our history ; and that precedemVthorough ly sustains my position, that the Legisla ture, in taking the initiatory steps towards legalizing the assemblage of conven tion may consult the people in regard to a convention either limited or unlimited; and if th people decide to impose limi tations, their decision must be binding up- on those whom they elect. The question is not whether it appears Absurd and in consistent for the people to impose limi tations on their own power, but theques tion is, can they lawfully do it. If they could do it in 1835, under a constitution which had no provision for. the calling a .convention, through the initiatory action f -. .1... T c - . J u' " JueiMaiure. oi course they can do Mi-now, under a constitution, which ex pressly proves for the calling a conven tion by the General Assembly. If there be any truth in the logical truism that the major proposition includes the minor- tuothirdof the Legislature having the power to call an' unlimited convention without the sanction of -the p&ople, of course two thirds can call an limiferl rnn. vention with the sanction of the people iiut 1 am willing to take issbe with those" who contend that it is absurd and anti-republican for the people to impose, restrictions orr their, own action. The v0' jiiiea of a Constitution presupposes restrictions upon those who are the depo sitories of power whether it be one man or a miljion. "Know, thyself," was a cardinamaxim of an ancient philosopher XC Gece. This knowledge , of human frailty is as necessan' to the statesman, in providing for the welfare of a nation, as loathe individual in regulating his pri vtejife. The more wisdom and virtue that exist among a people, the more are their institutions founded upon the dis trust that Their frame rs have of the wild impulses and unchecked excitements of the human mind. Popular' governments am someiimes as tyiantdcal as those swayed by a single despot. In order to secure liberty, the. oppres.ion of the mar jorities must be. pj-ovided against. Look at all our Constitutions, both State and Federal what are they but barriers a gainst the encreachments of majorities, or those representing majorities? The wise men who framed them, -knew well the infirmity of humeri nature that even with the best intentions, the people might be induced either through bad counselsor excited feelings, to saccirice their own dearest rights and liberties and thanks to our fathers in the purer and earlier days of the republic, they resolved to save their posterity, if possible, from the folly ol injuring themselves. And where is the man, even in this carnival day of dema gogues, that has any jespect for the opjn ions of virtuous and good men, that will say these restrictions thus imposed upon popular action, are absurd and anti re publican And where is the difference between impoing these restrictions in the lust instance, and limiting the power of abolishing 'these restrictions? Here is the. w -- great beauty, and ill this consists the shar-i monious action f oujr Anglo Saxon insti tutions. Here is the secret of Constitu tional government, which the Celtic and Scandinavian races can not understand. Our institutions are based jjn the princi ple that the primary source of all power is in the people but still as a great con servative element of liberty, the people must protect themselves against them selves by imposing limitations on-their own power and further, that these limi tations can not be altered ojrnodified, no matter with what. unanimity desired, or with what elamor demanded, except in the manner pointed out and provided for by the organic law. - A change effected in any other manner, whelheT bloodless or not, is revolution. This is something that France after sixty years trial at re publican government has never yet been able, to learn. The gentleman from Burke, (Mr. Avery,) expresses some surprise at, and rather attempt ed to treat with "ridicule, the idea, of going through all the trouble and expence of calling a Convention, merely lo strike thieet lines out of the Constitution and insert five others. He. ally I was surprised to hear a gentleman be. longing to the legal profession, use such an ar gument as this. Does not the gentleman well know that in all government?, where the roa. jesjy'of the lawis recognised, that, absurb;as it may seern to the unlearned, the refinement and lechiealities of language are the conserva tive instruments of fieedom? Does he not know lhaf the rights ol property, liberty, life evAi, frequenily depend upon the propriety of a single word ? Does a law passed by tiis General Assembly, derive its gravity and im portahce solely from its length? Does the gentleman estimate the merits of a speech by the number ojrnere words contained in it -According to his argument, the sturdy old Bar ons of Itunymede were engaged in a childish business, when they dictated terms