Whole Xo. 367.
Tavborough, (Edgecombe County, JV. C.J Tuesday September 6, 1831.
Vol. VIII Xo 3.
The kiXorth'CaroHnz Free Press,"
BY GEOIlGE HOWARD,
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MU. CALHOUN'S ADDRRSS.
(continued from our last.)
Whatever diversity of opin
ion may exist in relation to the
principle, or llic effect on the
productive industry of the coun
try, of the present, or any olher
Tariff of protection, there are
certain political consequences
flowing from the present, which
none can doubt, and all must
deplore. It would be in vain to
attempt to conceal, that it has
divided the country into two
great geographical divisions,
and arraved them against each
other, in opinions at least, if not
interests also, on some of the
most vital of political subjects;
on its finance, its commerce,
and its industry; subjects calcu
lated above all others, in time
of peace, to produce excite
ment, and in relation to which,
the Tariff has placed the sec
tions in question in deep and
dangerous conflict. If there be
any point on which the (I was
going to say Southern section,
but to avoid, as far as possible,
the painful feelings such dis
cussions are calculated to ex
cite, I shall say) weaker of the
two sections is unanimous, it is
that its prosperity depends, in a
great measure, on free trade,
light taxes, economical, and, as
far as possible, equal disburse
ments of the public revenue,
and an unshackled industry,
leaving them to pursue whatev
er may appear most advantage
ous to their interests. From
the Potomac to the Mississ'mni
there are few indeed, however
divided on other points, who
would not, if dependent on
their volition and, if they regar
ded the interest of their partic
ular section only, remove from
commerce and industry every
shackle, reduce the revenue to
lowest point that the wants of
the government fairly required,
and restrict the appropriations
to the most moderate scale
consistent with the peace, the
security, and the engagements
of the public; and who do not
believe that the opposite system
is calculated to throw on them
an unequal burthen, to repress
their prosperity, and to en
croach on their enjoyment.
On all these deeply import
ant measures, the opposite opi
nion prevails, if not with equal
unanimity, with at least a great
ly preponderating majority, in
the other and stronger section;
so much so, that no two distinct
nations ever entertained more
opposite views of policy than
these two sections do, on all the
important points to which 1
have referred. Nor is it less
certain that this unhappy con
flict, flowing directly from the
Tariff, has extended itself to
the halls of legislation, and has
converted the deliberations of
Congress into an annual strug
gle between the two sections;
the stronger to maintain and in
crease the superiority it has al
ready acquired, and the other to
throw off or diminish its bur
dens; a struggle in which all the
noble and generous feelings of
patriotism are gradually subsi
ding into sectional and selfish
attachments. Nor has the ef
fect of this dangerous conflict
ended here. It has not only di
vided the two sections on the
important point already stated,
but on the deeper and more
dangerous questions, the con
stitutionality of a protective Ta
ring and the general principles
and theory of the Constitution
itself; the stronger, in order to
maintain their superiority, giv
ing a construction to the instru
ment which the other believes
would convert the General Gov
ernment into a consolidated, ir
responsible Government, with
the total destruction of liberty;
and the weaker, seeing no hope
of relief witlfsuch assumption
of powers, turning its eye to the
reserved sovereignty of the
Slates, as the only refuge from
oppression. 1 shall not extend
these remarks, as I might, by
showing that, while the effect of
the system of protection was
rapidly alienating one section,
it was not less rapidly, by its
necessary operation, distracting
and corrupting the other; and. prove that the interest of the
between the two, subjecting the 'whole community is the same in
Administration to violent and j reference to the Tariff", or at
sudden changes, totally incon-j least, whatever diversity there
sistent with alt stability and j may now be, time will assimilate,
wisdom in the management of) Such has been their language
the affairs of the nation, of from the beginning, but unfor
of which we already sec fearful , tunately the progress of events
symptoms. Nor do 1 deem it has been the reverse. The
necessary to inquire whether j country is now more divided
this unhappy conflict grows out j than in 1824, and then more
of true or mistaken views of in-; than in 181G. The majority
tercst on either on both sides, may have increased, but the op
Ilegardod in either light, it ;posite sides are beyond dispute
ought to admonish us of the, more determined and excited,
