vMwm jprt e ISO was nitole Xo. 374. Tarhorough, (Edgecomhe County, X. a) Tuesday, October 1831. Vol VIII Xo. 10. 7Tc "Xorth'Carolhia Free Press," BY OKORCSB HOWARD, Is published weekly, at VV-o Dollars and Fifty Cents per year, if paid M. v lucc or, Three Dollars, at the expira tion of the ye;tr. Fur any period less than a year, Twenty-five Cents per month. Subscribers are at liberty to dis continue at any time, on giving notice thereof and paying arrears those resi ding at a distance must invariably pay in advance, or give a responsible reference i i this vicinity. .Advertisements, not exceeding 16 lines, will be inserted at 50 cents the first in sertion, and 25 cents each continuance. Longer ones at that rate for every 16 lines. Advertisements must be marked the number of insertions required, or they will be continued until otherwise ordered. 'Letters addressed to the Editor must be post paid, or they may 1 1 t be attended to. TO THE PKOPLK Of the United Slates. A portion of your fellow citi zens, resilient in dilferent Stales of the Union, who arc nume rous, respectable and intelli gent, who like yourselves, are attached to the principles oi l free government, and ardently devoted to the great cohstitu- tional charter, which conse- crates and upholds ihem who nsK oinv an equal artieipation in the benefits, and are ready to bear an equal share of the bur thens of the government who are willing, moreover, to con- cede to others a perfect right to the full enjoyment of whatever they ask for themselves; such a portion of your fellow citizens, whose condition, character, mo tives and views are thus faith fully delineated, have deputed us to represent them on an oc casion deeply interesting to their feelings as men, and vitally im portant to their interests as citi zens of this great confederate:1 Republic. They have called upon us to unite our counsels forthe redress of the grievances under which they labor: and have enjoined it upon us, as a duty, to omit no means for the accomplishment of this object, which may consist with our ob ligations as citizens, and with their own faithful and ardent de votion to the bond of our com mon union. In the perform ance of a duty like this we can not be insensible to the propri ty of a frank and respectful communication with our fellow citizens at large. We are members of the same great po litical family. Our interests arc common, and so also arc our duties; and it cannot be that any portion of our brethren can desire to withhold from us our just share of the benefits, which llow from the government under which we live. We have equal confidence in their justice and intelligence; and assure our selves that it is only necessary to bring home to their under standings the conviction of the! evils under which we suffer, to secure their cordial co-o pe r a ti on in prompt and effectual mea sures for their removal. We would commune with you, then, in the spirit of these feelings. We must speak with frankness. It may be that our language will borrow strength from the con viction of our wrongs, but we will not forget the just respect which is due to those who differ from us in opinion, and cannot be unmindful of the affection which we bear, and which we earnestly desire to cherish to- wards our brethren throughout the Union. The representatives of por tions of our fellow citizens, be longing to fifteen different States of this confederacy, have assembled in the city of Phila delphia to consider the grievan ces which they sutler under the existing tarilf of duties, and to devise, if happily they may do so, some constitutional and peaceful mode of redress. Speaking generally, they have come together as strangers to each other, with all the variety of opinions on most subjects, which springs from different habits and pursuits, and is per haps inevitably incident to the imperfection of our common nature. On one engrossing question, that which constitutes the subject of this address, look ing as well to its principles as its details, they have found a concurrence ot ommon. which. i ' as they believe, entitles them to ask for that oninion. and for the i . - reasons on which it is founded, the attentive and dispassionate consideration of the American people. Among the evils which How from the tariff system, us at present established by law, the ardent and determined opposi tion to that system, which exists in various parts of the Union, the deep and settled discontent which is felt, and has been ma nifested by a numerous, patriot ic and intelligent portion of our fellow citizens, cannot fail to awaken the liveliest solicitude of every lover of bis country. Let it be remembered that this is no transient fcelinii the off- spring of momentary excite ment, one which may be ex pected to pass away under the influence of a more calm and dispassionate reflection. No the system ot winch we com plain is not of recent origin, and the feeling of discontent, which was coeval with its institution, tune and experience have only served to strengthen and in crease. Let