to a tyrknt king, and laid the foundations 'of English free- SALISBURY; . N. C., THURSDAY, APRIL 10, 1851. V,m; ,n a ew sentence of Great Charter, the history of which adorns one of the bright, fst pages of history. Does the gentleman think the English people were goilly of fully in driv. ing a hijrot from his throne, and cobvulsing the nation in civil war, inerelv to estaUIish the Bill of Rights t The writ of Jlabeas Corpus so dear, to every American as well as British freeman,' consists of( hut a fnv lines ; and yet it is im. portant to our rights and liberty, ) h-n all the acts which ihis Legislature is likely to crowd in thousand pages. Look at the Declaration Of Independencethe manifesto of freedom to the civilized worlddoes its value, its impor tance, its glory, consist in its length ? $ot at all. flutin the immortal principle's of liberty therein condensed in so short a compass, ij" the genilernan's argument were worfh any thing would oe it a leuiimony against himself. I Would ask him, if he was willing to consume jwo weeks of the time of this Assembly at its present session then agitate this question he fore the people to he passed upon by ihem in he election of members to the next General fsse(nhly and then again consume two more Weeks of the succeeding session-4at such an expenditure of money, and to the neglect of the public business " merely to strike three lines put of the Consiitution, and insert five others ?" If it is so small a matter, why does the gentle, ban so pertinaciously insist on it ? If he thinks It of so little consequence, why does he not a bandun it when he sees his method pf makiri" the change so earnestly opposed? Another objection "to adjusting this nuestion by a Convention, in case ihe people desire it,. !S tne expense that will be incurred by it. Now let us examine into this objection. If the people, decide iji favor of a Convention at the' polls. ! presume that a Convention j when as sembled, would proceed at once to make ihe change, for as this one question Would he alone presented, there could be no mistake! in regard to the wishes of a majority of ihe people. To effect this, one amendment only, and that. too. (where discussion would be out of the Question. wouiu noi require more Irian three or four days, or a week at farthest. My bill proposes to pay the members of the Convention only $1,50 per day, and only one half the mileage allowed to members of General Assembly. Letjariv ffen. illeman tfTake the cacl?uIation, and he! will find. mat making tnis cnange by a Uonveniion, if a change must he had, will, in the end, be much less expensive than if done by legislative en acioienent. I presume no one will deny that this session will have been prolonged at least jen days by the agitation of this subject, and Muureu questions necessarily growing out of it lo.say nothing of ten days consumed by it at ihe last session. Even if the meaur is car ried ly the requisite majority of thre". fifths at the present session, it must Still go through ihe same ordeal of protracted debate and strenu. oos opposition at the next session. If it should fail then, when it will require two thirds of both Houses, the whole question must then be com menced de novo ; and it may be for years and years to come, that the General As-emhly will consume a week or ten days, in the discussion of this subject. But suppose it is disposed of at the next session let any one make the es timate, and he will find that this method of legis lative amendment will in the end, be miich most expensive. But behold the inconsisfency of Ihe advocates of ihis method of amending the Constitution. They first tell of the great im portance and inestimable value of the princi ples involved and of what grievous wroiiMheH people are laboring under, ll this he so, ought the expenditure of a few thousands to be al lowed to postpone the enjoyment by the people of this important right? Yet, these dear lov ers of the people tell us in the next breath, that the people are so sordid and narrow-minded, that anxiously as they desire the change, Vhey af'e not willing to contribute the small amount that must necessarily be expended in effecting it. I do not know however, whelher there is so murh inconsistency in it after all. For this whole movement from -the beginning, seems lo be based on a contempt for the undersianding of I?8 Peol)le- 1 he advocates of this system of . . . - - Sl"Ut,onal anie,,dment treat the people like a spoiled and petted child, whose babbling has to bestopped, whose fancy has to be amused, and whose favor to be gained by some worth -"'n ai nijjj in iia a ijpcai aiiue,: ijui val ueless in the 'enjoyment. Yes, sir, this free suf frage, as it is called, is delusive in its charac ter. It will confer on no class or section of the community any real substantial jwicer. It is like that Dead sea fruit of which we read, handsome in outward appearance but turning to ashes and bitterness on ihe fips. I hope, sir, that my position on this question is now understood. .Without reference to my own private indivrdualopinions on the merits of free suffrage I ground my action on the great and elementary principles of free institutions. I insisrphat in adapting this fundamental law to their peculiar condition, and the requirements of the age, the people are fully competent to the protection of their own rights, and the under standing of their own wants. As a mere Le- tp&d lll' pqitlll'Ahn.t i.i t .