extreme danger to which our j than at any preceding period,
system is exposed, and the great Formerly the system was re
moderation and wisdom ueces- jsisted mainly as inexpedient;
sarv to preserve it. If it comes but now as unconstitutional, uu-
from mist. ikon views; if the in
terests of tin; two sections as
affected by the Tariff be really
the same, and the system, in
stead of acting unequally, in re
ality diffuses equal blessings,
and imposes equal burdens on
every part, it ought to teach us
how liable those who are differ
ently situated, and who view
their interests under different
aspects, are to come to different
conclusions, even when their in
terests are strictly the same;
and, consequently, with what
extreme caution any system ofjthe prohibitory system princi-
policy ought to be adopted, and pally, and that, under its conti
with what a spirit of modera-inued operation, their present
tion pursued, in a country of
such great extent and diversity
as ours. But if, on the contra
ry, the conflict springs really
from contrariety of interests; if; its ancient and hereditary chan
the burden be on one side andluels without ruinous losses, all
tlm bnnefir on the other, then
The system, if continued, must
end, not only in subjecting the indus
try and property of the weaker sec
tion to the control of the stronger,
but in proscription and political dis
franchisement. It must h'naliy con
trol elections and appointments to of
fices, as well as acts of legislation, to
the great increase of the feelings of
inimosity, and of the fatal tendency
to a complete alienation between the
sections.
are we taught a lesson not less
important, how little regard we
have for the interests of oth
ers while in pursuit of our own,
or at least, how apt we are to
consider our own interest the
interest of all others; and, of
course, how great the danger in
a country of such acknowledged
diversity of interests, of the op
pression of the feebler by the
stronger interest, and, in conse
quence of it, of the most fatal
sectional conflicts. But which
ever may be the cause, the real
or supposed diversity of inte
rest, it cannot be doubted that
the political consequences of
the prohibitory system, be its
effects in other respects benefi
cial or otherwise, are really
such, as 1 have stated; nor can
it be doubled, that a conflict be
tween the great sections on
questions so vitallyu important,
indicates a condition of the
country so distempered and
dangerous, as to demand the
most serious and prompt atten
tion. It is only when we come
to consider of the remedy, that
under the aspect I am viewing
the subject, there can be, among
the informed and considerate,
any diversity of opinion.
Those who have not duly re
flected on its dangerous and in
veterate character, suppose that
the disease will cure itself; that
events ought to be left to take
their own course; and that ex
perience, in a short time, will
equal, unjust, and oppressive.
Then relief was sought exclu
sively from the General Gov-:
ernrnent; but now many, driven
to despair, are raising their eyes
to the reserved sovereignty of
the States as the only refuge.
If we turn from the past and
present to the future, we shall
find nothing to lessen, but much
to aggravate the danger. The
increasing embarrassment and
distress of the staple States, the
growing conviction from expe
rience that they are caused by
pursuits must become profitless,
and with a conviction that their
great and peculiar agricultura
capital cannot be diverted from
concur to increase, instead of
dispelling, the gloom that hangs
over the future. In fact, to
those who will duly reflect on
the subject, the hope that the
disease will cure itself must ap
pear perfectly illusory. The
question is in reality one be
tween the exporting and non
exporting interests of the coun
try. Were there no exports
there would he no Tariff. It
would be perfectly useless. On
the contrary, so long as there
are States which raise the great
agricultural staples with the
view of obtaining their supplies,
and which must depend on the
general market of the world for
their sales, the conflict must re
main if the system should con
tinue, and the disease become
more and more inveterate.
Their interest, and that of those
who by high duties would con
fine the purchase of their sup
plies to the general market,
must, from the nature of things
in reference to the Tariff, be in
conflict. Till then, we cease to
raise the great staples cotton,
rice, and tobacco, for the same
markets, and till wc can find
some other prolitable invest
ment for the immense amount
of capital and labor now em
ployed in their production, the
present unhappy and dangerous
conflict cannot ter minate unless
with the prohibitory system it-
seir.
In the mean time, while idly
waiting for its termination thro'
its own action, the progress of
events in another quarter is ra
pidly bringing the contest to an
immediate and decisive issue.
