3
Whole Xo. sr.
Tarborough, (Edgecombe County, X. Tuesday, November 1, 1831-
roz. riiiXo. if.
yc "North-Carolina Free Press,"
V.Y GKORGP, HOWARD,
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TO TIIK PKOPLfi
Of the United Stales.
Address of the Anti-Tariff Convention
continued from cur last paper.
We are the advocates of free
trade. The argument which
sustains it rests upon a proposi
tion which may not be denied.
It is the unquestionable right of
every individual to apply his la
bor and capital in the mode
v. iiich he may conceive best cal
culated to promote his own inte
rest. Jt is the interest of the
public that he may so apply it.
He understands better than it
can be understood bv the irov
eminent, what will conduce to
his own benefit; and since tin;
majority of individuals will, if
properly protected, be disposed
to tollow their interests, such an
application of their industry and
capital, most produce in the re
sult the greatest amount of pub
lie good. Let it be remember
ed that the question relates ex
clusively lo the application of
capital. It cannot be generated
by an net of legislation. The
power of the government is lim
ited to its transfer from one
employment to another. It
takes from some less favored
interest, what it bestows on the
one which it professes to pro
tect. It is enuallv untrue that
tiiicli a system gives greater
employment to labor. Its ope
ration is confined to the simple
change of its application. Laws
which protect by bounty any pe
culiar species of labor, cannot
bo said to encourage American
industry that is, directed to
various objects. These laws
favor only a single class; and
since the bounty is not supplied
by the government, but taken
from the pocket-of the individu
al, the protection which is giv
en to one species of labor, is so
given at the expense of every
other. That course of legisla
tion, which leaves American ca
pital and labor lo the unfettered
discretion of those who possess
the one and apply the other, can
alone be denominated the "A
merican System."
The interference of govern
ment, with the right of the indi
vidual to apply his labor and ca
pital in such mode as he may
think most conducive to his own
interest, thus necessarily ope
rates to diminish the aggregate
amount of production. In oth
er words, the amount of the ne
cessaries and conveniences o!
life which arc enjoyed by iht
community is necessarily dimi
nished. If all nations thet
were willing to adopt the sys
tern ot tree trade for which vv j md the astonishing improve
contend, which is accordant t 'ments which hav hnen introdu
ce spirit of Christianity and jced in the modesof production.
calculated to unite nations iniTIic cost of production is less
harmony and peace, it cannot
be doubted that the interest of
each would be promoted. The
only question which can be rai
sed on this part of the subject
is, whether the adoption of a re
strictive policy by one or more
nations mukes it the interest of
others to reciprocate those re
strictions. The answer seems
to be sufficiently obvious and
satisfactory. The proposition
which asserts tire superior ad
vantages of a free trade among
all nations, rests upon the fol
lowing principle. The univer
sal freedom of action which it
allows, tends most thoroughly
to (ievelope the moral and phy
sical energies of each nation,
and to apply them to those ob
jects to which they are best a-
dapted. 1 he proposition must
be equally true in relation to
each nation, whatever may be
the policy adopted by others.
The nation which resorts to a
restrictive policy, legislates to
her own disadvantage by inter
fering with the natural and
most profitable employment of
capital. To the extent to which
she thus excludes another na
tion from an accustomed or
from a desirable market, she
occasions, it is true, in that na
tion also a displacement of ca
pital from its natural channels.
