Whole JVb. 4(1.
7Vi e "Xorl h- Carolina Free Press,9 '
BY GEORGE HOWARD,
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To the Jackson Central Com
mittee. Gentlemen You have alrea
dy learnt the result of the pro
ceedings of the Baltimore Con
vention. As it may however,
be a matter of some interest to
you, as well as to our friends in
other parts of the State, to have
a more particular detail of the
transactions, and principles up
on which' the Convention acted,
and the delegation from each
State being left to make such
explanation as they might deem
advisable I avail myself of the
first leisure moment, since my
return home, to make this com
munication. In doing so, 1 am
not to be understood as speak
ing the sentiments of others,
though I shrill endeavor to
speak of things as thoy are; in
the language of truth and since
rity; under the hope of being
able to satisfy you of the cor
rectness of my views, and of
preventing as tar as practicable
a division among the friends of
the administration in this State.
There were in attendance a-
bout 360 delegates each State
being represented, with the ex
ception of Missouri; and- the
sentiments of that State com
municated from a source enti
tied to the highest respect. The
Convention being organized, it
was ascertained that some of the
States were much more fully
represented than others some
having a larger, and some smal
ler number than their electoral
vote. It was necessary there
fore to devise some plan, which
might reflect correctly the rela
tive weight of each State. A
vote per capita or by number
and a majority to govern, tho'
the true democratic principle,
was not considered as likely to
advance the wishes, or express
the will of the whole of the
States, agreeably to their vote
in the electoral college, which
had been the great object in
convoking the Convention.
Hence it was decided, that each
State without regard to the
number of their delegates,
should give its electoral vote
leaving it with the respective
delegations to determine upon
the general or district principle
of voting, as they might be di
vided or united in opinion.
This rule being so manifestly
, fair and just, one so likely to
accommodate the wishes of all,
met with no opposition. The
question of what States should
be allowed to vote, in making a
nomination, threatened a more
serious disturbance to the. har
mony of our proceedings. To
have said to the delegates from
those States who had not voted
Tarboroush, (Edgecombe County, X. C.) Tuesday, July 17, 1833.
for General Jackson at the last
election, and who, in all proba
bility might not do so at the
next, though warmed and ani
mated with the same wishes
and sentiments, and feeling a
community of hopes and fears
with ourselves equally desi
rous of success to the same
great object that their voice
could not be heard in the selec
tion of a Jackson candidate for
the Vice Presidency, would have
been as unjust as impolitic. Jt
was well known that at the last
election, the electoral vote of
Maine, New Hampshire, with
the whole of the New England
States, with the exception of a
a single vote, had been given
against General Jackson. It
was now admitted, that these
two States were decidedly for
lnm, and- in the others, there
were strong minorities from
whom reasonable hopes of suc
cess were entertained. To ob
viate this difficulty, and to guard
igainst the objection of suffer
ing those nou -effective States
to decide the question, it was
resolved that no person should
receive the nomination without
having in his favor at least two-
thirds of the whole electoral
vote. Thus requiring a greater
excess, beyond a majority, to
concur in the nomination, than
the voles of the five anti -Jackson
States. Having thus set-
tied in a way perfectly fair and
satisfactory, the rule of voting
and the number necessary to a
choice the Convention proceed
ed to a ballot. The result was
203 for Martin Van Daren 49
for P. P. IWbour 26 for R.
M. Johnson giving Mr. Van
Burcn more than two-thirds on
the first ballot, and of course
the nomination as Vice Presi
dent. The delegation from Virgi-
nia, consisting of upwards of
DO members, of high character
from every part of the State
(who had voted for Mr. Har
bour) then offered a resolution
approving of the nomination
and pledging thcmselvos to its
support. The same course was
pursued by the Kentucky dele
gates (who voted for Col. John
son) and who said their friend
would unite with them in favor
of the nomination. I have
since learnt that Col. Johnson
approves of the course taken by
his friends and will himself sus
tain the nomination.
