North Carolina Newspapers

J.- !icrpi1on. pir year, Two Volt
nfs payable in
.Jta'nce iit,i not paid in nilvanie
Two Dullars
' imJ fifty ni le charged
iptgRfiNE.xn, ts srrted at 1 for th
first, and 25 eta.
qunrr lor fijcjl subsequent iiishti
thtrJ'J 2 perr nt. higher than th
rtikini. Court orders
ratea. A lib-
fral dfihictlon o those who advertise by the year.
LcrtRS ,l Witor must b,e post paU
dit the proposition to change IhL Constitu
tion ly Legislative enactment so as to ex
Ami to voters for members oflthc House
0f Common's the right to vote, for mem
Urs pf lhcScnute. In the House of
CoiMons, Dec. VJth andZQtk, 1850.
I :!1(cONCLyDEl).)
These romlrks about "diMiust of the
Mr- twit. con,ii.ins i
Jtc:i;c..HJ(Vl,op,U not lolliave Ward1
J-,...: i. i
on thi ijrave nd important pc;casioii. It
might hf tolerated on the huntings, and
even then it wduld be unfnir-f-jbut liere it
iineilhWdignilled nor in accordance with
ih'7 action of ilir governmeni. j Constitu
tions are inadvby the people.! if not di
rrttly, yet tPs selected ivitth especial
reference to th views of ths they rep
rtsent. : , The v(?ry idea of a constitution
involves a district which the people have
l thfmselvesi Constitutions lare based
on uc erring fjfcd frail nature of men, and
are designed tojeounteract thetemporary
and fluctuating-, impulses of the public
mind. -The' limitations they! contain are
limitations imposed by the pejjple them
lve$, Ur uudir. our republican system,
I tie)' &r' uhmitted to the people for rati-
iicntion, heforojihey go into titration.
I jjut snys lh? gentleman fr)m Burke,
(Mr. Avery.) 'suppose the; i'onvention
bfnassembljiJ. disregard iheflimitation,
vdpo orf to rnake other alterations in
ffipconstituriorj, for, .says the jgentleman,
some men irKthe State contend that the
' .mitation willjr.ot be. binding. j Well, sup-
pose it does.. ,!VVhy. it would Je no con
j fentidn at all, jescept for the express pur
!. pose for whicllH wascallel. According
: to.the provisions of my bill, iihie people in
callins the Cobvetttion, woiilcj prescribe
'an o''hi( he tiken byahe nieinbers, that
they would not('totich the Cdnjtitution ih
any other particular. Until Ithf-y took the
th.theyuwouldiot be a Convention ; if
hf)' proceeded Xo business without taking
t, their acts wpuld hav? no indrebinding
operation, thatthose pf n ptibrcTneeting
of the citizen! 'of Kaleigh. Iff they took
'the Onth and then d'sregarjdj'jil it. they
would be .guilty- of perjury ; aijid in eith-
fr cHse. no on. would pay anyisor; of at
tention to their-doings, and the inachinery
of the State government would still move
on um'.er the ptesent state o(')lhings.
Such I doubt-not would be tii- 'kl ciioii ol
lit '(pretniv Ciurt on the first qiestion
lW would ai j$e -Uiidei such a case as
.upposel ; and;such would i doubt be
the opinion of .;& i grandjupy heforr whom
lany member of, such a con ution might
he presented for perjury, jl uudersland
vrry well, whyi'this intiinatto has been
th;ovvn out, fiofjoiily here but. iii .t portion
of the public ph'sd' thejta;ie that a
limited convention if' 'called! will, when
asserhhU-d, disregard t lie? restrictions im
posed, h is tofiighten the frifjndsof I'ree
sudrnge in fhe nst to vote against a lim
ited 'convent ionmnder the idea that when
Jibe .'.convention Vhssembles, it will disre
pnj the limit, And proceed to j rearrange
mr unsis ui ui-Miiuiumi. linueii an ap
peal. to easterntjinemliers, i8 jpoor com
pliment to theirf intelligence.' The same
power and authority that would call the
convrntion would impose the limitation
and it is absurdjo say that if ia majority
af the people ol.l' State vote; lor a con
Vntion limited lo a specific purpose, that
a the calling t)e convention;, their act
would he jivi), tu'fita valid, but j in allixing
the limitation, itj would be inoperative. I
say such an argument is tool absurd to
i t oetU reply, p rt it be recollected that
I ... I Ml l ' . I
y oiu providira mat every one votui"
"Convention"' snail be understood as ex
pressing his opinion in favor oljJfre limi
tation.. If the itrgument alhjded to be
correct that a Uniiifd convention may-dis
regard. Us-, restrictions when jassembled,
ften it cx)mes toil his that the" general as
sembly may in tjie plenitude of its wis
dom and its lovo of the poplf, make an
8.nipndment of jhe constitutiorj, limited to
One object, but Kit the peoplelhcmsel ves
Cln hot, do . it I i convention. r A pretty
ctrlne this tf ilV more especially as
coming from those who so grievously af
fecicj at the idea of the peoplle being de
Prirej qf their ?fjghts.
