Newspapers / Carolina Watchman (Salisbury, N.C.) / June 5, 1851, edition 1 / Page 2
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f ; jf it M -. r T I EXTUATS y ' frm the European Corrttpopdenct of the National Intelligenktr. t Londo:4, MAy 15, 1851. Vj:The -current, number & the Quarterly rtfeic; irt an article headed Lord John jirsrX," in which it reviews the circum liancesfthe late Ministerial crisis, and he probable consequerces of . tlie present ktntc of political partitls and public feel jpg and opinion in England, has the fal lowing v-ry mnarkable'passages: - if " We ore cifibnt tji.it the experience of the next ' iiona. -will cive the proof that there is no other khnn a Coiwrvutive IJoveriimtfiit ponsille, of, to peak 'riaiulv, no alternative Vtvreei a strong Conservative jOoternmen't a.J a Republic. jWe conscientiously be 'ieVe that tSe criw of the monarchy, long approaching, f Cannot tie far distant, and wej trust that this danger (which every day will, we predict, render more and more ' jurj.rntj may rally to the conservative, that isrthe con stitutional cause, two important classes In Parliament j nd tho country, not yet included in the conservative I force" : first, a Clai nut so numerous as it used to be, but itill com iJemble and highly rectab.'e those who sup " Mrt a (iovijnmient because it $, and while it is, a Xio l yeriui.'-nt, and who abandon if I only when it abandons ; itself: unl, scondly, those VVhigs of thtrold school, " I iWhoso party having died, as it jwire, by its own hands, jjia've now aiiothy pa-ty to cliUse, and whose princi have Sn-forA r ioi-s alwaU been the muintainarjee . 4f ih ronstitutf in I'hurch ajnd State as settled at the IreTolot'um principles which tre Hedlords and Devon j hirf, the i'lfzwiliiams and thj: Spencers, and the rest j 'uf the great Wljjg aristocrac), havj always professed iKm auuU tT fJipir rxjlitical cinducU A common dan- pet should ully us in a coinmoi defence of our common Vjririripr, mid the greatness ojT the peril may become S again, as it did upon the lifting of IJurkc'u trumpet half u century ago, our best preservative." j; At the conclusion ojf this dissertation, the Kevin wer, (stipfiosejd to he Mr. Crok i'er.) when speaking upjon the subject of protection-says: j ' ij " Jlut this is a question whicjh, though, a Government itnaand ought to bring it bef.jre the people, the -people 'vhcmselve mtift answer at ilje next general election, fchirh cannot now lw far distinit. The result of that )reneral election will b" tho njost momentous perhaps lha, was ever to decided. In the state of parties and factious, and lh struggle of p inciples not only in Eng : land, but in the whole I'uxope in world, we can hardly j d.rtibt that the real and iilt'tnaU question will be between i0nrtrripnd rrpultlic ; and ipon that issue we hopd . iihat ifVoijld be treason to cor hikhi senso us well ai to ; the constitution to doubt of tin result." Lord John Iius.seN'ij announcement of U intnntion Jto bring into Parliament a tineasure for the extension of the elective ; franchise has awakened all this constitu ionalf antWnonarchical zeal in the Re ! viewer. ' " If' says he, ' Lord John Russell ean persuade him J ise1f.th.it any eidargement of the popular franchise is J jpoinputiblo with the stability of aiiy Administration, or" ; with tlje due power aild authority of the aristocratical i ifcdd monarchical branches of the Government, we i should think worse of his understanding than we ven ! lured ever to d of hismeasurss." " Ird John Russell j tun not deny that tb5 reform till shook the foundations . ;itf the Itritish constitution, for he himself called it a rev- oluiion ; and it wa as such tljiat the great body of the Conservatives opposed it. Tho Duke of Wellington asked, prophetically, how, with such a Parliament aa lbs new reform bill must produce, the Royal Gotern j tmt vat to be carried on ?' The result has been jus tifying theso fear's; and, though property has continued j toi have sufficient weight in tl e constituencies to prevent rnpid a change nr was at lirst expected, every syc feeding sesniou has paid an additional tribute to the de mocratic principle. Tho present session will,- if the jiresent Ministry lastsbo nij exception. We cannot j' .foretell what nieasres it may attempt, and stiil less ! What it may perfect ; but weean already see that, part ly through' its weakness partly through its radical ten ;lenres, it has already given,! what we must be allowed V to call tho rctulutionary party considerable advantages." i The .flax question continues to attract a gri'at deal of atttntiion. The following statistics have been published in connex ion with it.. The foreign flax imported in- 'to England in 1819, Ivas 90,310 tons. jThere are 371 linen factories in England, Scotland, and IrHandL containinp; 9G5.031 spindles and 3.G70 power looms, and em- 'ploying 08.331 persons; the work done .iieing equal to the hand labor of 1,1CG, jfiOO persons. The quantity of linen and yarn f sported in 185b was, in value, 4,- j 1833,030; the quantity kept for home con ; j sumption was vafuei