1 was perfectly disposed in
Convention, as I had been be
fore, to unite with our Southern
brethren upon some candidate
agreeing with us in all our opi
nions on measures of national
policy. I thought then, as 1
think now, that the friends of
the administration in the South,
should have submitted their
claims and preferences fairly
to the umpirage of the great
body of their party, and abide
the result. 1 was well satisfied,
that a Southern candidate uni
ting only the six plantation
States (as they are termed)
could not possibly succeed. 1
was as well satisfied that a can
didate from the North East or
North West, without a union of
interest, would prove equally
unsuccessful. I honestly en
deavored to inform myself, by a
free interchange of opinion Vith
members from these different
sections, who was most likely to
effect this union all important
io our success. I became con
vinced that in the North West
ern States, Mri Van Buren was
he secoud, if not their first
choice, and that after Col. John
son, he would most certainly be
taken up, and was given dis
tinctly to understand, that the
nomination of any man as rigid
as Mr. Barbour was known to
be, in his views of national po
licies, would jeopardize, the
chance of General Jackson in
the States of Kentucky, Ohio,
Indiana and Illinois. I was
still disposed however not to
yield, without an effort in favor
of a Southern man. For altho'
it has been charged upon the
Convention, that it was gotten
up and carried on with a view to
the nomination of Mr. Van Bu
ren,! well know as regards the
delegates selected from this
State, the charge was without
foundation, and I am equally
well satisfied that it is, as re
gards others. The feeling in
favor of Mr. Van Buren origin
ated in a strong sense of public
indignation, at his rejection as
minister bylhe U. States Senate.
Thus satisfied under existing
circumstances that Mr. Van
Buren would in the end com
mand the nomination, 1 was dis
posed as a Southern man,
strongly imbued with Southern
feelings as I trust others will do,
cautiously to examine the politi
cal aspect of things foconsid
er well the grounds we should
occupy before suffering our
feelings find the management of
our political opponents, to lead
us into mazes from which we
might find it difficult hereafter
to extricate ourselves. I en
quired of myself if we of the
South should insist on a candi
date opposed to the tariff, the
great point in controversy, whe
ther its supporters would not
also insist upon one favorable
to it! This being the test to
decide the question, we of:
course being in the minority, j both from his speeches and
must have failed. We had the 'votes, whilst in the Senate, he
President, with sentiments, if. was always regarded as oppb
not entirely in accordance with sed to the power of Internal
our own, favorable at least to a j Improvement by the General
liberal adjustment of the mea-; Government. That upon the
sure. I found it a fact too, be-j bill for procuring surveys, plans,
yond question, that whilst the; and estimates, upon the subject
ultra opponents of the tariff ; of roads and canals, and which
in the South were hostile to Mr. has been the foundation of the
Van Buren, its more violent
supporters to the North were
equally so. I thought then, as
I think now, if the people of the
South were prepared to submit
to no terms in the adjustment
of this distracting question,
short of a total abandonment of
the principle of protection, then
the crisis had arrived, when we
should take our stand, and in
all things present an unbroken
front. But if they were not
prepared to raise this standard
of opposition, even to the haz
ard of revolution and I did not
believe they were then it be
comes our duty to act in a spirit
of mutual forbearance and com
promise, to practice this spirit
in yielding to the wishes of a
large majority of the great re
publican family. In this spirit,
and with these feelings, ah ho' 1
had voted for Judge Barbour,
I united without hesitation in
the unanimous recommendation
of Mr. Van Burcn.
Having taken this course, 1
may be allowed to express some
additional considerations which
influenced me in adopting it.
In the first place, I founder.
Van Buren the stronger candi
date, with the Jackson Slates,
and more likely to unite a ma
jority of the electoral votes, than
Mr. Barbour. Giving to Mr. j
Barbour the votes of Virginia,
North Carolina, South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama and Missis
sippi, it would make but an ag
gregate of 71 votes. Whereas
Mr. Van Burcn with equal cer
tainty would receive the vote of
Maine, New Hampshire, New
York, Tennessee, Indiana, Illi
nois, with three votes in Mary
land making an aggregate of
90 votes so that between the
two Mr. Van Burcn must have
been the strongest, and in every
reasonable probability one of
the I wo highest, to be presented
to the Senate for their choice.
With the nomination, 1 believed,
in addition to the above he
would likely receive the vote of
New Jersey, Kentucky, Ohio,
Missouri and Georgia, in all 149
a majority of the whole elec
toral vote to say nothing of his
chance in Virginia, North Caro
lina, Alabama and Mississippi.