have but!oue precedent jin the his
totJof our Stajj'j; hi regard to amending
Const it utiolU-I allude to the Conven
in 1835.- Although our origination
dilution, 'whirli I
fre 1835. carjiained no provision as to
tnmanner hi i yliich it was toj be amend
'".'or m regard ll o the callinifia ennven.
- Von the Legislature, as thi law mak-
H power, Ks jhe only authority that
legal ri Vote of the prjople in re
R"rd o a cbartfee in-their Cbfistitution,'
Itted to thU qualified voters of the,
atMhe proportion, whether Mipy would 1
- Jc- ? Convntiun, limited to certain spe-
"'tied n!tp..iSKLi r -.l .:.:..! . .
inuunji.ui COIIMIlUUOll. iC
t,r. . l - . .
Z to the
pPle by the Ve ry same act, galled the
jvcntionUrt4 yet restricted; its action
l consider) ion of the sub jects pro
Jei So that jt was, in fact he people
; j: . no5 lbe Legislature that itjr posed the
'Ration. LHIgentlemen elimine the
Wes of thq convention of! 1833, and
. erwiU find tlift on thd dayj of the as
king of the! ton vent ion, tlfc question
l moved, as t6 whelher the members
,)heJ bound tfjjtake the oajll. limiting
jLlflclloi. which had beerfsiibmitted to
. consideratido of the people by law
And v Q PeoP'e at me polls.
on discuh many of the kblest and
31 Prominentlmen of the body concur-
r f' if c Keep a check txjpbjr all tour, fef! n j ( ' . NEW SERIES.
Editor f PrtnrtPtn -p. i 2f?'lPS3r.i:' ' Do THIS. A wd LntcvrV ) " . uliU11JW'
" - V W-f J , T7faSB--. . ( VOLUME VII NUMBER 49
1 ' y i - " ' - ! I ' .
red in the opinion, that by the decision 'of
the people at the ballot-box, until ttie
members had taken "the oath prescribed,
they goujd not be organized as a legal
convention. The body with great una
nimity adopted this view of the Question.
,np.m"prs w"" n1""" aor.d
.i i . . . . v t
Z .!, . V T . . '""i""
lr ain' anU "uU proceeded to amend
the constitution. Then their acts would
have, had no validity, because, it would
not have been such a Convention as the
people had called.' So far then as prece
dent goes, we have but one precedent an
our history ; and that precedemVthorough
ly sustains my position, that the Legisla
ture, in taking the initiatory steps towards
legalizing the assemblage of conven
tion may consult the people in regard to
a convention either limited or unlimited;
and if th people decide to impose limi
tations, their decision must be binding up-
on those whom they elect. The question
is not whether it appears Absurd and in
consistent for the people to impose limi
tations on their own power, but theques
tion is, can they lawfully do it. If they
could do it in 1835, under a constitution
which had no provision for. the calling a
.convention, through the initiatory action
f -. .1... T c - . J
u' " JueiMaiure. oi course they can do
Mi-now, under a constitution, which ex
pressly proves for the calling a conven
tion by the General Assembly. If there
be any truth in the logical truism that the
major proposition includes the minor-
tuothirdof the Legislature having the
power to call an' unlimited convention
without the sanction of -the p&ople, of
course two thirds can call an limiferl rnn.