at 9,700,000; to jjgelher, 14,5 15,035. ' . i The question whether (fax can be sub- Isiituted to nnV creat extent for cotton has !i'K . i.,...i 1 ( J . ! ucn ?uiru ou j,ir as io prove mat me j former mar be spurt by the machinery j Whicn-tias nilherto been used for the lat- j ter. lhe Hoy h r V I n fT boon nrni' ;.,.!.. o.,v i :'f , i f ' , 1 , . . , . j ):'' ' Wimiiom OT CllrllJl- , .cal,or partly both. . uMessrs. Chambers, of ; .Edinburgh, -say Upon this subi'ect: ! if r " All this in. very well far as it rocs but one or tw'col,sefl-,enl ,uere 's a greftt disposition in the t ! cniiMii erTitluim rnnvinPrt na tin k nA .:.. i r1 . ... . I, ----- - - V .iiv lilUMIOt-u nilHiVailUIl curmot be. priKluctive of eitlier Dresent or ultimata lne. !' fit. In tht first phce,'th ax must be greatly weak ,N?n,k 1" il? n:llural ate i consists of fibres fifteen to iv twenty-five inehct long; were theso shortened to t one or two incneb, ua tliey uouM require W be, it is man ; iret that tho strength of yujra spun 'therefrom would be ! fnitcriilly diminished; secondly, there would be no ad sij rantagtv on the score of j conoiny, because flax can , r scarcely be called cheaper tlhan coun by weight it is ; but when we tear In mirijl -its grefter Fpecific" gravity ,; and heavier wtste.os well as the cW attending the pro rj: rjhed nw'tlnnl of preparation, we should find That ulti ijl matcly it ill mi cheaper, bt the reverse ; lastly, were ,uij, )ieiu ui uccomo general, as has been aptly ob P rved, the -demand fir flaa thence resulting would ne- j ; cessanly advance th already high price of that article. I inc Banie ptojKrtion!cotton, being less in demand U- would full; bo tliat, at the jvery outset.'the 8rbstiiation p't wonld check-jnatekitwlf, add conseuentlycxase., It is If our ht lief, tlwn, that no permanent pood can rcButi fr.vm , y r, , - - ...w.v , U these expcrmient, and we jthink the evil complained of ! J;, can only be etWtually remedied by taking decisive steps ! for extemlin Ihe culture of ctton on a large scale to j j plher taw.t, and more epetiilly to the British posses- j) ivn n the tasU ' I,! , 1 , . e coincide in great measure with ut we think the aci- I these observations, Mr I IVI I fill III lllf nilPCI mn ,t I I I rsn.I..n 1 j; uable result. It will probably lead to our ;t raising from our oujn soil, and to the great i advantage of the agricultural interest, the f ninety thousand tcjns of flax which we i have Jjjtherto bcenj compeJled to"import J f very year from Sotjeign countries. -: r j ' ' y The Great Exhiljition has, thus far, ad f vanced without a single accident or dis li couraging -.circumstance. ; every filing j which could tend tp accident or failure has been carefully (guarded against by the - foresight of the Copimissionersand Co'rh- inittees. " Fire, tha most dangerous and 'destructive of enerpies, has been most es-Vpecially-the objectof attention ; and here M a pecuJiarly happy combination of cir- li- , , - . K i x f 1 - r '" ' ' ! ' cumstar.ces has placed at the disposal of the managers of this great World's Fair, k new and powerful agent as ah opponent of fire, in Mr. hiHip's sirnple but wander fully effective H FireAnnhilaloh"i nUm bpr of which ar dispersed, through the Glass Palace. The old enem? of fire uate is in mostCases powerful enough to gain the victory in its; contests with its antagonistic elements ; but water would prove almost as destructive to the rich stores of art. science, and labor which adorn the building as fire. Hence it is peculiarly fortunate that, at ths juncture, when the collected wealth of the industry and ingenuity of almost every nation on the earth's surface is gathered; under one vast roof, the skill of mart should also have provided the means of preserving the rich collection from its most insidious enemy, fire, without employing the alrhost equal ly destructive agent, water. Phillips's Fire Annihilatofs small "portable ma chines operate by means of a chemi cally prepared gas. perfectly ihnoxious to 'life, and productive of no injury to proper ty ; its application instantaneously sub dues the flame, and a creat practical re sult is eflVcted which may be! said to in- terest all mankind. We consider this dis- covery of Mr. Phillips likety to have a great practical influence upon the proprie tary interests of the (country, j Organized j companies, with large'capitals, have been formed in England, and; one upon a large scale is about bemg established in France, to place the use" of this Fire Annihilator within the reach of the conjmunify, by substituting, through the agency of fire in surances, the new mode of extinguishing fires, instead of the old one by fire engines, &c. Phillips's portable machines are dis tributing daily from thej office of the Eng lish company in Leandenhall street to all parts of the Empire, anjd their use is at tended with almost universaj success. Her Majesty's Palaces at Windsor, St. James, and Buckingham Hotlse are sup plied with the Annihilator," apd so are the residences of the principal Mobility and gentry. The chief manufacturing estab- lishments in