Our persevering therefore, for
Mr. Barbour could have lead to
no practical good but much
mischief. There was no pros
pect either of his election by the
people, or of his receiving a
vote large enough to go before
the Senate as one of the two
! highest. In the second place 1
was led to enquire, whether the
objections urged against Mr.
j Van Buren, were of a character
to forbid the South voting for
him under any circumstances'!
These were his views upon the
subjeet of Internal Improve
ments and his vote for the
Tariff of 1328 throwing out
of view the partizan objections
of particular individuals, found
ed as I considered in personal
prejudice. Upon the first ques-
lion. I sav with confidence, that
various abuses since practised
by Congress, in their appropri
ations upon objects national
only in name, Mr. Van Buren
voted in the negative -the vote
being 25 yeas, 21 nays. In re
gard to the Tariff of 1828, I
found the fact to be, he had vo
ted for it, but that he was no
more responsible for its passage
than any other person who had
supported it. That in regard
to the charge of his having been
the cause of inserting the duty
upon wool and lead, without
which it is said the bill could
not have passed the Senate
the fact turns out to be, that the
duty upon wool was carried in
the House of Representatives by
a vote of 100 yeas 98 nays
the ichole South voting for it
(in order no doubt to render it
odious) the Eastern members
against it. In the Senate, a
motion to increase the ad valo
rem duty upon wool from 50 to
70 , per cent, the vote was 16
yeas, 31 nays the Senators
from the South voting in the
Vol FIIIXo 47.
affirmative. As regards the
duty upon lead, the amendment
was offered by Mr. Kane, a Se
nator from Illinois (and who
is now voting with the South
fur every proposed modification
of the Tariff) without concert
or understanding, as 1 am au
thorised by that gentleman to
say, of any kind or for any pur
pose, with Mr. Van Buren, and
carried by a vote of 29 yeas, 17
nays. That Mr. Van Buren
voted for the tariff of 1828, un
der instructions from the Legis
lature of New York, pressed
through that body, without ad
visement with him, and as was
believed at the time against his
wishes. He belongs to that
class of politicians who recog
nize the right of the constituent
to instruct and the obligation of
the representative to obey, un
less upon matters of constitu
tional prohibition. Upon the
whole I feel well satisfied, that
Mr. Van Buren has no fixtid
hostility towards the South, but
on the contrary, feelings of the
most friendly kind that his
constitutional opinions are in
the main in accordance with our
own, and if the tariff is not ad
justed upon fair terms of com
promise, the fault will not be
with Mr. Van Buren, or those
who contributed to his nomina
tion, whatever maybe i he course
of Ins friends in Cohgrtss. In
conclusion, I am forced to con
sider the question as now pre
sented to the freemen of North
Carolina, whether they are wil
ling to unite with the supporters
of Andrew Jackson, in securing
the election of Martin Van Bu
ren, by the people, or of hazard
ing the election of John Ser
geant by the Senate If they
are prepared to nullify or se
cede, should it become necessa
ry, in order to force a proper
modification of the tariff, then I.
admit they should keep aloof
from this election, and hold
themselves in readiness for ac
tion. If they are not thus pre
pared, and 1 do not believe they
are then, they should unite in
the support of a man, whom I
sincerely believe will harmonize
in the wishes of all moderate
men, in an honest endeavor to
settle this tariff question, and
sustain in good faith, the Presi
dent of their choice in all mea
sures of great national policy.
I have the honor to be, yonr
ob't serv't.
R. M. SAUNDERS.
Raleigh, June 8th, 1832.
Disgusting Scene. The New
York Courier says: Yesterday
a white woman bearing the im
press upon her countenance of
having once been handsome,'
was conducted to the Police by
the 1st Ward Inspector, at the
instance of an ill looking negro,
black as coal, who claimed her
as his wife and charged her
with having eloped from his re
sidence in Boston. The wretch
ed female told the magistrate
that the claimant with some
others had made her drink to
intoxication in Boston, & while
she was in that state the mar
riage ceremony was performed.
The magistrate not having any
power to act in the matter, or
dered both to leave the office.
Deliberate slowly, execute
promptly.