vention with the sanction of the people
iiut 1 am willing to take issbe with
those" who contend that it is absurd and
anti-republican for the people to impose,
restrictions orr their, own action. The
v0' jiiiea of a Constitution presupposes
restrictions upon those who are the depo
sitories of power whether it be one man
or a miljion. "Know, thyself," was a
cardinamaxim of an ancient philosopher
XC Gece. This knowledge , of human
frailty is as necessan' to the statesman,
in providing for the welfare of a nation,
as loathe individual in regulating his pri
vtejife. The more wisdom and virtue
that exist among a people, the more are
their institutions founded upon the dis
trust that Their frame rs have of the wild
impulses and unchecked excitements of
the human mind.
Popular' governments
am someiimes as tyiantdcal as those
swayed by a single despot. In order to
secure liberty, the. oppres.ion of the mar
jorities must be. pj-ovided against. Look
at all our Constitutions, both State and
Federal what are they but barriers a
gainst the encreachments of majorities,
or those representing majorities? The
wise men who framed them, -knew well
the infirmity of humeri nature that even
with the best intentions, the people might
be induced either through bad counselsor
excited feelings, to saccirice their own
dearest rights and liberties and thanks
to our fathers in the purer and earlier
days of the republic, they resolved to save
their posterity, if possible, from the folly
ol injuring themselves. And where is the
man, even in this carnival day of dema
gogues, that has any jespect for the opjn
ions of virtuous and good men, that will
say these restrictions thus imposed upon
popular action, are absurd and anti re
publican And where is the difference
between impoing these restrictions in the
lust instance, and limiting the power of
abolishing 'these restrictions? Here is the.
w --
great beauty, and ill this consists the
monious action f oujr Anglo Saxon insti
tutions. Here is the secret of Constitu
tional government, which the Celtic and
Scandinavian races can not understand.
Our institutions are based jjn the princi
ple that the primary source of all power
is in the people but still as a great con
servative element of liberty, the people
must protect themselves against them
selves by imposing limitations on-their
own power and further, that these limi
tations can not be altered ojrnodified, no
matter with what. unanimity desired, or
with what elamor demanded, except in
the manner pointed out and provided for
by the organic law. - A change effected
in any other manner, whelheT bloodless
or not, is revolution. This is something
that France after sixty years trial at re
publican government has never yet been
able, to learn.
The gentleman from Burke, (Mr. Avery,)
expresses some surprise at, and rather attempt
ed to treat with "ridicule, the idea, of going
through all the trouble and expence of calling
a Convention, merely lo strike thieet lines out
of the Constitution and insert five others. He.
ally I was surprised to hear a gentleman be.
longing to the legal profession, use such an ar
gument as this. Does not the gentleman well
know that in all government?, where the roa.
jesjy'of the lawis recognised, that, absurb;as
it may seern to the unlearned, the refinement
and lechiealities of language are the conserva
tive instruments of fieedom? Does he not
know lhaf the rights ol property, liberty, life
evAi, frequenily depend upon the propriety of
a single word ? Does a law passed by tiis
General Assembly, derive its gravity and im
portahce solely from its length? Does the
gentleman estimate the merits of a speech by
the number ojrnere words contained in it -According
to his argument, the sturdy old Bar
ons of Itunymede were engaged in a childish
business, when they dictated terms to a tyrknt
king, and laid the foundations 'of English free-
V,m; ,n a ew sentence of Great Charter,
the history of which adorns one of the bright,
fst pages of history. Does the gentleman think
the English people were goilly of fully in driv.
ing a hijrot from his throne, and cobvulsing the
nation in civil war, inerelv to estaUIish the Bill
of Rights t The writ of Jlabeas Corpus so dear,
to every American as well as British freeman,'
consists of( hut a fnv lines ; and yet it is im.
portant to our rights and liberty, ) h-n all the
acts which ihis Legislature is likely to crowd
in thousand pages. Look at the Declaration
Of Independencethe manifesto of freedom to
the civilized worlddoes its value, its impor
tance, its glory, consist in its length ? $ot at
all. flutin the immortal principle's of liberty
therein condensed in so short a compass, ij"
the genilernan's argument were worfh any thing
would oe it a leuiimony against himself. I
Would ask him, if he was willing to consume
jwo weeks of the time of this Assembly at its
present session then agitate this question he
fore the people to he passed upon by ihem in
he election of members to the next General
fsse(nhly and then again consume two more
Weeks of the succeeding session-4at such an
expenditure of money, and to the neglect of the
public business " merely to strike three lines
put of the Consiitution, and insert five others ?"