-. r-. 1.... . . .. I :. z. : c n ' .i N gisiaiure, ii is our province 10 ioiiow, ramer than lo attefnpt to lead public opinion upon a question of this sort. In regard to the amend ment of this fundamental law, the people, who are the original source of power, should be consulied ; and if they desire a change they should make the change by their own agents specially chosen for that purpose, and elected free from those disturbing influences that are calculated lo defeat the calm and deliberate purpose of the public mind. This, I contend, is the true, conservative, republican doctrine of constitutional freedom. I am aware, that many of my western friends who are pressing an open and unlimited Con vention, think I have already committed my. self so far that I can never retreat. Frdm ihe evidences I can see and hear around me, I am aware that they think my argument estops me from opposing the proposition : lo consult the people in regard lo an open Convention'; and that my advocacy of the right of the people to amend their own Consiitution in their own way, applies as well to the alteration cf the basis of representation, as to any olhef provision. I am sorry to have to dispel these; illusions! of my friends but my regard for my own consisten cy, my duty to that section from whence I come and the interest which I feel in the peace and harmony and general welfare of the State, com pel me to do so. I fear before I take my peat, some of my conclusions will be as unpalatabhs to many of my western friends, as my premi. ses seemed agreeable. I am asfeed by gentle, men from the West, why I do not extend the the provisions of my bill, and consult the peo pie in regard to the rearrangement of the basis. I will answer, first, because this latter ques- lion has not been agitated, except locally. We have no reason to suppose thit there Js'any thing like a general desire for any such change as this throughout the State in fact, there are reasons which make me doubt whether this de sire is general even in the extreme West. There; are several gentlemen here from that section, who so far from urging, seem disposed to discountenance such a move. ! What did we hear from the gentleman from Burke. (Mr. Ave ryl) He informed us, that whilst he advocated free suffrage, you throughout his County, on the stump, he took ground agains any change in the basis of representation. And yet thatn ilernan was elected, and that too, by a constit uency opposed to him in politics. With this evidence before me, can I believe that in the west even, this desire for a change in the ba sis is so general as to leave it at all doubtful whelher there is a majority of the people of the State in favor of the change. And let it be recollected, that I have contended throughout that as a Legislature, we should follow, rather inau a.iempi 10 lead ihe public mind, in regard ' to amending the Constitution. But I do not rest my objections here. I am opposed to submitting this question of the basis to the decision of the ballot box in the second place, because the arrangement of the basis of representation, in our constitution, does not rest on the same grounds and is not to be sns tained by the same arguments, as those other general provisions of that instrument for the se. curity of popular rights and republican princi pies. Let it not be forgotten that my argu ment in favor ofdefering to, and abiding by The wish of the majority, had reference to Ihe mod ification of those general questions involving populur liberty, which are not local but so ex tensive with the limits of the Stale, affecting all sections, classes and interests alike. The basis of representation does not come within this category. It is purely a question of compro mise, of agreement, of contract. It may be said, that all the other provisions of the consti tution. are mailers of compromise and aree- . I 'r ... ' .. . ! " mom. i rue, out men according to tbei theory of social compact the parties to such compro. mise were the people in their individual char acterV; and as a majority established ibem, the majority can change them at pleasure. The same parlies that make a contract, can -of course modify the terms of the contract. But the arrangement of the basis to what may be called the social contract in this State, (in the sense of the law writers) in their