those who sincere ly desire to perpetuate the poli tical blessings which we enjoy, look to this consideration with the attention which it demands. This is emphatically a govern ment of opinion. The vigor of the laws is a moral force. The bond which unites us is the sense of our common interest the conviction of our equal rights the assurance of ourca pacity to assert, and the feeling that we actually enjoy them. Take from any considerable portion of the American people the consciousness that they are in the full possession of their rights as freemen; substitute for it the spirit of discontent which prings from the conviction of wrongs inflicted, not inadver tently, but with deliberation, which are not temporary hut enduring; and you array against the government a force which is of like character with that which sustains it you awaken a feeling of resentment which is goaded into activity by a sense of oppression, and embittered by the recollection that it is the hand of a brother which inflicts it. Such is the feeling which pervades a numerous and re spectable portion of the Ameri can people. It cannot bo de ified, and may not be disregard- ed, without putting to hazard the safety of the confederacy. Do you doubt its existence, its nature or degree! Look to the character of this assembly to tho circumstances under which it is convened. Give your attention to the history of the past, and be admonished of the novel and extraordinary spectacle which is presented to your view. Do not close your eyes to the fact, that this assem bly is altogether without paral lel since the foundation of the government that we are free men and the representatives of freemen, who speak to you of our violated rights that we have come from different and distant parts of the Union to join in demanding their restora- tion that a consciousness oft strength is the offspring of uni- ted counsels and that our pur- pose is not the less firm, be-j cause it is announced to you j peacefully and in the spirit oi conciliation. A numerous and respectable portion of the American people do not merely complain that ! this system is unjust, but they question the right to establish it. They do not doubt they utter ly deny ihe constitutional po wer of Congress to enact it. in pistice to that body, we invite ; your candid attention to a brief j power to interfere. That por- Tk!i:ilfi'ntirm n f tlioir 'irVsJ rin.fimi nf" nm trdlnlV Plll'PHS nf this subject. The constitution-j whom we speak, do not therc al validt! v or invalidity of an act ! fore hesitate to affirm, that if of Congress does no ueeessari-jthe right to enact the tariff law ly depend upon the question of i2W be referred to the au u heiher the judicial department : thority to lay and collect duties, of tin; government would affirm !&c. it is a palpable abuse of the the one or the other of these j taxing power, which was con propositions. It may be thatjferred forthe purpose of revc an act will in its operation andjnue; if to the authority to rc effect be subversive of the prin-' gulatc commerce, it is as obvi ciples of the Constitution, and ous a perversion of that power, yet on iis face be superior to all since it may be extended to an j n -1 exception on that ground. utter annihilation of the objects Literally and in terms it may be' which it was intended to pro in execution of an exoressly tect. Waving however this dis- granted power in iis operation and effect it may not only tran- scend h.t power, but may ui- 'is deprived of the protection rertly contravene it. Under the . which the judicial department pretence of supplying a revc- j might otherwise afford, it would one, Congress may raise money strengthen his appeal to the A beyond the purposes to which it inerican people to unite with can le legitimately applied, or him in correcting the evil by may increase the duties to an ' peaceable and constitutional amount vh:ch will be prohihito-; means. ry of importation, and consc-i But there ia a view of this quently destructive of all rove-subject which tuny claim the nue to be derived from that I concurrence of all those who are source. Still such an act would purport to be in the exccution;is unequal in its operation, op of the power to lay and collect' pressive and unjust. The Con taxes; and courtsof justice judg- 'stitution of the United States ing of it by its terms, and by had its origin in a spirit of com what is apparent on its face, j promise. Its object is the so would not affirm its invalidity. curity of those rights which are But the Constitution is equally j committed to its protection its obligatory on every department' principle that of an equal parti of the government on the le-jcipation in the benefits and in gislator who enacts, as well as! on the judge who interprets a! aw. n me lormer snail so veil his unlawful purpose as to de- fend it from the scrutiny of the bitter, is it less a violation of nYjust, not merely with reference constitutional obligation! If it to the great and immutable bo such a violation, can it he