Manchester, tec. have adop- - a r .:a t ted them, lhe leading public journals j speak unanimously in their pfaise and ef- ficacy Mr. Dickens has dedicated near- I ly an entire number .pf his Household ! Words" tb a description of their impor tance, and,Lord Brougham lately said that "he honed before lonp1 no vessel would be allowed to put to sea without having Phil- ! lips's fire annihilation board." Your i - t, i . I , i rcaucrs musi uui ue weary w.hh iiiis long account of this great invention ; ive re- gard it as one of the principal discoveries, and one of the greatest blessings, of this age of progress and imjbrovernfent an age which has witnessed the subjugation of steam to the locomotiye wishes of man, and the employment of the electric lipid to communicate his desires': and wants with the rapidity of. thought; We have employed two invisible agenls to annihi late time and space, jknd we have now harnessed a third to the car of science to protect us from the ravages of fire. The building has also proved itsell capable of resisting the attacks of water. One of the heaviest showers of rain known in Eng land fell upon the roof on Monday, but without invading the interior, except in one or two places where (there vvere imper fections which have since been remedied. Attempt to Assassinate, an Editor We learn from the Ualeigh Spirit of the Age of the 23rd inst., lhat John F. Brower, the proprietor j of a Drinking and Carousing establishment in that city called the Rialto,' took offence at some remarks thai appeared in ihe Age lam pooning lhe house for its deeds of dark and damning iniquity, and entered j the Editorrs Sanctum unceremoniously with 'vengeance on his brow' and pistol in his pocket, and de manded a ' retraction' of the 'offensive re marks." The Editor refused -Brower made at him lhe Editor put himself in a defensive attitude, which brought Brower lo a stand, who j commenced pulling out 4 pistol, when the Ed i itor " had business oiitside'the door" not .that , i r i v j . i i running breed ; but he very prudently did some 44 tall walking to lhe door of his sanctum, and called in: some gentlemen who i seized Brower and took him before the Mayor. ; flonn-oll,. nu'iUnnr F.tilora a ro r q eo -i I ! a ! men the world knows' i hey look upon fighting as ungntee, and don't waul to hurt anybody : world to Meclor over tiditors : and Hector bet. ! ter mind, or he may go into a printing Office ; some of these; days to demand a l4reiraction' and go out of it with half a dozen revolver balls in his carcass. If Kditors are to be shot at or whipped every lime they expose vice in high or low places, it's lime that they were learning to fight the devil with his own. weapons. I Milton Chronicle. Cuban 44 Patriots P RetCbmxg. The 44 American Union" ofjthe 22d instant (pub- lished at Griffin, Georgia.) says : tl " . , , T.' i Every arrival of the cars brings hack to their homes some of the; youngsters who were doped into the idea of taking Cuba by storm. Some of lhe hoys give. rather a bad account of the whole a Hair, and are now; willing to ac knowledge that they were deceived. They have spent all lhe money ihejl could rike and scrape, j and many of ihpm were compelled to borrow in unifr iu iiutiir. i iiryr uiivB accitc eve- pliant, and are perfectly conteni to lei lhe Cu lans, under existing circumstances, work out ihejr own sanation." 1 1 ARREST OF CUBAN REVOLUTION ISTS. ! 1 The Savannah News has ihe following letter: . Sj Jago dk Ccba, May 7. A number of arrests iave been made at St. Jago de Cuba. Papery werei taken which dis. covered a nloi to commence an insurrection covered a ploi to commence an insurrection while on a grand paradei'atitf thd insurgents had taken measure&to capture lhe headquarters-of the city and to secure t(e landing of Garibaldi with 3.000 men. The 'judge, after having con eluded the proceedings, sentenced to death four. and to life-lime punishment three of the princi- officers, and to ten year s hkrdJabor a ser geant of the, garrison and two 'privates. ' The traitor who betrayed lhm was released. This sentence has been approved y the Captain General at Havana. L j EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH OF Hon. AIf iEt WiGBSTER, AT BUFFALO. ' - Well, gentlemen, !we havi a race ofligita tors all over the country aotjne connected with the press some,J am sorrjjto ?ay, connected with the learned professions. "They agitate ibeir livelihood consists in agitating their freehold, their copy hood, their capital, their all and all depend on the excitement of the public mind. Gentlemen, these things went on at the commencement of the year 1850. There were two great questions before the public. There was the question of the Texan boundary, and of a government for Utah and New Mexico, i which I considered as one question : and there was the question of making a provision for the restoration of lugiiive slaves. Gentlemen on these subjects I have something toay. Texas, as you know, established her independence of Mexico by her revoluiion and the bailie of San Jacinto, which made her a sovereign power. I have