characters as individuals, wilhout reference to sectional con siderations. It is in the nature of a compro- mise between conflicting sectional interests. It is in the nature of a contract for valuable consideration the paities lo it were, and siill are, the people of the eastern counties on the other part ; each parly yielded, and each par iy gained certain equivalents in ihe adjusting nt of this compromise and according to all set tied principles of law and equity, it ought not to be disturbed' except by the consent of both parties. I do not pretend lo say that any change of this compromise, if effected accord ing lothe plan and requirements of the consti lion, would not be valid. I admit thai it would be, no matter by what sectional violence op posed; for the matter in which the constitution is to be amended is also a matter of compro mise binding on every man in the State. My object is to show that the basis of representa Hon being a compromise between sections, ei iher section may righttully and consistently op pose any alteration without violating any great principle of popular liberty. And if fhe people - - i--.B.iw j I'lM'wrm ft i i ot the east are tustihab e in onnoimr am change in the bans by a majority of the i.ennl j f 1 in mass, upon ihe ground that it was the resu e It of a contract between two sections that and still are the parties to it they are equally justifiable in opposing all initiatory measures designed for such an end. 1 have notdi?cuss ed the merits of the compromise involved in the present arrangement of the basis, nor do I now design doing so. That issue is not now pending. My object is to explain my reasons and to do jusiice to the views of those I repre sent in opposing the proposition, to submil ihe question to the people of the Slate, whelher they wish any change in the basis of repre sentalion. Mr. Speaker, I regret that this question of " White basis " has been introduced here at this time ; and I still more regret to hear some of the arguments advanced in its favor. There are certain considerations "rowing out of ihe relations of the North and South, that render the present-time most unpropitious for such a course. It can not be denied, that the repre sentation of our slaves, according to the feder al basis, in our national Constitution, is one of our strongest guaraties for the protection and security of our slave propeity. Is there a mem- her in this General Assembly that would be willing to see that provision in the Federal Constitution stricken out? And would our NVestern friends, inflict on their Eastern breth ren, what the South would regard as such a wrong on the part of the North ? Would they tax our slaves as property, and not allow tbem to be represented as persons ? Will tbey lend encouragement to Northern fanaticism by uing the same weapons in their warfare on our State Constitution, which these incendiaries are using against lhe Federal Constitution? With what encouragement or consistency, can our Representatives in the national councils con- lend for th compromises of the Federal Con- stitution if we here at home ignore that same principle of compromise in our organic law 1 But I will not dilate upon this subject : I regret that I have even had to allude to it. When this question of free-'suffrage was first agitated in the East, the people were (old, and by myself among others, that it was all a de. lusion, lhat it was an appeal to what was con- - sidered the ignorance of the people, that ii was a mere trick to pop up a feeble cause and still feebler canJidate by dragging down outvener able Consiitution into the mire and filth of par ty. The people were told that free suffrage alone could extend no substantial power to lbe people, but if that is pressed earnestly, it would only prove an entering wedge to still greater inroads on the Constitution. They were told lhat in a short time this basis of representation would be assailed ; and sectional strife and dis cord again distract, our councils. Our warn ings were met with clamor, crimination, and insult. What was prophecy then ha become history now. Yes, sir, the truth must be lold, it is the Democratic parly of the Eastern Coun lies, who have brought this mischief upon us, by sustaining these popularity mongering ap. peals lo popular credulity. They hive "sown of the wind, and are about lo reap the whirl windj They now see the approaches of the storm, when it is too late. They have heed lessly unlocked the doors of the cafe of Boreas, ancTare now seeking for shelter before the drivings of the blast. I do not say ihis byway of recrimination. I do not wish to excite any partisan feeling, on this subject. I dare a"? Ihe great majority of ihe Democratic parly of the East, acted from honest and conscientious convictions. I am only stating facts. I now wish to appeal to the support of my bill, and el. evate this question of Constitution