If it is so small a matter, why does the gentle,
ban so pertinaciously insist on it ? If he thinks
It of so little consequence, why does he not a
bandun it when he sees his method pf makiri"
the change so earnestly opposed?
Another objection "to adjusting this nuestion
by a Convention, in case ihe people desire it,.
!S tne expense that will be incurred by it.
Now let us examine into this objection. If the
people, decide iji favor of a Convention at the'
polls. ! presume that a Convention j when as
sembled, would proceed at once to make ihe
change, for as this one question Would he alone
presented, there could be no mistake! in regard
to the wishes of a majority of ihe people. To
effect this, one amendment only, and that. too.
(where discussion would be out of the Question.
wouiu noi require more Irian three or four days,
or a week at farthest. My bill proposes to pay
the members of the Convention only $1,50 per
day, and only one half the mileage allowed to
members of General Assembly. Letjariv ffen.
illeman tfTake the cacl?uIation, and he! will find.
mat making tnis cnange by a Uonveniion, if a
change must he had, will, in the end, be much
less expensive than if done by legislative en
acioienent. I presume no one will deny that
this session will have been prolonged at least
jen days by the agitation of this subject, and
Muureu questions necessarily growing out of it
lo.say nothing of ten days consumed by it at
ihe last session. Even if the meaur is car
ried ly the requisite majority of thre". fifths at
the present session, it must Still go through ihe
same ordeal of protracted debate and strenu.
oos opposition at the next session. If it should
fail then, when it will require two thirds of both
Houses, the whole question must then be com
menced de novo ; and it may be for years and
years to come, that the General As-emhly will
consume a week or ten days, in the discussion
of this subject. But suppose it is disposed of
at the next session let any one make the es
timate, and he will find that this method of legis
lative amendment will in the end, be miich most
expensive. But behold the inconsisfency of
Ihe advocates of ihis method of amending the
Constitution. They first tell of the great im
portance and inestimable value of the princi
ples involved and of what grievous wroiiMheH
people are laboring under, ll this he so, ought
the expenditure of a few thousands to be al
lowed to postpone the enjoyment by the people
of this important right? Yet, these dear lov
ers of the people tell us in the next breath, that
the people are so sordid and narrow-minded, that
anxiously as they desire the change, Vhey af'e
not willing to contribute the small amount that
must necessarily be expended in effecting it.
I do not know however, whelher there is so murh
inconsistency in it after all. For this whole
movement from -the beginning, seems lo be
based on a contempt for the undersianding of
I?8 Peol)le- 1 he advocates of this system of
. . . -
- Sl"Ut,onal anie,,dment treat the people like
a spoiled and petted child, whose babbling has
to bestopped, whose fancy has to be amused,
and whose favor to be gained by some worth
-"'n ai nijjj in iia a ijpcai aiiue,: ijui val
ueless in the 'enjoyment. Yes, sir, this free suf
frage, as it is called, is delusive in its charac
ter. It will confer on no class or section of
the community any real substantial jwicer. It
is like that Dead sea fruit of which we
read, handsome in outward appearance but
turning to ashes and bitterness on ihe fips. I
hope, sir, that my position on this question is
now understood. .Without reference to my own
private indivrdualopinions on the merits of free
suffrage I ground my action on the great and
elementary principles of free institutions. I
insisrphat in adapting this fundamental law to
their peculiar condition, and the requirements
of the age, the people are fully competent to the
protection of their own rights, and the under
standing of their own wants. As a mere Le-
tp&d lll' pqitlll'Ahn.t i.i t .-. r-. 1.... . . .. I
:. z. : c n ' .i N
gisiaiure, ii is our province 10 ioiiow, ramer
than lo attefnpt to lead public opinion upon a
question of this sort. In regard to the amend
ment of this fundamental law, the people, who
are the original source of power, should be
consulied ; and if they desire a change they
should make the change by their own agents
specially chosen for that purpose, and elected
free from those disturbing influences that are
calculated lo defeat the calm and deliberate
purpose of the public mind. This, I contend,
is the true, conservative, republican doctrine
of constitutional freedom.