already stated to you what 1 have antici pated from the movement -that she would ask Income into the Union as a slave Stale. We admitted her in 1845, and We admitted her as a slave Slate. We admitted her in 1345, and we admitted her with her own boundaries. Re member that. She claimed by conquest all Mhat territory which was commonly called New j Mexico, east of the Rio Grande. She claimed also by these limits what her constitution had declared and established as the proper limits of Texas. This was her claim ; and when she was admitted into the United States, the United States did not define her territory. They ad mitted her as she was. We look her as she defined her own limits, anjj wilh the power of making three additional slave States. , I say " we," but I did not always remember that. Now, in this state of things, let us go back to 1850. What was the stale of things in 1850? There was Texas claiming all that, .or a great part of that which the United States had ac quired from Mexico as New Mexico. She sta ted that it belonged to her by conquest and by her admission into lhe United States, and she was ready to enforce her claims by force of arms. Recollect this is not all. A man must be ignorant of the history of lhe country who does not know that at the commencement of 1850 there was a great agitation throughout the whole South. Who does not know that six or seven oftthe largest States of the South had 1 already taken measures for separation were p,Cparing for disunion in some way? They concurred with Texas, for Texas was prepared or prepari ig to enforce her rights by force of arms. 'I roops were enlisted ; and do you not remember, gentlemen, that at this state of things how many thousand persons were disaf fected towards the Union, or were desirous tor breaking it up, or were ready to join Texap Join her ranks, and see whanhey could make in a war to establish lhe right ot lexas to New Mexico? The public mind was disturb ed. There were thousands and thousands ready to join Texas. Now, all the ext reme South at this time was disaffected towards the Union. These very men were in a condition to fall into any course of things which should be violent and destructive. Well, thpn, gentlemen, what was to be done again, as far as Texas was concerned ? Al low me to say, "entlemen, there are two sorts of foresight. There is a military foresight, which sees what will be the result of a due appeal to arms; and there is also a statesmanlike fore, sight, looks not at tlje result of Itallles and car nage, but through the results of political dis- turbances, the violence of faction carried into military operations, and the' horrors attendant on civil war. I never had a doubt, gentlemen, that if the administration of General I aylor had gone to war, and had sent troops into New Mexico, ho would have whipped them in a week. The power on one side was far superi- or to all the power on lhe olher. Bat what then ? What if Texan troops, assisted by thou sands of volunteers from the disaffected States, 1 -had gone to New Mexico, and had been deffat ed and turned back : would that have settled the boundary question ? Now, gentlemen, I wish I had ten thousand voices. I wish I could draw around me lhe whole people of the United States ; and I wish I could make them all hear what I now declare in my own conscience, be fore the Power who sits on high, and who will judge you and me hereafter, as rny solemn be lief, that if this Texas controversy had not been settled by Congress in the manner called the adjustment meaaures, civil war would have en sued ; blood American blood would have been shed ; and who can tell what else would have been the consequence ? Gentlemen, in an honorable war, if a foreign foe invade us our rights were threatened if it were neces- saiv todelend them bv arms I am not afraid of blood. And if I am too old myself, I hope iUr.-a. o ra iVi.a nnnnunloil ivifb mu whn n ro vounf. and willing to defend !heir countrrlothe last drop of their blood. Sensation. But I cannot express the horror 1 feel at the shedding nf b ond in a controversy belvveen one ot these States and the government of lhe United States, because I see in it, in the sight of Ilea- alter, if I would sacrifice, for any consideration ven, a disruption of all those lies that make us ' that love of American liberty which has glow a;great and happy people. Gentlemen, that ed in my breast since my infancy, and which I was the great question, at the commencement hope will never leave me till I eipire ? Ap. of the year 1850. ; , plause. Then there was lhe other, and that was a j Gentlemen, I regret extremely that slavery matter of the fugitive-lave law. Let me say ! exists in the southern States, and lhat Congress a word about that. Under the provisions of has not power to act upon it. Hut it may be the constitution, in General Washington's ad-( in the dispensation of Providence some rerne ministration fh the year 1793, there was pass- l dy may be found for it. But in the mean time ed a law for the restoration ot fugitive slaves I hold on to the constitution of lhe U. States ; by generaLconsent. No one opposed it at that j and you need never expect from me, under any period. Il was thought to be necessary to carry circumstances, that I shall lalter from it that I the constitution into effect. The great men of shall be otherwise than frank and decisive. I New England and New York all concurred in it. would not part wijh my character as a man of It passed, and answered all the purposes ex pected from it, lill about the year 1841 or 1842, when the Slates interlered to make enactments in opposition to it. The law of Congress said that State magistrates might execute the duties of the law. Some of lhe States passed penal enactments involving a penalty on any who ex- ecuted authority under the law; others of ihem tution of the country, by the blessing ot Uod 1 denied the use of their jails to carry the law in-: will be just. Great applause. Gentlemen, to effect ; and generally, at lhe commencement 1 I expect to be libelled and abused yes, libell of the year 1850, it was absolutely I say it j ed and abused. But it dont disturb me. I have was absolutely indispensable that Congress . not lost a night's sleep for a great mlny years, should pass some law for the execution of this j I have some talent for sleeping. Laughter. f tb r.nnfctitiuinn. nr pIsr irive ud ! And whv should we not expect to tie libelled 1 lhat institution entirely. -That was the que, tion I was in Congress when the law was j passed. 1 was for a proper law. i naa, in. ; deed, proposed a different law. I was of opin - j ion lhat a summary trial by jury might be had, which would satisfyhe prejudices of tha peo- passed. I was for a proper law. I had, in- rv ih nreiortiei. f the neo- pie ; but I left Ihe Senate, and went to another eii inn iiPf.irA thrt inur was i:isspo, j ne law - . i 1 f ri 1 of 1850 was passedi Now. 1 undertake as a lawyer, and otunyj prjofegsional character, to say to you and to all, that the law of 1550 is decid edly more favorable !to the fugitive than Gener- al Washington's law of 1793 ; and I tell you wby, Iu the first p ace, the present law places f the power-In much higher hands of independ ent judges ot the superior and circuit courts and district courts, and commisioners who are appointed to office for beir law. learning. r. ery fugitive is brought before a tribunal of hih character, of eminent ability, of respectable sta tions. (Veil, then, in the first place, say that one A or one B has run away, or is a fugitive from service or labor, he brings wilh him a record of the county froth which he-comes, and that re cord must be sworn to before a piagistrate, and certified by the county clerk as to its correct ness. The affidavit must s'atathat A or Bias ih m.v L kl ,,.ri -..k J such circumstances, and had come here; and j J ' t ,. . . ' that record under seal is, by the constitution of : the United Slates, entitled to full credit in ev- j ery olher State. Weil, the claimant, or his agent, comes hpre, and he presents to you the seal of the courts1, of Virginia, that A or B has escaped from service, lie must prove that he is here. He brings a witness and asks if this is the man, and he proves it, or in ten ca- had not been settled, I ask, what would have becoming aroused. When they shall hav ses cut of eleven the answer would be. "Yes j been the state of this country now. You men 1 CQme fuj,v lo realize thp lrue (Ueo massa, I am your slave ; I did escape from your i of Erie county you men of New ork lad . - , . n r service." Such is the present law; and so j jure you to go home to-night and meditaten : JSSUe' reil aSSUred Uie NV?U SIVe Disu. much opposed and maligned as it is, it is a more ! these subjects. What would have been the ion a black eye, and its advocates t tavorable law to the fugitive than ihe law of ! state of this country now, at this moment, if gripes. The Southern people are wil ir Washington's of 1793, which created no dis j these laws had not been passed ? I have giv , abjde Comprofni Rn(, turbance at the time it was passed, and which I en my opinion that we should have had a civil N, - was sanctioned by the North as well as by the war. I refer it lo you, therefore, for your con. ! w,n ,ook for lhe Northern peopl- to ,jc South. But this opposition is a sentiment f opposition is a modern times. From whom does this claimor come 1 Why, look at the poreedings of the an- ti-slavery convention look at their resolutions. Do you find among all those persons who op pose this fugitive-slave law any admission what ever that any law ought to be passed to carry into effect the solemn stipulations of the consti tution Tell me any such case. Tell me if any resolution was passed by the convention at. Syracuse favoring the carrying out of the constitution. Not one! Tho fact is, gentle. men, they oppose Ihe whole they oppose the whole not a man of them admits that there ought to be any law on the subject. They de. ny altogether that the provisions of the consti- lunuii uuj;m iu un MHiru iiuu nifii, "Cil, u.j Ti. i t i ,! ,. Wbat do thev sav I L.OOK at the nroCPPdino of the anti-slavery conventions in