Reform a hove the sinks and sewers of party. Although I am not responsible for the dangers and diffi culiies which now threaten u?. yet in the ad justment of this question, I will know no sucli thing as party ;! but will unite with any and all who are disposed to setile it in the most sura mary, convenient and economical method, and in a manner most in accordance with our free republican system. Our consultations here will be productive of but little good, so long as sectional discord and local jealousy shall bias our feelings and wrap our judgments. Let the House decide as it may, I shall feel that I have done my duty and for consequences, I shall not be responsible. "THE WORLD OAVES EVERY MAN A LIVING," Is a profound lie, cunningly masked in the guise of truth : and if acted upon, in the manner that reckless and desperate men define it, would break through all those checks and guides by which the grains of honest industry are now protec ted, and lay society open to incessant at tacks from all those who are too idle to work, too proud to beg. and too "high-spirited" false again to graduate their ex penses to the condition of their circum stances. 'Strive (honestly) and Thrive4' is the true maxim. Let any man work resolute ly, tasking all his energies to attain per fection in the particular business, or pro fession to which he may have devoted himself. Let him he just in his dealings, strictly correct in his personal deportment courteous in his manners and liberal within the compass of such means as he can really call his own, and the world will certainly yield him the living he has faithfully earned. One great element of success is, however, yet to be mentioned He must learn to sav. ! It is th.. m,..t difficult word in the English language to pronounce firmly, and at the proper time iuu piaur , uui miii. wuoever would pur sue a successful course in life, must learn above all other things, religion excepted, when, hovv, where, and in what manner it is best to say, No ! Whenever he is tempted to exceed his appropriate sphere of action whenever he is tempted by the importunities of his family, or his own rising ambition, to live beyond the actual and certain profits of his regular business, at the risk of tailing in bis duty to his creditors in short, when ever he feels he is about to do a doubtful, or a foolish thing, let him learn to say "No!" Arthur's Home Gazette. It-wl r-tlrj-v... . L.. ...Ml - - t II We presume it would nuzzle th in, ntinity of the acutest Philadelphia law- ' ?usclei lhat ,l ' done by some one who yer." to determine precisely the m-aniii- 1 , KOt Uie ll! l J('1Urs- '-order to escarm and intention of several of'the acts of the I detection, lbe money tosf consisted of last Legislature. Many of them appear I Y Y'' f b,M on np of lhe Soo,h to have been penned without any regard I pro',rm ''f l,ul wbich on? not recol to rules of grammar, and if there are "any ! , m' Jo!,Hr bil,s on the rules of legal construction which can make them intelligible, we should be dis posed to attribute more virtue to that sci ence than we believe it to be entitled to. But these acts furnish an instructive com mentary upon the proceedings of our law makers, and should have the effect of put ting the people on their guard as to whom they would honor with such confidence for the future. At little more attention to important matters in the early part of the session, would have saved the Legislature from many of the blunders which it com mitted. Errors, we know, are unavoida- j-"bl'e uUt so many and such glaring ones certainly could be prevented. Raleigh &lar. Daring Robbcru. We learn that on Saturday night last, a most daring robbery was committed at Mr. Lonergan's Groce ry, near the centre of our village. The money drawer with its contents, mo ney, accounts, memorandums and notes, were all taken off, and. as far as we have heard, no clue to the perpetrator has been ; discovered. Char. Jour., April 2. A Good Toast. The following toast was given at a Temperance dinner Re volutionary Army and Cold Water Army: The one. drove the red coats from the land and the other will the red noses. GRAND-BALLON THE LVSTATES FRIGATE MISSISSIPPI AT NAPLES. The Philadelphia Inquirer ofrthe2Gth inst., has the following extract from a pri-8 vate letter from Naples, under date of Feb. 22, relative to a grand, fancj ball k'ven on board; the U. S. frigate 'Misstss. ippi: - '"I ye have had a continued round of gaities during the Carnival season. Tbo city has been thronged with strangers, a .' large portion of whom are Americans. The great fete of the winter season, how- L ever, was given on board the United States steam frigate! Mississippi, by the gallant : Captain and officers of that vessel, on Wednesday last. Invitations were extend ded to the nobility anil diplomatic corpv as well as to the English, French, and Russian naval officers in portrand to all American travellers. At seven P.M., the'" boats, of the squadron began to carry the company of! to the ship. Theball be-" gan at 8, and was kept up until the morn', ing hours. The company amounted to nearly four hundred persons, of the elite of the resident and stranger socie'ty of Na. pies. . The scene on shipboard was magnifi. cent. The spar deck and upper deck, as well as the poop, were all appropriated to dancing, and were completely covered in on the top and sides by a canopy, compos- " ed of sails, with an exposed lining of the fiagsof all nations. Fanciful chandeliers, s composed ot arms and- laurel wreaths. 