I am aware, that many of my western friends
who are pressing an open and unlimited Con
vention, think I have already committed my.
self so far that I can never retreat. Frdm ihe
evidences I can see and hear around me, I am
aware that they think my argument estops me
from opposing the proposition : lo consult the
people in regard lo an open Convention'; and
that my advocacy of the right of the people to
amend their own Consiitution in their own way,
applies as well to the alteration cf the basis of
representation, as to any olhef provision. I
am sorry to have to dispel these; illusions! of my
friends but my regard for my own consisten
cy, my duty to that section from whence I come
and the interest which I feel in the peace and
harmony and general welfare of the State, com
pel me to do so. I fear before I take my peat,
some of my conclusions will be as unpalatabhs
to many of my western friends, as my premi.
ses seemed agreeable. I am asfeed by gentle,
men from the West, why I do not extend the
the provisions of my bill, and consult the peo
pie in regard to the rearrangement of the basis.
I will answer, first, because this latter ques-
lion has not been agitated, except locally.
We have no reason to suppose thit there Js'any
thing like a general desire for any such change
as this throughout the State in fact, there are
reasons which make me doubt whether this de
sire is general even in the extreme West.
There; are several gentlemen here from that
section, who so far from urging, seem disposed
to discountenance such a move. ! What did we
hear from the gentleman from Burke. (Mr. Ave
ryl) He informed us, that whilst he advocated
free suffrage, you throughout his County, on the
stump, he took ground agains any change in
the basis of representation. And yet thatn
ilernan was elected, and that too, by a constit
uency opposed to him in politics. With this
evidence before me, can I believe that in the
west even, this desire for a change in the ba
sis is so general as to leave it at all doubtful
whelher there is a majority of the people of the
State in favor of the change. And let it be
recollected, that I have contended throughout
that as a Legislature, we should follow, rather
inau a.iempi 10 lead ihe public mind, in regard '
to amending the Constitution.
But I do not rest my objections here. I am
opposed to submitting this question of the basis
to the decision of the ballot box in the second
place, because the arrangement of the basis
of representation, in our constitution, does not
rest on the same grounds and is not to be sns
tained by the same arguments, as those other
general provisions of that instrument for the se.
curity of popular rights and republican princi
pies. Let it not be forgotten that my argu
ment in favor ofdefering to, and abiding by The
wish of the majority, had reference to Ihe mod
ification of those general questions involving
populur liberty, which are not local but so ex
tensive with the limits of the Stale, affecting
all sections, classes and interests alike. The
basis of representation does not come within this
category. It is purely a question of compro
mise, of agreement, of contract. It may be
said, that all the other provisions of the consti
tution. are mailers of compromise and aree-
. I 'r ... ' .. . ! "
mom. i rue, out men according to tbei theory
of social compact the parties to such compro.
mise were the people in their individual char
acterV; and as a majority established ibem, the
majority can change them at pleasure. The
same parlies that make a contract, can -of
course modify the terms of the contract. But
the arrangement of the basis to what may be
called the social contract in this State, (in the
sense of the law writers) in their characters as
individuals, wilhout reference to sectional con
siderations. It is in the nature of a compro-
mise between conflicting sectional interests.