But can the rcmedv consist in
a retaliatory system of legisla
tion! in a system of further re
strictions imposed by the latter
nation! If it be true that a rc-
strictivc system is injurious to
ine nation imposing it, does it
cease to be so in regard to the I
latter nation, because of the j
wrong done by the former, and i
because it is also injurious to
such nation? When we apply
uiesu views to ine iorn Ljaws sucn uiiierence ot price,
of Great Britain, considered j The success which has atten
with reference to their effect up- (led the manufacture of cottons,
on us, is it not then obvious that is used to illustrate and enforce
a system of pretended retalia-; another suggestion in favor of
tion, which enfetters the pro-' the tariff. It is said that by the
ductive energies of our own ; means of the protection afford
people, whatever may be its ef !d by government manufactu
fect upon that nation, must no-irers are enabled to overcome
cessnrily increase the evils we the difficulties incident to new
ourselves are destined to sus- j enterprises, and that this pro-
taiu! Iteefion is iiltim.-ifi lv rn:iiil In
, . j
it is strongly urged as a mo- the community in the reduced
live to the continuance of the 'price at which the article is fur
existing tariif, that its operation niched. We have already
has been to effect a reduction of shown that this reduction in
prices. These have in fact fal- price in the case referred to, has
Jen since lulu, and our oppo-j not resulted from the protective
nents contend that this has been system. Let us look however
the result of domestic competi- t this suggestion apart from
tion. A moment's reflection j that consideration. If it be
will demonstrate the fallacy of conceded for the purpose of the
this assertion. We present a argument, and only for that
single fact in the outset. The J purpose, that a manufacture
diminution of price has been might be established by a tern -general
as well in relation to porary encouragement from go -articles
which are not protected ; vernment, which would not oth
by the existing tariff of duties, j erwise, at least at that time,
as to those which are. It can-'come into successful operation.
not therefore have arisen from j and that the community might
this cause. Let us remember1 ultimately be repaid in the man
now, that this diminution of, ncr which is supposed, the fol
price has occurred every where j lowing considerations seem de-
abroad as well as at home jcisively to repel the force of that
and not only in an equal, but, as j suggestion. The idea of per
i necessary consequence of the j manent protection is excluded
:ariff, in a greater degree there I by the nature of the proposi
tion here. Among the causes! tion. That which is proposed,
which have produced this re-! is temporary merely, and the
. . I . I.I ! .! !
suit, two prominent ones are
...
u-esented to your consideration
the diminished amount of the
irr.ldntinrr morlijim nf tlP WOrhf
the comparative value of money
has become greater. Can we
wonder at the result! Take the
case of cotton goods these
have fallen in price here sinceldepends upon the calculation of
the enactment of the tariff. But
the same thing is true not only!
in an equal, but in a greater de-j
gree abroad and the reason is
obvious. The causes which
have produced this result
those which have been before
stated have elsewhere been
left to exert their full influence
in effecting the reduction of
price. Here their operation
has been restrained by the con
flicting influence of the tariff.
The reduction therefore with us
has necessarily stopped at a
point, which is ascertained by
adding the amount of du'.y to
the price of the imported arti
cle. Thus the diminution of
price here has not been produ
ced by the tariff, but in despite
of it and has been retarded bv
it. But for this law the impor
ted, which would take !he place
of the domestic article in the
consumption of the country,
would be obtained at a price
greatly below that which we ac
tually pay, and the difference,
amounting yearly to many mil
lions of dollars, would be saved
to the community. It cannot
be doubted that the prices of
all commodities, the domestic
production of which is forced by
the imposition of a duty on a fo
reign article of similar descrip
tion, are raised bv the amount
;of duty necessary to effect the
exclusion ot Hie foreign article,
or that this increase of price is
paid by the consumer, and that
the loss to the nation which is
occasioned by this system of
protection is nearly equal to
question wnetner u is io oe in
timately repaid to tne commu
nity, is of course made to de
pend on the successful opera
tion of the protected establish
ment. It is Congress who are
! 'o dt
tho j
;o determine in advance, upon
propriety of putting at hnz
ard the interests of the commu
nity, by the forced establishment
of the proposed manufacture.
I lie question to be determined
probabilities, to the correct es
timate of which much practical
information is obviously indis
pensable. Constituted as that
body is, it is difficult to con
ceive of one less fitted for such
reference. On the other hand,
there is always enough of indi
vidual enterprise, intelligence
and capital, to test any experi
ment which gives a fair promise
of ultimate remuneration, not
withstanding it may be subject
to temporary loss. Left to in
dividual enterprise, the question
would be decided by those who
have every motive and every
means to come to a just con
clusion while the proposed
suggestion would throw upon
Congress those visionary pro
jectors who, having fajleu to
obtain the support of discreet
and intelligent capitalists, would
play the sure game of securing
profit, if by the rarest accident
profit should arise, and of throw
ing the loss upon the communi
ty, if loss should ensue.