1 w v. ia i:n: . i . ' uiMiiHMi ngni on tne company, while a band of the best performers dis coursed most bewitching music. Below decks a coffee room was arranged, and the Captain's cabin was surrenderedjo the ladies for the mysteries of tho toilette. At midnight supper was announced in the enclosed space forward the engine. Cap tain Long entered the saloon first, leading x Morris, the lady of the U. S. Charge d'Alfaires. The sumptuousness of this prt of the entertainment, the profusion of luxuries, including wines of the most cost ly kind, excited the liveliest admiration. The dancing was renewed after supper, and revived with rather increased fervor. : At 2 A. M., when I left the ship, the ball was in full life. We pulled Ashore in a few minutes, over a sea as smqothe as a lake, under a bright moon, and Ian atmos- 1 14 i uini oi an American J u n e. r 1 he beauty of the American ladies was one of the most striking Ipatures of the ball their delijjacypf manner, femi nine grace and sweetness of expression, . contrasted favorably with European ladies This ball, so perfectly successful in every respect, has created a marked sensation in Naples. It reflects the highest honor up on the liberal hospitality of ihe captain and officers of the Mississippi, and will leave behind a most agreeable impression of American character. The Mississippi was much admired for the beauty of her proportions, and the 'masterly workman ship o! her engines and machinery. They were built fen years since by Merrick & Towne.of Philadelphia, and, although in service for all thai time, have never suf. fered any injury, and are now in as good, a condition as the day they were placed , on board. ' The American flan has been flvinr aII ; day from the King's vessels, and the Amer- : r i i Lao. ingiisn, and Uussian men ot war, while the cannon have been thundering on all sides, in honor of the birthday of Washington. If the fanatics at home could see with what respect and admira tion the American Union is; regarded ! 'u,ro'1". they would be able to appreciate o j l ie.iM,am' "hich would descend upon I ! ,,r "ames-rorn lbe success of their un- uai iow eu scriemes. Commodore Morgan crowned the cej ebratiot) with an elegant dinner in the evening. Look out .'On the 27th of January last Mr. C. Ii. Watkins, of Stanly county, mail ed a letter containing fifty dollars to his daughter in the College at this place. The letter has never been received, and but one of the several letters written by the daughter to her father since has been received by him. Their letters both ways are stopped somewhere. There appears to be a settled purpose to intercept the correspondence between them ; and it is u iiin oi i - aeiievi,jP, me qs. not recol- lected, but Mr. Watkins' initial are writ- t-n on the back of each hill. thus. C. R. W. The public should be on the look out ; to detect the guilty person in; this tranf action, before further thefts of the sort are v;ouiuuueu. urtens. ratnot. The Senate of the Sta'e o! Pennsylvania hit pns.d a bill to repeal the section of lhe law of lblT which forbid ihe jail of iht Common, wealth lo be u?ed for the safe kerping of. a I. leged fugitives. " The vote was 17 ayes lo 8 noes. The " Penn-ylvanhn" sap : There is no doubt of the Houf concurring in ihis action of the Senate. We hope oJ friends in that body will give the subj-cl ibefr earliest atteuiion. Pent.M Ivauia f uuld nol aj. low this nullifying Uw to' remain .on ihe.sUt." ut books without feeling that sbej was a,con. senting prty to the infliction of a Ulal wound upon lhe National Constitution." r Vo Emancipation Convention in Kentucky. A Telegraph despatch fr-m Frankfort, dated on Fridhy last, say thai lhe "State; Emancipa. lion Convention of Kentucky, called by Ca'sfiur M. Clay and others, it a dead failure, and ibaV it will not be held. The object of the Conven-' lion was to nominate Emancipation candidate for Governor and Slate officers, and to organ. ize an ami-slavery party in the Stale of Ken. lucky. ' ! . i . Freedom from pain is of iuelf pleasure, but to know thii, one must have luflVred. i:.-
Carolina Watchman (Salisbury, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
April 10, 1851, edition 1
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