It is in the nature of a contract for valuable
consideration the paities lo it were, and siill
are, the people of the eastern counties on the
other part ; each parly yielded, and each par
iy gained certain equivalents in ihe adjusting nt
of this compromise and according to all set
tied principles of law and equity, it ought not
to be disturbed' except by the consent of both
parties. I do not pretend lo say that any
change of this compromise, if effected accord
ing lothe plan and requirements of the consti
lion, would not be valid. I admit thai it would
be, no matter by what sectional violence op
posed; for the matter in which the constitution
is to be amended is also a matter of compro
mise binding on every man in the State. My
object is to show that the basis of representa
Hon being a compromise between sections, ei
iher section may righttully and consistently op
pose any alteration without violating any great
principle of popular liberty. And if fhe people
- - i--.B.iw j I'lM'wrm ft i i
ot the east are tustihab e in onnoimr am
change in the bans by a majority of the i.ennl
j f 1
in mass, upon ihe ground that it was the resu
of a contract between two sections that
and still are the parties to it they are equally
justifiable in opposing all initiatory measures
designed for such an end. 1 have notdi?cuss
ed the merits of the compromise involved in
the present arrangement of the basis, nor do I
now design doing so. That issue is not now
pending. My object is to explain my reasons
and to do jusiice to the views of those I repre
sent in opposing the proposition, to submil ihe
question to the people of the Slate, whelher
they wish any change in the basis of repre
sentalion. Mr. Speaker, I regret that this question of
" White basis " has been introduced here at
this time ; and I still more regret to hear some
of the arguments advanced in its favor. There
are certain considerations "rowing out of ihe
relations of the North and South, that render
the present-time most unpropitious for such a
course. It can not be denied, that the repre
sentation of our slaves, according to the feder
al basis, in our national Constitution, is one of
our strongest guaraties for the protection and
security of our slave propeity. Is there a mem-
her in this General Assembly that would be
willing to see that provision in the Federal
Constitution stricken out? And would our
NVestern friends, inflict on their Eastern breth
ren, what the South would regard as such a
wrong on the part of the North ? Would they
tax our slaves as property, and not allow tbem
to be represented as persons ? Will tbey lend
encouragement to Northern fanaticism by uing
the same weapons in their warfare on our State
Constitution, which these incendiaries are
using against lhe Federal Constitution? With
what encouragement or consistency, can our
Representatives in the national councils con-
lend for th compromises of the Federal Con-
stitution if we here at home ignore that same
principle of compromise in our organic law 1
But I will not dilate upon this subject : I
regret that I have even had to allude to it.
When this question of free-'suffrage was first
agitated in the East, the people were (old, and
by myself among others, that it was all a de.
lusion, lhat it was an appeal to what was con-
sidered the ignorance of the people, that ii was
a mere trick to pop up a feeble cause and still
feebler canJidate by dragging down outvener
able Consiitution into the mire and filth of par
ty. The people were told that free suffrage
alone could extend no substantial power to lbe
people, but if that is pressed earnestly, it would
only prove an entering wedge to still greater
inroads on the Constitution. They were told
lhat in a short time this basis of representation
would be assailed ; and sectional strife and dis
cord again distract, our councils. Our warn
ings were met with clamor, crimination, and
insult. What was prophecy then ha become
history now. Yes, sir, the truth must be lold,
it is the Democratic parly of the Eastern Coun
lies, who have brought this mischief upon us,
by sustaining these popularity mongering ap.
peals lo popular credulity. They hive "sown
of the wind, and are about lo reap the whirl
windj They now see the approaches of the
storm, when it is too late. They have heed
lessly unlocked the doors of the cafe of Boreas,
ancTare now seeking for shelter before the
drivings of the blast. I do not say ihis byway
of recrimination. I do not wish to excite any
partisan feeling, on this subject. I dare a"?
Ihe great majority of ihe Democratic parly of
the East, acted from honest and conscientious
convictions. I am only stating facts. I now
wish to appeal to the support of my bill, and el.
evate this question of Constitution Reform a
hove the sinks and sewers of party. Although
I am not responsible for the dangers and diffi
culiies which now threaten u?. yet in the ad
justment of this question, I will know no sucli
thing as party ;! but will unite with any and all
who are disposed to setile it in the most sura
mary, convenient and economical method, and
in a manner most in accordance with our free
republican system. Our consultations here
will be productive of but little good, so long as
sectional discord and local jealousy shall bias
our feelings and wrap our judgments. Let the
House decide as it may, I shall feel that I have
done my duty and for consequences, I shall
not be responsible.