We arc fast approaching a pe
riod very novel in the history of
nations, and bearing directly
and powerfully on the point un
der consideration, the final pay
ment of a long standing funded
debt; a period that cannot be
sensibly retarded, or the natural
consequences of it eluded, with
out proving disastrous to those
who may attempt either, if not
to the country itself. When it
arrives, the Government would
find itself in possession of a
surplus revenue of $10,000,000
or $12,000,000, if not previous
ly disposed of, which presents
the important question what
previous disposition ought to be
made; a question which must
press urgently for decision at
the very next session of Con
gress. It cannot be delayed lon
ger without the most distracting
and dangerous consequences.
The honest and obvious course
is, to prevent the accumulation
of the surplus in the Treasury
bv a timely and judicious re
duction of the imposts; and
thereby to leave the money in
the pockets of those w ho made
it, and from whom it cannot be
honestly nor constitutionally ta
ken, unless required by the fair
and legitimate wants of the
Government. If, neglecting a
disposition so obvious and just,
the Government should attempt
to keep up the present high du
ties, when the money was no
longer wanted, or to dispose of
this immense surplus by enlar
ging the old, or devising new
schemes of appropriations; or,
finding that to be impossible, it
should adopt the most danger
ous, unconstitutional, and ab
surd project ever devised by any
Government, of dividing the
surplus among the States; (a
project which, if carried into
execution, would not fail to cre
ate an antagonist interest be
tween the States and General
Government on all questions of
appropriations, which would
certainly end in reducing the
latter to a mere office of collec
tion and distribution;) either of
these modes would be consid
ered by the section suffering
under the present high duties,
as a fixed determination to per
petuate for ever what it consid
ers the present unequal, uncon
stitutional, and oppressive bur
den; and from that moment it
would cease to look to the Gen
eral Government for relief.
This deeply interesting period,
which must prove so disastrous,
should a wrong direction be gi
ven, but so fortunate and glori
ous should a right one, is just
at hand. The work must com
mence at the next session, as I
have stated, or be left undone,
or, at least, be badly done.
The succeeding session would
be too short and too much agi
tated by the Presidential con
test, to afford the requisite lei
sure and calmness; and the one
succeeding would find the coun
try in the midst of the crisis,
when it would be too late to
prevent an accumulation of the
surplus; which 1 hazard noth
ing in saying, judging from the
nature of men and government,
if once permitted to accumu
late, would create an interest
strong enough to perpetuate it
self, supported, as it would be,
by others so numerous and
powerful; and thus would pass
away a moment, never to be
quietly recalled, so precious, if
properly used, to lighten the
public burden; to equalize the
action of the Government; to
restore harmony and peace; and
to present to the world the il
lustrious example, which could
not fail to prove most favorable
to the great cause of liberty ev
ery where, of a nation the free
est, and, at the same time, the
best and most cheaply govern
ed; of the highest earthly bless
ing, at the least possible sac
rifice. As the disease will not, then,
heal itself, we are brought to the
question, can a remedy be ap
plied; and, if so, what ought it
to be!
To answer in the negative,
would be to assert that our U
nion has utterly failed; and that
the opinion, so common before
the adoption of our Constitu
tion, that a free Government
could not be practically extend
ed over a large country, was
correct; and that ours had been
destroyed by giving it limits so
great as to comprehend not on
ly dissimilar, but irreconcilea
ble interests. I am not prepa
red to admit a conclusion thai
would cast so deep a shade on
the future, and that would falsi
fy ail the glorious anticipations
of our ancestors, while it would
so greatly lessen their hiprh rep
utation for wisdom. Nothing
but the clearest demonstration,
founded on actual experience,
will ever force me to a conclu
sion so abhorrent to all of my
feelings. As strongly as I am
impressed with the great dissi
milarity, and I must add, as
truth compels me to do, contra
riety of interests in our country,
resulting from the causes alrea
dy indicated, and which arc so
great that they cannot be sub
jected to the unchecked will of
a majority of the whole, without
defeating the great end of gov
ernment, and without which it is
n curse, justice; yet I see in the
Union, as ordained by the Con
stitution, the means, if wisely
used, not only of reconciling all
diversities, but also the means,