It is said that a dependence
upon other nations, for those
manufactures which arc essen
tial to our wants, is inconsist
ent with our character as u na
tion; and in this view that the
tariff is essential to our national
independence. To us the term
seems to be strangely misap
plied. It is by securing the
application of the highest ener
gies of each, to those objects
which it was best qualified to
produce, would enlarge the a
mount of production, and in
crease the sum of human com
fort. But such a state of things
would, according to the argu
ment which is urged, be a state
of universal dependence, and
precisely the same consequence
would follow in relation to the
commercial intercourse of any
given nation with the other na
tions of the world, to the extent
of that intercourse1, whether a
system of free trade or of par-
tial restrictions should prevail.
That intercourse consists, in the
muiird interchange of commo
dities, and it is impossible to
conceive the idea of a depen
dence on the one side, without
recognising the fact of a corres
ponding dependence on the
other. But such a state of mu
tual dependence is a source of
gratulation rather than of re
gret, since it gives to each na
tion an increased facility for the
development of its highest en
ergies, enlarges the sum of its
enjoyments, and affords the su
rest guarantee for the peace and
harmony of the world.
If the suggestion be urged in
its application to the necessi
ties of the country during a
state of war, an equally satis
factory answer may be given.
It is unquestionably the duty of
every government to be prepa
red for those conflicts with oth
er nations, which it is not al
ways possible to avoid; but this
is most effectually done by
the unrestricted exertion of its
peaceful energies. In a gov
ernment constituted a3 ours is
and separated as it ia by the
Atlantic from the nations of the
n!fl tvn II. II 1 s m.TSnn.l .'fi Tr
it : .1
presume that surh conflicts will
be rare. The intervals of peace
will probably he of much the
longest duration, and our sys
tem of permanent policy should
therefore be regulated chiefly
with a view to this state of our
national existence. But the
decisive answer to this sugges
tion is, that money constitutes
the sinews of war, and that its
exigencies are best provided for
by enriching the nation in time
of peace. A system of free
trade will mainly conduce to
I his object. The resources
which it will furnish will second
the services of the neutral tra
der, and these with our own in
ternal manufactures which are
already independent of legisla
tive protection, will amply sup
ply our wants in such an emer
gency. It is one and not the least of
the evils of the system which we
deprecate, that if has a tenden
cy to demoralize our citizens, to
habituate them to evasions of
the laws, and to encourage the
odious and detestable practice
of smuggling. It is the effect
of the protecting duty to raise
the price of commodities consi
derably above that, at which
they could be imported at a
moderate revenue duty. Un
less this is so, it fails to accom
plish its dcstinell object, and is
entirely useless.. The inevita
ble consequence is, the tempta
tion to clandestine importation,
and the facilities which are affor
ded by our widely extended in
land and ocean frontier, give im
punity to the smuggler.
On the several interests of
agriculture, navigation, com
merce, the mechanic arts, and
even on manufactures them
selves, this system operates with
an injurious influence. Speak
ing with reference to that por
tion of agriculture, which is em
ployed in the production of arti
cles which must be exported to
a foreign market, it is obvious
that any considerable diminu
tion of commercial capital, bv
its transfer to other employ
ments, must have a tendency to
diminish their price. It is in
the southern portion of the U-
mon that this will be most ex
tensively felt. The domestic
market will consume a portion
of its great staple, which is,
comparatively, small, and the
immense residue will seek it:
vain for a foreign market, if the
manufactures of other nations
are in effect, and permanently
excluded from our ports. This
state of things may not at once
occur. The necessity of hav
ing a supply of the raw materi
al for the employment of her
manufactories, may induce our
great customer to submit, for a
time, to a system of purchase
instead of exchange; but she
will be urged by the strongest
considerations to seek that sup
ply from those who will receive
her manufactures in return. If
this system be rendered perma
nent, and pushed to the prohibi
tory extent, to which it seems
inevitably to tend, the fate of the
cotton planter is therefore irre
vocably sealed. Nor is he alone
affected by this system of pro
tection. The farmer of the
Middle States will feel its in
fluence in the increase of the
price of labor, as well as of cv-
I'll 1
r rr? nriiem IV lir h Mo Imwc nnrl
i i i i
j if "those in the manufacturing