Is a profound lie, cunningly masked in
the guise of truth : and if acted upon, in
the manner that reckless and desperate
men define it, would break through all
those checks and guides by which the
grains of honest industry are now protec
ted, and lay society open to incessant at
tacks from all those who are too idle to
work, too proud to beg. and too "high-spirited"
false again to graduate their ex
penses to the condition of their circum
stances. 'Strive (honestly) and Thrive4' is the
true maxim. Let any man work resolute
ly, tasking all his energies to attain per
fection in the particular business, or pro
fession to which he may have devoted
himself. Let him he just in his dealings,
strictly correct in his personal deportment
courteous in his manners and liberal
within the compass of such means as he
can really call his own, and the world will
certainly yield him the living he has
faithfully earned. One great element of
success is, however, yet to be mentioned
He must learn to sav. ! It is th.. m,..t
difficult word in the English language to
pronounce firmly, and at the proper time
iuu piaur , uui miii. wuoever would pur
sue a successful course in life, must learn
above all other things, religion excepted,
when, hovv, where, and in what manner it
is best to say, No !
Whenever he is tempted to exceed his
appropriate sphere of action whenever
he is tempted by the importunities of his
family, or his own rising ambition, to live
beyond the actual and certain profits of
his regular business, at the risk of tailing
in bis duty to his creditors in short, when
ever he feels he is about to do a doubtful,
or a foolish thing, let him learn to say
"No!" Arthur's Home Gazette.
It-wl r-tlrj-v... . L.. ...Ml - - t II
We presume it would nuzzle th in,
ntinity of the acutest Philadelphia law- ' ?usclei lhat ,l ' done by some one who
yer." to determine precisely the m-aniii- 1 , KOt Uie ll! l J('1Urs- '-order to escarm
and intention of several of'the acts of the I detection, lbe money tosf consisted of
last Legislature. Many of them appear I Y Y'' f b,M on np of lhe Soo,h
to have been penned without any regard I pro',rm ''f l,ul wbich on? not recol
to rules of grammar, and if there are "any ! , m' Jo!,Hr bil,s on the
rules of legal construction which can
make them intelligible, we should be dis
posed to attribute more virtue to that sci
ence than we believe it to be entitled to.
But these acts furnish an instructive com
mentary upon the proceedings of our law
makers, and should have the effect of put
ting the people on their guard as to whom
they would honor with such confidence
for the future. At little more attention to
important matters in the early part of the
session, would have saved the Legislature
from many of the blunders which it com
mitted. Errors, we know, are unavoida-
j-"bl'e uUt so many and such glaring ones
certainly could be prevented. Raleigh
Daring Robbcru. We learn that on
Saturday night last, a most daring robbery
was committed at Mr. Lonergan's Groce
ry, near the centre of our village.
The money drawer with its contents, mo
ney, accounts, memorandums and notes,
were all taken off, and. as far as we have
heard, no clue to the perpetrator has been
; discovered. Char. Jour., April 2.
A Good Toast. The following toast
was given at a Temperance dinner Re
volutionary Army and Cold Water Army:
The one. drove the red coats from the
land and the other will the red noses.
The Philadelphia Inquirer ofrthe2Gth
inst., has the following extract from a pri-8
vate letter from Naples, under date of
Feb. 22, relative to a grand, fancj ball
k'ven on board; the U. S. frigate 'Misstss.
ippi: - '"I
ye have had a continued round of
gaities during the Carnival season. Tbo
city has been thronged with strangers, a .'
large portion of whom are Americans.
The great fete of the winter season, how- L
ever, was given on board the United States
steam frigate! Mississippi, by the gallant :
Captain and officers of that vessel, on
Wednesday last. Invitations were extend
ded to the nobility anil diplomatic corpv
as well as to the English, French, and
Russian naval officers in portrand to all
American travellers. At seven P.M., the'"
boats, of the squadron began to carry
the company of! to the ship. Theball be-"
gan at 8, and was kept up until the morn',
ing hours. The company amounted to
nearly four hundred persons, of the elite
of the resident and stranger socie'ty of Na.
pies. .
The scene on shipboard was magnifi.
cent. The spar deck and upper deck, as
well as the poop, were all appropriated to
dancing, and were completely covered in
on the top and sides by a canopy, compos- "
ed of sails, with an exposed lining of the
fiagsof all nations. Fanciful chandeliers, s
composed ot arms and- laurel wreaths. 1
w v. ia i:n: . i . '
uiMiiHMi ngni on tne company,
while a band of the best performers dis
coursed most bewitching music. Below
decks a coffee room was arranged, and
the Captain's cabin was surrenderedjo the
ladies for the mysteries of tho toilette.