Ohio, Massa- chusetts, and at New York. What do they say? That, so helpthern God, no colored tnan siian ue sem irom i tie oiaie oi .ew i otk nacK ; wnaiever migrn oeinie me ; anu, allow me lo to his master in Virginia. Don't they say that ? ; say, something which was not entirely unex And for the fulfilment of that they pledge their : peeled. A member of the House of Kepresent- lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor! Laughter. They; pledge their sacred honor to violate the laws of their country. They pledged their sacred honor to resist their, ex- ecution. They pledged their sacred honor to coYnmif treason against the. laws of their coun- try! God bless them and help ihem who pledge their sacred honor in such a cause ! Ap- plause. I have already stated, gentlemen, what your observation of this musi have been, I will only recur to it for s. moment for the pur- pose of persuading you, a? public men and pri- vate men as good men and patriotic men that you ought, to the extent of your ability and influence, to see to it that such laws are es. tablished and maintained as shall keep you, and the South, and the West, and all the coun- .!.... . try logetner, as iart.as it is just and right, and as Jar as the constitution demands. 1 say, that what is demano'ed of us is to be up to our ' constitutional duties tollo for the South what the South have a right to demand. Gentlemen. I have been some time before the public. My character is known my life is before (he country. I profess to love liberty as much as any man living ; but I profess to love American liberty that liberty which is secured ! to lhe country by the constitution under which j we live, and I have no great opinion of that liberty which goes over the restraints of law or the constitution. I hold the constitution of the United States to be the bulwark, the only hub j wark, of our liberties and our national chart, ! I don't mean lhat i you should become slaves ! ' under the constitution. That is not American liberty; that is not the liberty of thp Union for whieh our fathers foiirrl.t ti.-.t l.I.eriv wbieh 1 I . . I I I nas given us a rigfit io ne Known and-respect- ed all over the world. Gentlemen, let me sav to you lhat, as much as I admire th charac- i ter of the people of western New York as much as I wish to retain your good opinion if you would ever place me hereafter in any connection with public life, let me tell you now that you must not expect from me the slightest variation, even of a hairs breadth, from the constitution of lhe United States. Cries of Good! good! good?" I am a northern man. I was born at the N;orth educated at the North have lived all my days at the North. I know five hundred northern men to one south ern man. My sympathies all my sympathies my love of liberty for all mankind, of every ; color are the same as yours. 'My affections j and hopes in that respect are exactly like yours. T vviih tn tPA fill men t'rep nil men hnrmv I I have no associations out of the northern States. My people are your people. And yet I am told ; sometimes that I am not a liberty man because 1 am not a iree son man. daughter. nat '. am I, what was I ever, what shall I be here. firmness and decision, and honor and princi nle. for all lhat the world holds. You will find me true to lhe North, because ail my sympa thies are with the North. My affections, my children, my hopes, my everything is with the North. But when 1 stand up before my conn- ' try as one appointed lo administer the consti- j Is not the constitution of ihe United Slates li. belled and abused? Dont some people call it the production oi nen ? is not asnmgion n- ine prouucuoii t ni : 3 ' " .. belled and abused ? Is he not called a blood hound on the track of the Ad ican negro ? An 1 not our falheis libelled and abused by thei not our alheis liellea and aoused !)V iheir i own cnildren .'ana ungru.eiu. cn.iaren mey ; .1 1 n I ,r. .A 1 t-,riw ; are: auu i am aiiain. .-oo,c t . ,tll thers played false. Laughter. Ilow then, shall I escape? !J dont expect to escape, but. knowing thejse things, I impute no bad motive to any one. lne great selilement measure- ! of the last Congress are laws. Many'espect able men, representatives from your own State and from oiler States, did not concur in ihem. I dont impute any bad motive to them. I am ready to believe they are Americans all. They may not have thought them necessary they I may have .thought these laws would be passed ; without their concurrence.' Let all that pass 1 away. If they are now men who will s'and by what is done, and stand up fur their coun- iry, and say mat tuese x-,c FrU M, . . t i i... majority ol the whole country we must stanu by them and live by them twin respect mem and live by them I will respect them all as friends. Gentlemen, allow me to ask of you to ,k;L- t,t hnrK hppn the situa. .J J .... r : i . lion of the country alibis time, in yourjugdment. if these laws had not been passed by Congress ? If the question ol the Texan boundary had not been settled. New Mexico and Utah' had been 1 left as desert places, and no ;overnment had 1 been