constitutionally valid! If instead of the absence of any express grant of power to protect manufactures, the Con stitution had contained an ex press clause of inhibition, an act of Congress, imposing du ties beyond the purposes of re venue, and thereby operating as a bounty to the manufacturer, would, thev insist, be admitted to be in violation of the Consti tution, and yet the repugnance would not be manifest upon its face, and would therefore elude the judicial power. A numerous and intelligent portion of the American people believe that this view is applica ble to the tariff of 1328. They admit the power of Congress to lay and collect such duties as they may deem necessary for the purposes of revenue, and within these limits so to arrange those duties as incidentally, and to that extent, to give protec tion to the manufacturer. They deny the right to convert what they denominate the incidental into the principal power, and transcending the limits of reve nue to impose an additional du ty substantively and exclusively for the purpose of affording that protection. They admit that Congress may countervail the regulations of a foreign power which may be hostile to our commerce, but they deny their authority permanently to prohi- bit all importation for the pur- pose of securing the home inar- ket exclusively to the douicsik manufacturer, thereby destroy ing the commerce they were entru&ted to regulate, and fos tering an interest with which they have no constitutions al cussion, we concur in the opt- nion, that if the aggrieved party prepared to admit that the tariff the burthens ot the government, A system of taxation which is i unequal in us operation, wmcn oppresses the many for the be j nefit of the few, is therefore un j principles of right which are applicable to human conduct, but is moreover in direct colli sion with that constitutional e qualitT of right, which this in strument was thus confessedly intended to secure. A distin guished jurist of Massachusetts, who is advantageously known as such to the people of the U nion, has said of the system of which we complnin, that it is calculated "to destroy many of the great objects for which the Constitution of the United States was originally framed and adopted." Who will affirm that such a system can consist with the spirit of the Constitu tion! Its enactments may be so veiled as to elude the judicial power, and may therefore be obligatory upon the other de partments of the government but as between constituent and agent, between the people and their rulers, the charter will in such case have been violated, and it will belong to them to correct the evil. Why should we fear to enunciate this princi ple! Is it because of the dan ger of those interests which have grown up under the sys tem! A just consideration of the subject will lead to directly opposite result. If it be conce ded that the system is oppres sive, unequal and unjust, can those who profit by it deceive themselves with the expectation of its permanency! Is it pru dent to close their eyes to the consequences, to which sooner or later this conviction must in evitably lead! Distinguished as this system is by every charac teristic which may define a ty ranny the most odious, why should we, who are its victims, not stand upon our chartered rights! As men and brethren wc ap peal to you then to unite your efforts with ours in the correc tion of this abuse. A system whioh is unequal in its opera tion, and therefore unjust which is oppressive, because it burthens the many for the bene fit of the few grossly, fatally unwise and impolitic, since it is subversive of the harmony of the Union which is in violation of the principles of fiee govern ment, and utterly at variance with the spirit of justice and mutual concession in which the Constitution was conceived and adopted; such a system, if per severed in, must alienate our affections from each other, en gender discontents and animo sities, and lead inevitably, and with a force which no human power can resist, to the most awful of all calamities. Wc entreat those who differ from us, seriously to ponder this view of the subject. We en treat them not to misunderstand us. We cannot be deterred from the discharge of our du ties to ourselves and our com mon country by the menace of consequences, and wc are equal ly incapable of using its lan guage to others. It is as men and brothers in the spirit of an affection which is still warm and undiminished, that we would call their attention to those in evitable results, which neither they nor we will havejlhe power to avert. Examine the subject for a moment in its connexion with the principles of an enligh tened political economy, and see if the considerations which arc urged to sustain this system are not fallacious and delusive. The view must necessarily be brief consisting of hints and sugges tions rather than of an extended argument, or of minute details; but our object will be attained if these may serve to awaken a spi rit of dispassionate inquiry. (concluded in our ?i(xt.)