At midnight supper was announced in the
enclosed space forward the engine. Cap
tain Long entered the saloon first, leading
x Morris, the lady of the U. S. Charge
d'Alfaires. The sumptuousness of this
prt of the entertainment, the profusion of
luxuries, including wines of the most cost
ly kind, excited the liveliest admiration.
The dancing was renewed after supper,
and revived with rather increased fervor. :
At 2 A. M., when I left the ship, the ball
was in full life. We pulled Ashore in a
few minutes, over a sea as smqothe as a
lake, under a bright moon, and Ian atmos-
1 14 i uini oi an American J u n e. r
1 he beauty of the American ladies
was one of the most striking Ipatures of
the ball their delijjacypf manner, femi
nine grace and sweetness of expression, .
contrasted favorably with European ladies
This ball, so perfectly successful in every
respect, has created a marked sensation in
Naples. It reflects the highest honor up
on the liberal hospitality of ihe captain
and officers of the Mississippi, and will
leave behind a most agreeable impression
of American character. The Mississippi
was much admired for the beauty of her
proportions, and the 'masterly workman
ship o! her engines and machinery. They
were built fen years since by Merrick &
Towne.of Philadelphia, and, although in
service for all thai time, have never suf.
fered any injury, and are now in as good,
a condition as the day they were placed ,
on board.
' The American flan has been flvinr aII
; day from the King's vessels, and the Amer-
: r i i
Lao. ingiisn, and Uussian men ot war,
while the cannon have been thundering
on all sides, in honor of the birthday of
Washington. If the fanatics at home
could see with what respect and admira
tion the American Union is; regarded
! 'u,ro'1". they would be able to appreciate
j l ie.iM,am' "hich would descend upon
I ! ,,r "ames-rorn lbe success of their un-
uai iow eu scriemes.
Commodore Morgan crowned the cej
ebratiot) with an elegant dinner in the
Look out .'On the 27th of January last
Mr. C. Ii. Watkins, of Stanly county, mail
ed a letter containing fifty dollars to his
daughter in the College at this place.
The letter has never been received, and
but one of the several letters written by
the daughter to her father since has been
received by him. Their letters both ways
are stopped somewhere. There appears
to be a settled purpose to intercept the
correspondence between them ; and it is
u iiin oi i - aeiievi,jP, me qs. not recol-
lected, but Mr. Watkins' initial are writ-
t-n on the back of each hill. thus. C. R.
W. The public should be on the look out
; to detect the guilty person in; this tranf
action, before further thefts of the sort are
v;ouiuuueu. urtens. ratnot.
The Senate of the Sta'e o! Pennsylvania hit
pns.d a bill to repeal the section of lhe law of
lblT which forbid ihe jail of iht Common,
wealth lo be u?ed for the safe kerping of. a I.
leged fugitives. " The vote was 17 ayes lo 8
noes. The " Penn-ylvanhn" sap :
There is no doubt of the Houf concurring
in ihis action of the Senate. We hope oJ
friends in that body will give the subj-cl ibefr
earliest atteuiion. Pent.M Ivauia f uuld nol aj.
low this nullifying Uw to' remain .on ihe.sUt."
ut books without feeling that sbej was a,con.
senting prty to the infliction of a Ulal wound
upon lhe National Constitution." r
Vo Emancipation Convention in Kentucky.
A Telegraph despatch fr-m Frankfort, dated
on Fridhy last, say thai lhe "State; Emancipa.
lion Convention of Kentucky, called by Ca'sfiur
M. Clay and others, it a dead failure, and ibaV
it will not be held. The object of the Conven-'
lion was to nominate Emancipation candidate
for Governor and Slate officers, and to organ.
ize an ami-slavery party in the Stale of Ken.
lucky. ' !
. i .
Freedom from pain is of iuelf pleasure, but
to know thii, one must have luflVred.

Page Text

This is the computer-generated OCR text representation of this newspaper page. It may be empty, if no text could be automatically recognized. This data is also available in Plain Text and XML formats.

Return to page view