provided for ihem. and if the olher great ' measure to which Slate laws had opposed so many obstacles in the restoration ol fugitives ! sideration meditate on it do not be carried ; away by notions or ideas of metaphysics think ; practically on the great question of what would I'have been the condition of the Unitpd States at ibis moment if we had not settled thoseagita ting questions ? I have stated that, in my opinion, there would have been civil war. Gentlemen, will you al low me for a moment to advert to myself? I ! have been a long time in public life ; V course j not many years remain to me. At the com- , mencemont of 1850 I saw something of the condition of lhe country, and I thought the in- ; evitable consequence would be civil war. I ' saw danger "in leaving Utah and New Mexico I without any government a prey to the power , 01 I fAUS. 1 savv lOIS COIKllIIOil Ol luingS ailslUg I c l i . , rom the interference o Ihp iatc in ip Maiinn some of the operations of the constitution in re. ' spect to lhe restoration of fugitive slaves ; and ; gentlemen, I made up my mind to encounter J alives told me that he had made a list of 140 speeches which 4iad been made in Congress on ; the slavery question. That is a very large num. i ber, rny fiiend, I said ; but how is that ? Why ! said he, a northern man gets up and speaks I with considerable fluency until the Speaker's i hammer knocks him down; then gels up a i southern man, and he speaks iih more warmth; he is nearer the line, and he comes out against the North. He speaks his hour and stops ; and j so it has gone on until I have got one hundred and forty speeches on my list. Well, said I, I where are they? If the speaker, said he, was a northern man, he held forth against slavery ; ! and if he was from lhe South, he abused the North ; and all those speeches were sent by the members to their own localities, where ! . i . ....... mey were lhe cause ol the local irritation ' which existed at the time. In this way the other ! side of lhe question was not heard ; that is the way of it. I thought thai in this state of thing- quiet was neces-aiv. lmi caul suppo-e that I was indifferent to the danger. I am a Masa chusells man, and know what Masachuetts used to be. I am a Masai-huet!" mm. Massachusetts has kept im a great while in Congress. I will honor her. I repeci her. and mean to do so as Ion! as I live. 4 polause. 1 ' ell. suppose lhat on thai occa-ion I had tak en a dilfeient course from what I did. If I may allude lo anything so insignificant as myself, suppose that on Tlh of .March, instead of mak ing a speech that would reconcile r he country. I had joined in the general clamor of the par ty ; suppose I had said I wiil have noJiiing to do with any accommodation ; we will admit no I satisdaclion ; we will let Texas invade N e w I lii Vl.i.i ll'H ll'i' Mexico: we will leave N. Mexico and Utah to take care of themselves on the iiaiot Proviso, and let the devil take the hindei most. Now, gentlemen, I don't mean lo sv lhat great con. sequences would follow from that. IJut sup. pose I had taken such a course : how could I be blamed for it ? Was I not a Massachusetts man? Did I not know Massachusetls's sentiments and prejudices? But what of lhat ? I am an American ? Great applause. I was made a whole man by God, and I don't mean to make myself half a one. Tremendous out bursts of applause. I lelt I liad a duty lo per form to my country, to my own recitation ; for I flattered myself lhat a service of forty years has given me some character. I thought it was my 'duty, and I did riot care what was to give way. I felt it ro be my duty to come out to go (or my country and my whole country, and to exert every power I had to keep that country together. Gr'at applause. I cared for no thing, I was afrai I ot'noibing, but meant to do my duty. Duty performed makes a man hap py ; djty neglected makes a man unhappy, as well as those around him. I therefore, gen tlemen, in lhe face of all circumstances and danger, was ready ttrgo forth and do lhat which my county your country demanded ol me. t i And, gentlemen, allow me to say here to day lhat if the fate of John Rogers had been pre. sented to me if I had seen the stake, if I had heard the thorns cracking by the blessing of Almighty God I would have gone on and dis charged the duty which I thought my country called upon me lo perform. I would have be come a martyr to save my country. - And now, gentlemen, farewell ! Live and be happy. Live like palriots ; live like Amer icans. Live in the enjoyment of inestimable blessings which your fathers prepared lor you ; and if anything thai 1 do hereafter should be inconsistent in the slightest degree with our opinions and principles which 1 have addressed lo you, then discard me forever from your re collections. Female Seminarv in Sallsbuuv. We had the pleasure, this week, to see in our office, Professor Morgan, of Salisbury ; and from a highly interesting conversation with him, we are of the opinion that he has(inatured a sysJ tern of instruction better adapted lo secure the ; object in view than any of which we have at j present, any knowledge. Parents interested feQOUtjf al iea5;f see Professor M before they .nirarrn In CPnrt tbfir rl.niThtorc plmu-hara . rr if . iKav ri!l n n us we ihinL" wo cbn 11 l.u alila ! '"w - " " . ,,0 j u, uls lrt r i rr. 1 1 V r 1 1 n if I n I r H I I i l I n ra rr.ni i!ilrlilr Kv. ...c u. r- inf ormation, he will cheerfully send a printed py of a pamplet explaining his system. Ev. L' nirpnl u nil rrv vmnr. Irlir !n tKd la nrl copy ery parent, and every young lady in the land, shouid carefully examine this pamphlet, and at. tentively read lhe beautiful "address" it COP' tains. Lincoln Republican. THE CAROLINA WATCllMAS. ITirRSDlY EVEMAC. JINX 5, lS5t. O" W'e are authorized to announce Hon. J, Caldwell, for re-elrction as Rrprcmauve . District in Congress of We are aathorivJ to announce Jtfajor CALTJX , BROWN, as canJi.hte for Colonel of ih 2d p , nient ot .ortn Carolina olnnteers. 14lh June neit. The canvass in Georgia1 and Missis pi, now going on, waxes warm. Ineacl ol these States the question of Union Disunion is involved in the contest. TV people, we see, especially in Georgia, the same. Faithlessness there will arm here that same spirit of Indignation aj resentment which the Comprom ie mfl4 ures allayed. Loyalty to the Const irutics and laws, on the other hand, will re-kio-dle sentiments ol brotherly fet-Iing j; Southern bosoms; and if our sister, Somi j Carolina, will secede whether or not, ht: 'neighbors, regretting her rashness, uj; ; nevertheless leave her to;the consent i ' . n . . ' . . 1 ; CeS' 1 he Lonstltul' lhese Mates-, the bulwark of our civil, social and rek i gious liberties, is not to be cast awavu ,., 1. 1. .0 .kl L ;, i a ortt)les oauDIe. nen it is gov i wt,ere snail better one Wrought in toil, and pain, and lijood ; at: made sacred bv the tiroans and tears. r prayers of Washington and the pure pa: riots of his day. can the Khetts. the Ton Clingman's. the Green Caldwell's, Ax &c, give us something of greater vaL? iti its place? Who is so blind tohisotn interest, and the interest of his clnlJrr. who are to follow him. as to rush unn? cess:trily into the vortex of secesion- diMiuion depending on such pigmies u bring him thence in safety! The Mountain Contest. From allvr can learn of the contest between Messrs Clingman and Gaither in the Mounta:: District, the latter gentleman is likely S j prove a dangerous opponent to the fan ' I sr,.kerof Buncombe. It is ardently to tr hoped that the man who. has so evident misrepresented his constituents as M Clingman has done, should be sound beaten. The contest it seems, is to lur on the question of L'uioii or Disunion; r at least a loim of question ultimate! ending in that. If we are correct in th'u it were strange, indeed, lhat thp peoplec lhat District should re lect Mr. Clir: man. Mr. Gaither is a match for himx the sfump. and if elected will represer. the State with honor and with profit. The Favetteville Carolinian makra f; extract from Mr. Webster's speech i. t liutfitlo. N. V.. of just lhre- lines in lengt and indulges in many lines of severe ce' sure thereupon. Could not the editor fir a sentence of equal brevity more worti of his. praise than the one quoted mer.. his denunciations? Take (or instanc: the following: " But J say that I w- maintain for them, as I will maintain f you, to the utmost of ny power, and the face of all danger, their rights uhv the constitution, and your rights under lv- constitution. And (.lod forsake me a' my children, if 1 ever be found to fal; in the one or the other. Mr. -Webster is here speaking' of I tights of the South and the rights oft-" North, under the Constitution. His wh: speech is remarkable for its clearness s' power of expression. Every sender' stands out boldly, and without the Ifi disguise ; ami no man can charge him1 a Mini 1 1 r ipp nrr u in n rrinicnn rn i riH v i r i- . - ' . .L- - - ot poi.i. i lare ol the whole Louptry Mr. Inge, of the Livingston (Ala.) I trict, has declined being a candidate A re-election to Congress. The "Surt County Whig" regrets this determine of the Hon. gentleman! on the ground:: it believes lite people of the District w waiting to rebuke him for his ccuri? the last Congress. f) We learn from the same the Hon. C. C. Languor ha heen-no&-: ledtis a candidate for Congress intt District of that State. Tb Hon Wm nf tbp gomery (Ala.) District, ha. deciir'?' nomination tended him bv a District- vention. Improvement on the Yiolin. The f ens (Ala.) Republicanlof May lOtb, i that Mr. William 15. Ijilton, ot in'" has made an improverpent on the K which enhahces the bone and vol un sound at least one hundred per ce"1- 1 can work on any old yiolin and pi-0-' o, , : (! t, j.. in prdl ton to their qualities! before-hand, j instance, an indiffereht instrument 1 J I - . r. .ofi'iM I ; 1 remain so, comparatively, after rcct'j i bis " touch"; whilst one of i I ! . : I J J - 1 .. mnrp cUff' 1 rjuaiuiy la tciiui'iiu oso; X
Carolina Watchman (Salisbury, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
June 5, 1851, edition 1
2
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